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HATTLEI'IELD  OF  PING-YANG. 


library  of  PRINCETON 


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T.ihe  War 

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in  the 


OCT  1 6 2007 

Theological  seminary 


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JAPAN. 


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cHiHfl, 

and  COpEA 


A complete  history  of  the  War:  Its  causes  and  results; 
its  campaigns  on  sea  and  land  ; its  terrific  fights, 
grand  victories  and  overwhelming  defeats. 


With  a preliminary  account  of  the  customs,  habits 
and  history  of  the  three  peoples  involved.  Their 
cities,  arts,  sciences,  amusements  and  literature. 


BY 

TRUMBULL  WHITE, 

Late  Correspondent  of  the  “North  China  Daily  News,”  and  the  “Kobe  Herald.” 


WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY 

juuius  cqatUmoto,  a.  m. 

OF  TOKIO,  JAPAN. 

WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS  BY 

TEITOKU  MORIMOTO,  J.  C.  FIREMAN, 

and  others. 


V 


Copyrighted,  1893,  by 


TRUMBULL  WHITE. 


PREFACE. 

Some  striking  act  in  a man’s  career  is  necessary  to  attract  gem 
eral  attention  to  him.  The  one  who  moves  along  through  his 
path  in  life  doing  nothing  out  of  the  ordinary,  will  win  few 
glances  from  the  public,  and  little  will  the  world  notice  his  exist- 
ence. Worthy  of  the  worthiest  he  may  be,  but  if  he  does  nothing 
to  demonstrate  it,  how  shall  the  world  know  his  merit  or  his 
strength?  But  with  all  this  true,  it  does  not  follow  that  it  is 
man’s  duty  to  seek  an  occasion  to  advertise  these  qualities.  Only 
when  the  necessity  for  action  arises,  then  should  he  act,  and  then 
will  the  world  know  what  his  ability  and  character  are. 

The  same  is  true  as  to  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Those  years 
during  which  they  move  onward  in  their  national  life  and  history 
in  peace  and  quietness,  however  full  of  latent  strength  they  may 
be,  are  not  the  ones  which  command  the  attention  of  the  eyes  of 
the  world.  It  is  the  year  of  supreme  test,  of  struggle,  moral  or 
physical,  that  furnishes  crucial  testimony  what  tlie  nation  really 
is.  War  is  always  a curse  unless  it  be  waged  to  advance  justice 
and  assure  more  worthy  peace.  But  if  such  a war  be  necessary, 
the  progress  of  it,  the  results,  and  the  lessons  they  teach  are  essen- 
tial to  the  student  of  humanity,  in  whatever  quarter  of  the  globe 
the  battles  are. 

China,  Japan  and  Corea  are  a strange  trinity  to  most  of  us  in 
the  western  world.  Separated  from  us  by  long  distances  and  by 
immense  differences  in  race,  in  language,  in  religion,  and  in  cus- 
toms, they  have  been  known  here  only  through  the  writings  of 
the  comparatively  few  travelers  who  exchange  visits.  Of  late 
years,  it  is  true,  the  hermitages  of  the  Orient  have  been  opening 
to  freer  intercourse,  trade  and  treaties  have  multiplied,  and 
students  have  come  to  us  for  the  knowledge  we  could  give  them. 
But  there  was  needed  a great  movement  of  some  sort  to  awaken 
the  Orient  from  its  centuries  of  slumber,  and  to  make  known  to 
us  the  truth  of  eastern  affairs.  Nothing  could  do  this  as  the  War 
in  tnc  East  has  done.  We  can  study  its  conduct  and  its  results  if 

C5) 

♦ 


6 


PREFACE. 


we  will,  in  a way  to  teach  us  more  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
three  nations  than  we  could  learn  in  any  other  way. 

It  has  been  the  object  of  the  author  in  the  present  volume,  to 
record  the  facts  of  the  war  and  its  preliminaries  so  clearly  that 
every  seeker  for  knowledge  might  trace  the  lessons  for  himself. 
To  justify  this  effort,  it  is  necessary  to  say  no  more  than  that  the 
conflict  involves  directly  nations  whose  total  population  includes 
more  than  one-fourth  of  the  human  race.  And  the  results  will 
affect  the  progress  of  civilization  in  those  countries,  as  well  as  the 
commercial  and  other  interests  of  all  the  European  and  American 
nations. 

Invertebrate  China,  with  scorn  of  western  methods,  and  com- 
placent rest  in  the  belief  that  all  but  her  own  people  are  bar- 
barians, had  to  face  an  inevitable  war  with  Japan,  the  sprightly, 
absorbent,  adaptive,  western-spirited,  whose  career  in  the  two 
score  years  since  her  doors  were  opened  to  the  call  of  the  American 
Perry  has  been  the  marvel  of  those  who  knew  it.  And  the  con- 
flict was  to  be  on  the  soil  of  the  Hermit  Nation,  Corea,  “the  Land 
of  Morning  Calm,”  for  centuries  the  land  of  contention  between 
“the  Day’s  Beginning”  and  “the  Middle  Kingdom.” 

It  is  to  record  the  history  and  description  of  these  realms  and 
peoples  in  sufficiept  detail  to  make  plainer  the  facts  of  the  war 
that  tlie  preliminary  chapters  are  written.  The  work  must  speak 
for  itself.  Tlie  importance  of  tlie  subjects  included  in  the  volume 
must  be  the  explanation  of  any  inadequacy  of  treatment. 

Trumbull  Whitb. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PART  I.  CHINA,  THE  CELESTIAL  KINGDOM. 

CHAPTER  I.— History  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  First  Contact 

with  European  Civilization  .....  3a 

CHAPTER  II.— History  from  First  Contact  with  European  Civ- 
ilization to  the  Outbreak  of  the  War  with  Japan  . . 71 

CHxA.PTER  III.— The  Chinese  Empire,  its  Geography,  Govern- 
ment, Climate,  and  Products  .....  99 

CHAPTER  IV.— The  Chinese  People,  their  Personal  Character- 
istics, Manner  of  Life,  Industries,  Social  Customs,  Art, 
Science,  Literature,  and  Religion  ....  135 


PART  n.  JAPAN,  THE  ISLAND  EMPIRE. 

CHAPTER  V.— History  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  First  Contact 

with  European  Civilization  .....  187 

CHAPTER  VI. — History  from  First  Contact  with  European  Civ- 
ization  to  the  Present  Time — How  the  United  States 
Opened  Japan  to  the  World  .....  223 

CHAPTER  VII.— The  Japanese  Empire,  its  Geography,  Govern- 
ment, Climate,  and  Products  .....  265 

CHAPTER  VIII.— The  Japanese  People,  their  Personal  Charac- 
teristics, Manner  of  Life,  Industries,  Social  Customs, 

Art,  Science,  Literature,  and  Religion  . . .285 


PART  m.  COREA,  THE  HERMIT  NATION. 

CHAPTER  IX.  — History  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the 

Present  ........  327 

CHAPTER  X.— The  Kingdom  of  Corea,  its  Geography,  Govern- 
ment, Climate,  and  Products  .....  372 

C7) 


8 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEK  XI.— The  Coreans  and  how  they  Live,  their  Per- 
sonal Characteristics,  Industries,  Social  Customs,  Art, 
Science,  Literature,  and  Keligion  _ . . . .391 


PART  IV.  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  JAPAN  AND  CHINA. 

CHAPTER  XII. — Causes  of  the  War,  Condition  of  the  Three 
Nations  at  the  Outbreak  of  Hostilities,  and  the  Prepara- 
tions for  the  Impending  Struggle  . . . . 419 

CHAPTER  XIII. — How  the  Conflict  Began.  The  First  Overt 
Acts  of  Offense,  the  Sinking  of  the  Kow- shing,  and  the 
Formal  Declarations  of  War  by  the  Rulers  of  Japan  and 
China  ........  437 

CHAPTER  XIV.— From  Asan  to  Ping-Yang.  The  Campaign  in 
the  North  of  Corea  During  August  and  Early  Sep- 
tember ........  457 

CHAPTER  XV.— On  Land  and  Sea.  The  Assault  on  Ping-Yang 
by  the  Japanese,  and  the  Flight  of  the  Chinese.  Battle 
off  the  Yalu  River,  the  First  Great  Fight  Between  Mod- 
ern Battle  Ships,  and  its  Lessons  . . . . 481 

CHAPTER  XVI.— The  Advance  into  China.  Japan’s  Forward 
Movement  across  the  Yalu  River.  Li  Hung  Chang  Los-  . 
ing  his  Influence  in  Chinese  Affairs  ....  507 

CHAPTER  XVII  — Review  of  the  State  of  the  Conflict  and  the 
Lessons  to  be  Learned  by  the  Aspect  of  Affairs  at  the 
First  of  November  ......  543 

CHAPTER  XVIII.— Preparing  to  Attack  Port  Arthur.  Ad- 
vance Movements  on  the  Kwang  Tung  Peninsula  . 562 

CHAPTER  XIX.— Port  Arthur.  Successful  Assault  on  the 
Chinese  Stronghold.  Barbarity  to  the  Wounded  and 
Prisoners  on  Both  Sides.  Horrible  Mutilation  and 

I Brutality  ........  583 

CHAPTER  XX.— From  Port  Arthur  to  Wei-hai-wei.  China’s 

Offer  of  Peace.  Envoy  Rejected.  ....  611 

CHAPTER  XXI.— The  Expedition  to  Capture  Wei-hai-wei  and 

its  Success.  Admiiral  Ting’s  Suicide  . . . 629 

CHAPTER  XXII.— The  End  of  Hostile  Operations.  Capture  of 

Niuchwang  and  Hai-chow  . . . . . 643 

CHAPTER  XXIII.— The  Negotiations  for  Peace.  Terms  of  the 

Treaty.  Probable  Results  of  the  War  . . ,655 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTEATIOIS 


Battle  Field  of  Ping-YaDg, 
Battle  of  the  Yalu, 

• 

• 

PAGH 

Frontispiece. 
. 21 

The  Fight  of  Ping-Yang, 

• 

• 

. 28 

Chinese  Musician, 

. 32 

Chinese  Idea  of  Creation, 

. 35 

Emperor  Shun  Plowing, 

. 36 

View  from  Summer  Palace,  Peking, 

. 37 

Chinese  Temple, 

. 42 

Image  of  Confucius,  . 

• 

. 46 

Manchoorian  Ministers, 

• 

. 48 

Great  Wall  of  China, 

♦ , 

• 

. 50 

Buddhist  Priest, 

. 52 

Chinese  Archers, 

. 57 

Chinese  Writer, 

. 59 

Chinese  Cannoniers,  . 

. 64 

Ancient  Chinese  Arch, 

. 65 

A Chinese  Lodging  House,  . 

. 71 

Chinese  Priest, 

. 75 

Man  of  Swatow, 

. 76 

Chinese  Paper-Maker, 

. 79 

Chinese  Peasant,  Peiho  District, 

. 82 

Battle  of  Crickets, 

. 85 

Chinese  Mandarin, 

. 87 

Gate  at  Peking, 

. 89 

Opium  Smokers, 

. 92 

Chinese  Miners, 

. 101 

Chinese  Farm  Scene, 

. 108 

Chinese  Tea  Farm, 

. 109 

Chinese  Street  Scene, 

. Ill 

Chinese  Farmer, 

. 113 

An  Imperial  Audience, 

. 117 

Preparation  of  Vermicelli,  . 

. 119 

Chinese  Ladies, 

. 122 

Palanquin  of  a High  Official, 

. 125 

The  Governor  of  a Province, 

. 126 

Punishment  by  the  Gangue, 

. 130 

Flogging  a Culprit,  . 

. 131 

Outside  Peking, 

. 134 

Discipline  on  the  March  in  the  Chinese  Army, 

. 143 

A Typhoon, 

• 

. 150 

Bandaging  the  Feet,  . 

• 

. 151 

The  Seat  of  the  War, 

• 

. 156 

The  Punishments  of  Hell,  . 

. 158 

Chinese  Cart,  , 

• 

. 162 

School  Boy, 

• 

. 163 

Chinese  School, 

• 

. 164 

Chinese  Engineers  Laying  a Military  Telegraph, 

• 

. 165 

Chinese  School  Girl,  . 

. 

. 

. 

. 167 

10 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Chinese  Artist,  ...... 

Chinere  Barber, 

Porter’s  Chair,  . . . . ' . 

Chinese  Emperor,  King  of  Corea,  and  Chinese  Officials, 
Buddhist  Temple,  ...... 

Temple  of  Five  Hundred  Gods,  at  Canton, 

Japanese  Musician,  ...... 

The  Mikado  and  his  Principal  Officers,  . 

Japanese  God  of  Thunder,  ..... 

Japanese  God  of  Riding,  ..... 

Japanese  Peasantry,  . . . . 

Japanese  God  of  War,  ..... 

Tokio  Types  and  Costumes,  .... 

Japanese  Musician,  ...... 

Japanese  Silk  Spinner,  ..... 

Colossal  Japanese  Image,  ..... 

JapaneseEernale  Types,  ..... 

Shinto  Temple,  ...... 

Japanese  God  of  Wind,  ..... 

Daimios  of  Japan,  ...... 

Sketch  Showing  Development  of  Japanese  Army, 
Buddhist  Priest,  ...... 

Japanese  Junk,  ...... 

Old  Time  Japanese  Ferry,  ..... 

Scenes  of  Industrial  Life,  ..... 

Japanese  Bell  Towers,  ..... 

Image  of  Buddha,  ...... 

Japanese  Samurai  or  Warrior  of  the  Old  Time, 

Japanese  General  of  the  Old  Time, 

Japanese  Bridge,  ...... 

Baptism  of  Buddha,  ...... 

Woman  of  Court  of  Kioto,  ..... 

Chinese  Coolie,  ...... 

Japanese  (^mnasts— Kioto,  .... 

Formosan  Type,  ...... 

Entrance  to  Nagasaki  Harbor,  . . . 

Fuji-  yama,  ....... 

Japanese  Idols,  ...... 

Japanese  Jugglers,  ...... 

Japanese  Court  Dress,  Old  Style,  .... 

Council  of  War  on  a Japanese  Battle-Ship, 

Dressing  the  Hair,  ...... 

Child  Carrying  Baby,  ..... 

The  Chinese  Fleet  at  Wei-hai-wei, 

Japanese  Bath,  ...... 

Japanese  Couch,  ...... 

Sketches  in  Japan  and  Corea,  .... 

Geisha  Girls  Playing  Japanese  Musical  Instruments, 
Japanese  Alphabet,  New,  ..... 

Japanese  Alphabet,  Old,  ..... 

Shinto  Priest,  ....... 

Japanese  Troops  Landing  at  Chemulpo,  . 

Street  Scenes,  ....... 

The  Ainos,  ....... 

Rats  as  Rice  Merchants,  ..... 

Corean  Landscape,  ...... 

Raw  Levies  for  the  Chinese  Army,  • . 

Pagoda  at  Seoul,  ...••• 
Corean  Soldiers,  ...••• 


. 168 
. 169 

. 171 
. 176 
. 178 

. 181 
. 184 

. 187 

. 189 

. 190 

. 192 

. 196 

. 198 

. 199 

. 200 
. 205 

. 207 
. 209 

. 211 
. 212 
. 213 

. 215 

. 218 
. 220 
. 221 
. 229 

. 232 

. 233 

. 234 

. 235 
. 240 

. 249 

. 254 
. 256 

. 258 
. 261 
. 267 
. 272 
. 277 
. 281 
. 284 
. 287 
. 291 
. 293 , 
. 296 
. 299 
. 304 
. 307 
. 308 

. 309 
. 311 

. 313 
. 316 
. 319 
. 321 
. 324 
. 326 
. 333 
. 334 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Fighting  Before  the  Gate  of  Seoul, 

Old  Man  in  Corea,  ...... 

Coast  Near  Chemulpo,  ..... 

Corean  Mandarins,  ...... 

Colossal  Corean  Idol — Un-jin  Miriok, 

Map  Showing  Japan,  Corea  and  Part  of  China, 

Corean  Bull  Harrowing,  ..... 

Corean  City  Wall,  ...... 

Chinese  Protected  Cruiser  Chih-Yuen, 

Gate  of  Seoul,  ....... 

Naval  Attack  on  the  Chen-Yuen  Before  Chemulpo, 

Corean  Magistrate  and  Servant,  .... 

Japanese  Naval  Attack  on  Forts  at  Wei-hai-wei, 

Statesman  on  Monocycle,  ..... 

Corean  Brush  Cutter,  ..... 

Porters  With  Chair,  ...... 

Japanese  Warship,  “ Yoshino,  .... 

Corean  Boat,  ....... 

The  Battle  at  Asan,  ...... 

Corean  Eggseller,  ...... 

Japanese  Soldiers  Descending  from  the  Castle  at  Fenghwang 
Corean  Band  of  Musicians,  ..... 

Japanese  Coolies  Following  the  Army, 

Japanese  Army  at  Chiu-lien-cheng, 

The  Corean  Regent,  ...... 

Corean  Natives  Viewing  Japanese  Soldiers, 

Sinking  of  the  Kow-shing,  ..... 

Mr.  Otori  Before  the  Commissioners, 

Japanese  Army  on  the  March,  .... 

Procession  in  Seoul,  ...... 

After  the  Battle,  ...... 

The  Attack  on  Ping-Yang,  ..... 

Opening  the  Gates  at  Ping-Yang,  .... 

Fighting  at  Foochow?  ..... 

Capture  of  Ping-Yang,  ..... 

First  Sight  of  Ping-Yang,  ..... 

Battle  of  the  Yalu— Sinking  of  the  Chih-Yuen,  . 

Bringing  in  the  Wounded,  ..... 

The  Mikado  Reviewing  the  Army, 

Corean  Police  Agent,  . , . . . 

Japanese  Kitchen  in  Camp,  .... 

Japanese  Soldier  Saluting  a Field  Cemetery, 

Crowd  in  Tokio  Looking  at  Pictures  of  the  War, 

Japanese  Ambulance  Officer,  .... 

Chinamen  Mutilating  Remains  of  Japanese  Soldiers,  . 

The  Ping-Yuen  ...... 

The  Yoshino,  ....;.. 

Japanese  Advance  at  the  Crossing  of  the  Yalu  River,  . 

The  Matsusima,  ...... 

H.  Sakomoto,  ....... 

Japanese  Infantry  Attacking  a Chinese  Position, 

Principal  Street  of  Mukden,  .... 

Chinese  Troops  Trying  to  Save  Their  Artillery, 

Transporting  Chinese  Troops,  .... 

Japanese  Military  Hospital,  .... 

Review  of  Chinese  Troops  at  Port  Arthur, 

Japanese  Soldiers  Digging  Well,  .... 

Constantine  von  Hannecken,  . • . 

The  Attack  on  Port  Arthur,  • • • 


11 

335 

337 

342 

347 

368 

368 

375 

376 

377 

381 

384 

887 

390 

393 

394 

395 

399 

403 

405 

407 

412 

413 

418 

421 

424 

427 

432 

434 

436 

439 

441 

448 

454 

463 

469 

473 

476 

478 

480 

481 

482 

484 

485 

487 

488 

489 

494 

496 

497 

498 

605 

609 

612 

613 

615 

518 

621 

526 

627 


12 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Surrender  of  Chinese  General  and  Staff,  . 

Map  of  Territory  Adjacent  to  the  Mouth  of  the  Yalu,  . 
Japanese  Army  Crossing  the  Yalu  on  a Pontoon  Bridge, 
The  Japanese  at  Port  Arthur,  .... 

Sinking  of  the  Kow-shing,  ..... 

Naval  Skirmish  July  2oth,  ..... 

Routed  Chinese  Flying  Before  the  Victorious  Enemy, 
Skirmish  on  July  27th,  ..... 

Before  the  Wall  of  Seoul,  ..... 

Japanese  Cavalrymen,  ..... 

Port  Arthur— Transports  Entering  the  Inner  Harbor, 
General  Nodzu,  ...... 

Chinese  Earthworks,  ..... 

View  of  Talien-wan  Bay,  ..... 

Port  Arthur — Japanese* Coolies  Removing  Chinese  Dead, 
Japanese  Skirmishers  before  Port  Arthur, 

Retreat  of  Chinese  Soldiers  After  the  Fall  of  Port  Arthur, 
Japanese  Soldiers  Removing  Dead  Bodies, 

Japanese  Attack  on  Port  Arthur,  .... 

The  Attack  on  Kinchow,  ..... 

Port  Arthur  from  the  Bay,  ..... 

Japanese  Soldiers  Mutilating  Bodies, 

INIarshal  Oyama,  ...... 

Chang  Yen  Hoon  ...... 

Distant  View  of  Wei-hai-wei  and  its  Surroundings, 
Admiral  McClure,  ...... 

Japanese  Soldiers  Escorting  Chinese  Prisoners,  . 
Chinese  Soldiers  on  the  March,  .... 

Chinese  Soldier  Laden  with  Provision,  . , • 

Gap  in  the  Great  Wall  at  Shan-hai-kwan,  • • 


533 

535 

537 

540 

547 

548 

549 

551 

552 
558 
560 
562 

564 

565 
569 
577 

580 

581 
587 
589 
593 
599 
603 
610 
630 

639 

640 
645 
649 
653 


I 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  unexpected  news  of  war  between  the  Mikado’s  Empire  and 
the  Celestial  Kingdom  has  startled  the  whole  world.  Thereby 
considerable  light  was  thrown  upon  the  Oriental  world. 

Japan,  up  to  a very  short  time  ago,  through  the  pen  and  tongue 
of  poets  and  artists,  who  have  visited  this  land,  has  been  thought 
to  be  merely  a country  of  beautiful  flowers,  charming  madem- 
oiselles, fantastic  parasols,  fans  and  screens.  Such  misrepresenta- 
tion has  long  impressed  the  western  mind,  and  the  people  hardly 
imagined  Japan  as  a political  power,  enlightened  by  a perfect 
educational  system  and  developed  to  a high  pitch  of  excellence  in 
naval  and  military  arts. 

The  war  in  the  East  is  certainly  interesting  from  more  than  one 
point  of  view.  Viewing  it  from  the  humane  standpoint,  Japan  is, 
indeed,  the  true  standard-bearer  of  civilization  and  progress  in  the 
far  east.  Her  mission  is  to  enlighten  the  millions  of  slumbering 
souls  in  the  Celestial  Kingdom,  darkened  for  generations.  Polit- 
ically, she,  with  her  enterprising  genius,  youthful  courage  and 
alert  brain,  as  well  as  the  art  and  science  of  civilization,  has  lifted 
herself  into  the  ranks  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  the  earth, 
and  compelled  the  whole  of  the  western  powers  to  reckon  her  as  a 
“living  force,”  as  she  has  proved  her  right  to  a proud  place  among 
the  chief  powers  of  the  world.  Commercially,  she  has  demon- 
strated herself  the  mistress  of  the  Pacific  and  Asiatic  Seas. 

From  the  outbreak  of  the  war  all  the  civilized  nations,  except 
England,  have  sympathized  with  Japan,  especially  the  people  of 
America  have  given  a strong  moral  support  to  Japan,  not  because 
this  country  is  the  warmest  friend  of  Japan,  but  because  Japan  is, 
to-day,  the  propagandist  of  civilization  and  humanity  in  the  far 
east. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  hostilities  a majority  of  the  people  had 
an  erroneous  idea  that  the  overwhelming  population  and  resources 

(13) 


14 


INTRODUCTION. 


of  China  would  soon  be  able  to  crush  the  Island  Empire  of  Japan  ; 
but  they  overlooked  the  fact  that  in  our  day  it  is  science,  brains 
and  courage,  together  with  the  perfected  organization  of  warfare 
that  grasp  the  palm  of  victory.  Thousands  of  sheep  could  do 
nothing  against  a ferocious  wolf.  So  the  numerical  comparison 
has  but  little  weight. 

Some  sagacious  writer  compared  Japan  to  a lively  swordfish 
and  China  to  a jellyfish,  being  punctured  at  every  point.  Trulyj 
Japan  has  proved  it  so. 

From  the  sinking  of  the  Kow-shing  transport,  up  to  the  present 
time,  Japan  has  an  unbroken  series  of  victories  over  Chinn.  At 
the  battle  of  Asan  she  gained  the  first  brilliant  victories  and 
swept  all  the  Chinese  out  of  Corea,  and  at  Ping-Yang,  by  both 
tactics  and  superb  strategy,  crushed  the  best  army  of  China,  which 
Li  Hung  Chang  brought  up  to  the  greatest  efificiency,  by  the  aid 
of  many  European  officers,  as  if  it  had  been  an  egg  shell.  Again, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  River,  she  gained  a brilliant  naval  vic- 
tory over  China,  by  completely  destroying  the  Ping -Yang 
squadron.  Once  more  on  the  land  the  Japanese  army  stormed 
Port  Arthur,  the  strongest  naval  fort,  known  as  the  Gibraltar  of 
China. 

All  these  facts  are  viewed  with  amazement  by  the  eyes  of  the 
world.  For  all  that  the  people  know  about  Japan  and  the  Japa- 
nese is  that  the  people  of  Japan  are  very  artistic,  as  the  producers 
of  beautiful  porcelain,  embroidery,  lacquer  work  and  all  sorts  of 
artistic  fancy  goods,  and  they  wonder  how  it  is  possible  that  such 
an  artistic  people  as  the  Japanese  could  fight  against  sober,  calm 
Chinamen.  But  such  an  erroneous  notion  would  soon  vanish  if 
they  came  to  learn  the  true  nature  and  character  of  the  Japanese. 

More  than  once  the  woi  ld  has  seen  that  an  artistic  nation  could 
fight.  The  Greeks  demonstrated  this  long  ago,  and  the  French  in 
the  latter  times  have  shown  a shining  example.  Japan  is  reck- 
oned as  one  of  the  most  artistic  people  in  the  world,  as  the  pro- 
ducer of  beautiful  things,  as  the  lover  of  fine  arts  and  natural 
beauties.  The  Japanese  have  proved  the  same  as  what  the  ancient 
Greeks  and  modern  French  have  shown.  The  history  of  Japan 
reveals  the  true  color  of  the  Japanese  as  brilliant  fighters  and 
a warlike  nation.  “ In  no  country,”  says  Mr.  Rogers,  “ has  mili- 


INTRODUCTION". 


15 


tary  instinct  been  more  pronounced  in  the  best  blood  of  the  peo- 
ple. Far  back  in  the  past,  beyond  that  shadowy  line  where 
legend  and  history  blend,  their  story  has  been  one  of  almost  con- 
tinual war,  and  the  straightest  path  to  distinction  and  honor  has, 
from  the  earliest  times,  led  across  the  battle  field.  The  states- 
men of  Japan  saw,  as  did  Cavour,  that  the  surest  way  to  win  the 
respect  of  nations  was  by  success  in  war.” 

The  ancestor  of  the  Japanese  people,  who  claim  to  have  de- 
scended from  high  heaven,  seems  to  have  been  the  descendant  of 
the  ancient  Hittites,  the  warlike  and  conquering  tribe  once 
settled  in  the  plain  of  Mesopotamia.  The  Hittites,  so  far  as  our 
investigation  is  concerned,  extending  their  sway  of  conquest 
towards  the  north-eastern  portion  of  Asia,  must  have,  at  last, 
brought  the  Japanese  family  to  the  island  of  Japan.  As  they 
settled  on  the  island,  they  found  it  inhabited  by  many  different 
tribes ; but  they  soon  vanquished  them  and  established  the  ever- 
lasting foundation  of  the  Mikado’s  Empire,  which  they  called  the 
“Glorious  Kingdom  of  Military  Valour.”  The  first  Mikado  w'as 
Jiinmu,  whose  coronation  took  place  two  thousand  five  hundred 
and  fifty-four  }^ears  ago,  long  before  Alexander  the  Great  thought 
he  had  conquered  the  world  and  Julius  Ctesar  entered  Gaul.  The 
present  Mikado  is  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-second  lineal 
descendant  of  the  first  Mikado  Jimmu.  The  unbroken  dynasty  of 
the  Mikado  has  continued  for  twenty  five  centuries.  The  people 
are  brave,  adventurous  and  courageous.  Fanatical  patriotism 
for  country  and  strong  loyalty  towards  the  Mikado  are  essential 
characteristics  of  the  Japanese  people.  And  all  these  tend  to 
form  the  peculiar  nationality  of  Japan.  Since  the  establishment 
of  the  Mikado’s  Empire  their  land  has  never  been  defiled  by  in- 
vaders and  they  have  never  known  how  to  be  subject  to  a foreign 
yoke.  The  history  of  Japan  is  the  pride  of  the  Japanese  people. 

The  Japanese,  in  an  early  time,  have  displayed  their  superior 
courage  and  distinguished  themselves  from  the  rest  of  the  Asiatic 
nations  in  the  point  of  military  affairs. 

In  the  year  A.  D.  201  the  Empress  Jingo,  the  greatest  female 
character  in  the  Japanese  history,  undertook  a gigantic  expedi- 
tion to  the  Asiatic  continent.  She  assembled  an  immense  army 
and  built  a great  navy.  Placing-  h^-self  as  the  commander-iu- 


16 


INTRODUCTION. 


chief  of  the  invading  army,  she  sailed  for  the  continent.  Her 
victory  was  brilliant.  Corea  was  at  once  subjected  without  any 
bloodshed.  Long  since  the  Japanese  power  was  established  on 
the  Asiatic  continent. 

Again  in  the  sixteenth  century,  ambitious  Taiko,  who  is 
known  as  the  Napoleon  of  Japan,  undertook  a great  continental 
expedition,  to  show  the  military  glory  of  Japan  before  the  world. 
He  found  Japan  too  small  to  satisfy  his  immoderate  ambition,  and 
sent  word  to  the  emperor  of  China  and  the  king  of  Corea  that  if 
they  would  not  hear  him,  he  would  invade  their  te-rritory  with  his 
invincible  army.  It  was  his  plan  to  divide  the  four  hundred  prov- 
inces of  China  and  eight  provinces  of  Corea  among  his  generals  in 
fiefs,  after  conquering  them.  So  he  assembled  his  generals  and 
fired  their  enthusiasm,  recounting  their  exploits  mutually  achieved. 
All  the  generals  and  soldiers  were  delighted  with  the  expedition. 
Fifty  thousand  samurai  were  embarked  for  the  continent  and  sixty 
thousand  reserve  was  kept  ready  in  Japan  as  re-enforcement. 

The  Japanese  army  was  everj^where  victorious.  After  many 
battles  fought  and  fortresses  stormed,  the  entire  kingdom  of  Corea 
was  subdued.  The  capitol  was  taken,  the  king  fled.  The  em- 
peror of  China  sent  an  army  forward  against  the  Japanese  and  a 
severe  battle  was  fought.  The  victorious  Japanese  were  on  the 
point  of  invading  China,  when  in  1598,  the  death  of  Taiko  was 
announced  and  the  Japanese  government  ordered  the  invading 
army  to  return  home.  Peace  was  concluded.  Thus  the  conquest 
of  China  was  frustrated. 

The  invasion  of  the  Mongolian-Tartars  is  the  most  memorable 
event  in  Japanese  history,  which  excited  the  utmost  patriotism 
and  valour  of  the  nation.  The  dangers  and  glories  at  this  time 
will  never  be  forgotten  by  the  Japanese. 

In  the  thirteenth  century,  Genghis  Khan,  who  is  now  identified 
as  Minamoto  Yoshitsune  or  Gen  Gi  Kei  in  Japanese  history, 
who  left  Japan  for  Manchilia,  began  his  sway  of  conquest  in 
Mongolia.  The  conquest  of  the  whole  earth  was  promised  him. 
He  vanquished  China,  Corea  and  the  whole  of  Central  and 
Northern  Asia,  subjected  India  and  overthrew  the  Caliphate  of 
Bagdad.  In  Europe,  he  made  subject  the  entire  dominion  of 
Russia  and  extended  the  Mongolian  Empire  as  far  as  the  Oder 


INTRODUCTION. 


17 


and  the  Danube.  After  his  death  the  Empire  was  divided  among 
his  three  sons.  Kublai  Khan  received  as  his  share  North-eastern 
Asia.  He  had  completely  overthrown  the  Sung  dynasty  of 
China  and  founded  the  Mongolian  dynasty.  He  placed  the 
whole  of  Eastern  Asia  under  his  yoke,  and  then  sent  envoys  to 
Japan,  demanding  tributes  and  homage.  The  nation  of  Japan 
was  indignant  at  the  insolent  demand,  for  they  were  never  accus- 
tomed to  such  treatment,  and  dismissed  them  in  disgrace.  Six 
embassies  were  sent  and  six  times  rejected.  Again,  the  haughty 
Mongolian  prince  sent  nine  envoys,  who  demanded  a definite  an- 
swer from  the  Japanese  sovereign.  The  Japanese  reply  was 
given  by  cutting  off  their  heads. 

At  the  sight  of  imminent  foreign  invasion,  the  Japanese  were 
in  a great  hurry  to  prepare  for  war.  Once  more,  and  for  the 
last  time,  Chinese  envoys  came  to  demand  tribute ; again  the  sword 
gave  the  answer.  Enraged,  the  great  Mongolian  prince  prepared 
a gigantic  armada  to  crush  the  island  of  Japan,  which  had  re- 
fused homage  and  tribute  to  the  invincible  conqueror.  The 
army,  consisting  of  one  hundred  thousand  Chinese  and  Tartars 
and  seven  thousand  Coreans,  aided  by  thirty-five  hundred  of 
armed  navy,  that  seemed  to  cover  the  entire  seas,  sailed  for  the 
invasion  in  August  of  1281.  The  whole  nation  of  Japan  now 
roused  with  sword  in  hand  and  marched  against  its  formidable 
foe.  Re-enforcements  poured  in  from  all  quarters  to  swell  the 
host  of  defenders.  The  fierce  Mongolian  force  could  not  effect 
their  landing,  *but  were  driven  into  the  sea  as  soon  as  they 
reached  the  shore.  Aided  by  a mighty  typhoon,  before  which 
the  Chinese  armada  was  utterly  helpless,  the  Japanese  fiercely 
attacked  the  invaders  and  after  a bloody  struggle,  they  succeeded 
ill  destroying  the  enemy’s  war  ships,  and  killing  all  or  driving 
them  into  the  sea  to  be  drowned.  The  corpses  were  piled  on  the 
shore  or  floating  on  the  water  so  thickly  that  it  seemed  almost 
possible  to  walk  thereon.  Only  three  out  of  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  invaders,  were  sent  back  to  tell  their  emperor  how  the 
brave  men  of  Japan  had  destroyed  their  armada. 

The  courage  of  the  Japanese  is  fully  manifested  in  these  great 
events.  Many  ambitious  men,  seeking  for  military  glory,  have 
expatriated  themselves  from  their  own  native  lands,  and  gone  off 


18 


INTRODUCTION. 


to  the  less  warlike  countries  of  Asia,  where  they  found  them- 
Belves  by  their  distinguished  courage  and  military  genius,  kings, 
ministers  and  generals. 

The  Japanese  seamen  have  long  been  renowned  for  their  ad- 
venturous spirit  and  audacity.  Trading  ships  of  Japan,  in  the 
remotest  ancient  age,  are  said  to  have  sailed  around  the  Persian 
Gulf,  beyond  the  Indian  seas.  It  is  said  that  at  the  beginning  of 
the  fourteenth  century  a Japanese  junk  had  discovered  the 
American  Pacific  sea-coast,  now  known  as  the  regions  of  Oregon 
and  California.  For  a long  time  the  Japanese  pirates  were  the 
mistress  of  all  the  eastern  seas.  China,  Siam,  Birmah  and  the 
southern  islands  had  paid  tribute  to  them.  The  name  of  the 
Japanese  was,  indeed,  the  terror  of  the  Oriental  world,  just  as 
the  northmen  had  been  the  object  of  dread  to  the  southern 
Europeans. 

A policy,  that  was  adopted  by  the  Japanese  people  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  was  an  injurious  one  for  its  national  development. 
Up  to  this  time,  foreign  intercourse  was  free  and  commerce  flour 
ished.  Nagasaki,  Hirado,  Satsuma,  and  all  western  seaports  were 
the  cosmopolitan  cities,  where  all  European  and  Asiatic  trades- 
men were  found  crowded.  Unfortunately  these  foreigners  were 
sources  of  vice.  The  avarice  and  extortion  of  the  foreign 
traders;  bitter  sectarian  strife  between  Dominicans,  Franciscans' 
and  the  Jesuits ; and  the  most  cruel  intolerance  and  persecution 
by  the  Catholic  people,  which  were  vices  unknown  to  the  Japa- 
nese mind  ; political-religious  plots  of  the  Christians  against  the 
Japanese  government ; the  slave  trade  carried  on  by  the  foreign 
merchants,  and  the  like  events,  disgusted  the  Japanese  authority, 
and  forced  them  to  believe  the  exclusion  of  the  vicious  foreigners 
was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  Japan.  Thus  the 
Japanese  resolved  to  expel  all  foieigners  out  of  the  islands. 
'Tokugawa,  the  founder  of  Tai  Kun  shogunate,  vigorously  en- 
forced this  principle  and  carried  it  so  far  that  all  the  Roman 
Catholics  both  native  and  foreign  were  extinguished  and  all 
foreign  merchants  except  a few  Dutch,  were  expelled  out  of  the 
country.  The  policy  of  the  Tokugawa  Government  not  only 
excluded  the  foreigners  but  also  kept  the  natives  at  home.  No 
foreigners  (except  the  Dutch)  were  allowed  to  peep  in  this  for- 


INTRODUCTION. 


19 


bidden  land  and  no  native  was  permitted  to  leave  his  own 
country.  Thus  it  was  cut  off  from  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 
Japan  furnishes  different  varieties  of  productions,  which  can  amply 
supply  all  the  needs  of  the  nation  without  any  inconvenience; 
hence  commercial  intercourse  with  foreign  lands,  was  not  abso- 
lutely necessary.  In  the  course  of  time  she  had  forgotten  all 
about  the  outside  world  and  so  the  world  neglected  her. 

^ The  people,  however,  enjoyed  a profound  peace  by  this  policy. 
Ignoring  the  rise  and  fall  of  other  nations,  the  people  in  this 
ocean  guarded  paradise,  cultivated  arts  and  learning  and  devel- 
oped their  own  civilization,  which  is  quite  different  from  what 
we  call  now  the  civilization  of  the  nineteenth  century.  While 
thus  she  was  enjoying  tranquility  and  cultivating  the  arts  and 
learning  in  a secluded  corner  of  the  earth,  in  the  western  na- 
tions, endless  struggles  and  everlasting  contests  completely  rev- 
olutionized the  old  phases  of  the  earth.  The  peace  and  culture 
of  two  centuries  and  a half,  which  Japan  has  enjoyed,  exalted 
her  to  the  certain  state  of  civilization.  But  her  isolated  condi- 
tion and  tranquility  lacked  the  systematic  development  of  army 
and  navy  and  the  arts  of  international  negotiation,  which  are  the 
weapons  vitally  important  in  order  to  stand  on  the  field  of 
struggle  for  existence. 

Suddenly  this  tranquility  that  has  continued  for  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  was  broken,  when  in  1853,  the  war  ships  of  Com- 
modore Perry  appeared  in  the  Bay  of  Yeddo.  This  event  threw 
into  great  confusion  and  panic  the  whole  nation.  Japan  had  no 
navy  and  no  army  to  fight  with  the  foreign  intruders,  nor  had 
she  the  art  of  diplomacy,  with  which  to  consult  in  regard  to  the 
protection  of  Japan’s  interest.  Japan  stood  then  with  her  naked 
civilization  against  the  armed  civilization  of  Europe.  She  was 
forced  to  make  a disadvantageous  treaty  with  the  European  and 
American  states  at  the  cannon’s  mouth.  In  this  treaty  she  con- 
ceded her  sovereign  right  to  the  western  people  who  live  in  the 
realm. 

Thus  Japan  entered,  infamously,  the  group  of  the  civilized 
world.  She  saw  at  once  that  the  western  nations  were  far  in  ad- 
vance of  her  in  the  art  of  war  and  diplomacy,  that  they  have  learned 
from  the  constant  struggle  of  the  past  three  centuries,  while  she 


20 


INTRODUCTION. 


was  devoted  to  arts  and  learning.  She  perceived  that  the  so-called 
civilization  of  the  19th  century  is  but  a disguised  form  of  barbar- 
ism of  iron  and  fire,  covered  with  comity  and  humanity,  and  that 
to  exist  in  the  field  of  struggle  for  existence  she  must  adopt  the 
same  means  by  which  the  European  nations  stand.  Hence  the 
whole  nation  of  Japan,  since  the  intercourse  with  the  western 
people,  has  struggled,  with  the  utmost  energy,  to  adopt  what  is 
called  the  19th  century  civilization. 

In  1868  a revolution  took  place,  from  which  the  New  Japan 
suddenly  emanated.  The  French  Revolution  did  not  cause  greater 
changes  in  France  than  the  Revolution  of  1868  in  Japan.  The 
old  feudal  regime,  in  full  force,  was  cast  away.  The  social  system 
was  completely  reorganized.  New  and  enlightened  criminal  and 
civil  codes  were  enacted  ; the  modes  of  judicial  procedure  were 
utterly  revolutionized ; the  jail  system  radically  improved ; the 
most  effective  organization  of  police,  of  posts,  of  railways,  of  tele- 
graphs, telephones  and  all  means  of  communication  were  adopted ; 
enlightened  methods  of  national  education  were  employed  ; and  the 
Christian  religion  was  welcomed  for  the  sake  of  social  innovation. 
The  most  complete  national  system  of  navy  and  army,  after  the 
modern  European  model,  was  achieved.  The  sound  order  of  the 
imperial  government,  financially  and  politically,  were  firmly  estab- 
lished ; the  most  improved  and  extended  scheme  of  local  govern- 
ment was  put  into  operation,  and  the  central  governinent  was  or- 
ganized according  to  the  pattern  of  the  most  advanced  scale.  The 
imperial  constitution  was  promulgated,  and  the  Imperial  Diet,  con- 
sisting of  two  houses — the  House  of  Lords  and  House  of  Com- 
mons— elected  by  popular  votes,  was  founded.  Freedom  of 
thought,  speech  and  faith  was  established;  the  system  of  an  influ- 
ential press  and  party  rapidly  grew  up.  Now  the  monarchial  ab- 
solutism of  the  Mikado’s  Empire  is  replaced  by  a government  by 
parliament  and  constitution. 

Such  is  the  progress  which  Japan  has  achieved  in  the  past  twen- 
ty-five years.  This  progress  must  not,  by  any  means,  be  taken  as 
strange.  The  Revolution  of  1868  also,  must  not  be  imagined  as 
the  birthday  of  the  Empire  of  the  Rising  Sun.  Those  who  do  not 
know  the  true  condition  of  the  Japanese  before  the  Revolution, 
and  who  observe  superficially  the  phases  of  modern  Japan,  have 


BATTLE  OF  THE  YALU.— Japanese  Drawing. 


INTRODUCTIOIT. 


23 


often  said  that  the  Japanese  are  merely  imitating  western  civiliza- 
tion without  any  idea  of  understanding  it.  This  a gross  mistake. 
The  Revolution  of  1868  is  merely  a moment  of  transition  when 
Japan  adopted  the  western  system.  The  Japanese  mind  was  fully 
developed  and  enlightened,  at  the  time  when  they  came  in  contact 
with  foreigners,  to  fully  grasp  western  civilization.  Mentally, 
the  Japanese  people  were  so  enlightened  as  to  be  able  to  digest 
European  science  and  art  at  one  glance.  As  a clever  writer  has 
said  : “ It  must  be  clearly  understood  that  like  a skillful  gardener, 
who  grafts  a new  rose  or  an  apple  upon  a healthy  and  well-estab- 
lished stock,  so  did  Japan  adopt  the  scientific  and  civil  achievement 
of  the  west  to  an  eastern  root,  full  of  vigorous  life  and  latent 
force.”  For  these  causes  we  have  no  reason  to  wonder  at  the  rapid 
progress  which  the  Japanese  have  made  in  the  past  twenty-five 
years.  And  by  all  these  facts,  we  have  no  reason  to  wonder  how 
the  colossal  Celestial  Empire,  that  was  thought  by  the  Europeans 
invincible,  came  to  ask  the  mercy  of  Japan. 

The  collision  between  Japan  and  China,  though  it  was  thought 
strange  to  those  who  are  not  familiar  to  eastern  affairs,  is  not  a 
surprising  matter  to  the  person  well  acquainted  with  Asiatic  poli- 
tics. Japan  had  predicted,  long  ago,  that  the  inevitable  conflict 
of  the  two  powers  in  the  Orient  must  come  sooner  or  later,  and 
the  nation  has  been  long  prepared  for  to-day.  She  has  perceived  the 
weakness  and  corruption  of  the  Celestial  Empire,  while  the  Eu- 
ropean diplomats  were  dazzled,  in  the  court  of  Peking,  by  an  out- 
ward appearance  of  unity,  power,  and  majesty  that  the  huge  Mid- 
dle Kingdom  maintained  for  centuries.  She  knew  quite  well  that 
the  lack  of  national  spirit  and  effective  system  of  government, 
hatred  of  races,  depravity  of  the  officers,  ignorance  of  the  people, 
corruption  of  naval  and  military  organization  and  constant  mal- 
administration of  the  Manchoorian  government  dominated  the 
stupid  empire,  whose  people  still  proudly  style  their  country  the 
“ Flowery  Kingdom,  in  the  Enlightened  Earth.” 

The  Japanese,  as  they  are  polite  and  artistic,  are  by  no  means 
a blood-thirsty  race;  nay,  far  from  that.  But  the  present  war  is  in 
an  inevitable  chain  of  circumstances.  For  a long  time  the  Jap- 
anese and  Chinese  were  not  good  friends,  they  hated  each  other, 
as  much,  if  not  more  than  the  French  and  the  Germans  do  to-day. 

2 


24 


INTRODUCTION. 


Since  Japan  came  in  contact  with  the  Europeans,  she  adopted, 
with  the  most  marvelous  activity,  the  western  methods  which  have 
completely  revolutionized  the  nation  in  a quarter  of  a century, 
while  China  maintained  her  regime  and  looked  upon  all  western 
arts  and  science  with  utmost  hatred  and  contempt.  So  she  re- 
garded Japan  as  the  traitor  of  Asia.  Naturally  Japan  represented 
the  civilization  and  progress  in  the  far  east ; and  China  ultra-con- 
servatism. It  was  long  expected  that  the  collision  of  these  two 
antagonistic  principles  must  come.  And  so  it  has  now  come. 

Moreover,  the  goal  of  Japan  was,  as  the  leading  spirit  of  Asia,  to 
exalt  herself  among  the  first-class  powers  of  the  civilized  world. 
But  China,  up  to  a very  short  time  ago,  pretended  to  be  the  mis- 
tress of  Asia.  Thus  they  envied  each  other,  and  conflict  of  the 
two  powers  for  supremacy  became  inevitable.  The  first  collision 
between  Japan  and  China  came  in  1874,  with  the  question  of  the 
Liu  Kiu  Islands,  which  China  abandoned  for  Japan,  then  the 
Formosa  expedition  provoked  serious  trouble  between  the  two 
countries.  In  both  cases  Japan  came  off  successful  in  the  end. 

Again  there  were  collisions  in  Corea,  just  as  Rome  and  Carthage 
met  in  Sicily.  Corea  has  for  a long  time,  paid  tribute  both  to 
Japan  and  China,  yet  neither  had  any  definite  sovereign  right 
over  Corea,  but  mere  suzerain  powers.  In  1875,  the  Japanese 
government  abandoned  all  her  ancient,  traditional  suzerain  rights 
in  Corea,  and  concluded  a treaty  which  recognized  Corea  as  an 
independent  State,  enjoying  the  same  sovereign  powers  as  Japan. 
Soon  after,  the  United  States,  England,  France,  Germany  and 
Russia  followed  Japan’s  example.  This  friendly  act  of  Japan  by 
which  she  introduced  Corea  as  an  independent  State  among 
civilized  nations,  was  a terrible  blow  to  China,  who  still  had  the 
intention  of  claiming  her  traditional  suzerainty  over  Corea.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  the  permanent  neutrality  of  the  Her- 
mit Kingdom  is  of  vital  importance  to  the  prosperity  and  safety 
of  the  country  of  the  Rising  Sun.  It  is  evident  from  this  point 
of  view  that  Japan  can  never  permit  the  Chinese  claim  of  suze- 
rainty, nor  Russian  aggression  in  Corea. 

From  the  time  that  Japan  recognized  Corea  as  an  independent 
nation,  she  made  great  efforts  for  the  progress  of  Corea.  Many 
Corean  students  were  educated  and  many  Japanese,  sent  there  as 


INTRODUCTION. 


25 


instructors  and  as  advisors,  assisted  the  advancement  of  her  civ- 
ilization. Japan  has  never  failed  to  show  her  friendly  sympathy 
towards  Corea,  for  the  progress  and  welfare  of  Corea  as  a firm  in- 
dependent state,  has  great  bearing  upon  Asiatic  civilization,  and 
upon  the  safety  of  Japan  itself. 

While  Japan  was  using  her  best  efforts  as  the  sincere  friend  of 
Corea,  China  constantly  and  secretly  intrigued  with  the  Corean 
government  and  the  conservatives,  in  order  to  restore  her  old 
suzerainty  and  to  annhilate  Japan’s  influence  in  Corea.  In  1882, 
an  insurrection,  instigated  by  the  Chinese  officers,  broke  out  in 
Seoul.  It  was  directed  chiefly  against  the  Japanese,  as  the  pro- 
moters of  foreign  intercourse.  The  mob -attacked  the  Japanese 
legation  and  several  members  were  murdered.  The  Japanese 
minister  and  his  staff  escaped  to  the  palace  to  And  refuge,  but 
found  there  the  gates  were  shut  against  them,  then  they  were 
obliged  to  cut  their  way  through  the  mob  and  run  all  night  to 
Chemulpo,  where  they  were  rescued  by  an  English  boat  and  re- 
turned to  Japan.  The  insurrection  was  suppressed  by  a Chinese 
force  and  a number  of  the  leaders  were  executed.  The  Corean 
government  consented  to  pay  a sum  of  1500,000  as  indemnity, 
but  this  was  subsequently  forgiven  to  Corea  in  consequence  of  in- 
ability to  pay  it.  There  were  already  existing  in  Corea  two 
parties,  that  is,  the  progressive  and  the  conservative.  The  former 
party  represented  civilized  elements  and  the  spirit  of  Japan,  while 
the  latter  represented  the  majority  of  the  officers  and  it  was  sup- 
ported by  the  Chinese  government.  These  two  parties  were  bitter 
enemies  and  struggled  for  supremacy. 

Since  the  rebellion  of  1882,  Chinese  influence  in  Corea  rapidly 
increased,  consequently  the  conservative  spirit  predominated. 
Two  years  later,  the  leaders  of  the  progressive  party  undertook  a 
bold  attempt  when  they  saw  that  their  party  influence  was  wean- 
ing. During  a dinner  party  to  celebrate  the  opening  of  the  new 
post-office,  a plan  was  made  to  murder  all  the  conservative  leaders 
who  had  dominant  influence  in  the  government.  They  partly 
succeeded  in  the  attempt.  The  revolutionary  leaders  proceeded 
to  the  palace,  secured  the  person  and  the  sympathy  of  the  king, 
who  sent  an  autograph  letter  to  ask  the  Japanese  minister  for  the 
protection  of  the  royal  palace.  Thereon,  the  Japanese  minister 


26 


INTRODUCTION. 


guarded  the  palace  for  a few  days  with  his  legation  guard  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty  Japanese  soldiers.  In  the  meantime  the  Chi- 
nese force  in  Seoul,  two  thousand  in  number  proceeded  to  the 
palace,  and  without  any  negotiation  or  explanation  fired  upon  the 
Japanese  guard.  The  king  fled  to  the  Chinese  army  and  the 
Japanese  retired  to  the  palace  of  their  legation  which  they  found 
surrounded  by  the  Chinese  army.  They  abandoned  the  spot,  find- 
ing it  impossible  to  maintain  the  legation  without  any  provisions, 
fought  their  way  to  Chemulpo,  where  they  found  their  way  to 
Japan.  Many  Japanese  were  killed  in  this  event.  The  Japanese 
government  demanded  satisfaction  from  China  on  account  of  the 
action  of  the  Chinese  soldiers.  The  convention  of  Tien-tsin,  after 
long  negotiation  between  Count  Ito,  the  present  premier  of  Ja- 
pan and  Li  Hung  Chang,  the  viceroy  of  China,  was  concluded. 
The  main  points  of  the  Tien-tsin  treaty  were  three  : (1)  that  the 
king  of  Corea  should  provide  a sufficient  force  to  maintain  order 
in  future,  to  be  trained  by  officers  of  some  nation  other  than  China 
or  Japan  ; (2)  that  certain  internal  reforms  should  be  made ; (3) 
that  if  necessary  to  preserve  order  and  protect  their  nations  either 
Japan  or  China  should  have  the  right  to  dispatch  troops  to  Corea, 
on  giving  notice  each  to  the  other,  and  that  when  order  was  re- 
stored both  forces  should  be  withdrawn  simultaneously. 

The  event  of  1885  completely  extinguished  the  Japanese  in- 
fluence and  established  the  Chinese  authority  in  Corea.  The 
Chinese  minister  in  Seoul  got  complete  possession  of  the  Corean 
government,  entirely  crushed  the  revolutionary  party  and  organ- 
ized an  ultra-conservative  government  and  appointed  ministers  at 
his  will.  Japan’s  influence  in  Corea  has  been  almost  nill  during 
the  past  ten  years,  for  she  has  been  very  busy  with  her  internal 
reorganization  and  has  not  had  much  time  to  look  after  Corea. 

Two  prominent  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  party  fled  to  Japan 
on  account  of  the  failure  of  the  coup  d’  etat  of  1885,  where  they 
found  their  asylum.  The  Chinese  and  Corean  governments  dis- 
patched missions  to  demand  the  extradition  of  these  unfortunate 
political  reformers,  but  Japan  was  firm  in  her  refusal,  on  the 
ground  of  the  ethics  of  international  law.  The  Corean  govern- 
ment, sanctioned  by  that  of  China,  at  once  began  to  take  meas- 
ures to  effect  the  removal  of  these  ruined  leaders  by  other  pro- 


THE  FKHIT  AT  PING-VANG. 


INTRODUCTION. 


29 


cesses.  Official  assassins  followed  their  footsteps  for  ten  years  in 
vain.  But  at  last  they  succeeded  in  murdering  Kira-ok-Kiun, 
one  of  tliose  reformers,  and  most  barbarous  cruelties  were  com- 
mitted by  the  Chinese  and  Corean  authorities.  The  murder  of 
Kim-ok-Iviun  excited  great  sympathy  from  the  Japanese  pub- 
lic. Many  a time  China  and  Corea  cast  disdain  and  contempt 
upon  Japan’s  name.  Many  a time  the  political  and  commercial 
interest  of  Japan  were  impaired  by  them.  Yet  Japan  forgave 
their  insolence  with  generous  heart. 

The  progress  of  the  late  rebellion  in  Corea  was  beyond  her 
power  to  check.  A state  of  perpetual  anarchy  seemed  to  prevail. 
Insolent  China  seemed  to  be  using  the  Corean  mobs  for  her  own 
advantage,  and  directly  against  Japan’s  interests.  China,  ignor- 
ing the  treat}^  of  Tien-tsin  in  1885,  sent  troops  to  Corea.  Japan 
no  longer  lightly  viewed  China’s  insolence  and  Corean  disorder. 

Japan’s  ardent  need  to  take  a decided  step  in  Corea,  at  this 
moment  seemed  a more  cogent  one  in  the  commercial  point  of 
view  than  her  political  interest.  The  greater  part  of  the  modern 
trade  of  Corea  has  been  created  by  Japan  and  is  in  the  hands  of 
her  merchants ; the  net  value  of  Corean  direct  foreign  trade  for 
1892  and  1893  together  was  f4, 240,498  with  China,  while  f8,306,- 
571  with  Japan.  Hence  the  interest  of  Japan  is  twice  that  of 
China.  In  tonnage  of  shipping  the  proportion  is  vastly  greater 
in  favor  of  Japan.  Her  tonnage  in  1893  was  over  twenty  times 
that  of  China,  as  the  exact  figures  show : tonnage — China,  14,- 
376;  Japan,  304,224.  Thus  Japan’s  economic  interests  in  Corea 
are  decidedly  greater  than  any  other  nation’s. 

Immediately  after  China  sent  troops  to  Corea,  Japan,  also,  sent 
her  force,  to  preserve  her  political  as  well  as  economic  interests, 
and  determined  not  to  draw  back  her  troops  until  Corea  should 
restore  the  sound  order  of  society  and  wipe  out  the  Chinese 
claim  of  Corean  suzerainty,  for  so  long  as  Chinese  influence  pre- 
dominates in  Corea,  any  thoughts  of  her  advancement  are  hope- 
less. For  a long  maladministration  of  the  Li  government  had 
weakened  the  Hermit  Kingdom.  The  country  is  no  more  than  a 
desert  and  its  people  are  plunged  in  the  most  miserable  poverty 
of  any  in  the  poverty-stricken  east.  The  Japanese  government 
proposed  to  the  Chinese  government  according  to  the  Tien-tsin 


30 


INTRODUCTION. 


treaty,  a measure  of  internal  reform  for  Corea,  which  was  rejected 
with  insult  by  the  Chinese  authority. 

At  first  Japan  had,  by  no  means,  any  intention  to  make  war 
with  China,  but  she  was  forced  by  her  to  enter  the  struggle.  She 
has  never  infringed  the  ethics  of  international  law,  nor  the  comity 
of  nations.  It  was  China  that  provoked  the  eastern  war,  now 
raging  in  the  Orient,  but  not  Japan  ; the  true  idea  of  Japan,  in  the 
war,  is,  by  conquest,  to  put  the  blame  on  China  for  refusing  to 
adhere  faithfully  to  the  spirit  of  her  treaties  and  for  trying  to 
keep  Corea  in  barbarism,  and  for  endeavoring  to  stop  the  progress' 
of  civilization  in  Eastern  Asia.  Her  mission  in  the  east  is  tol 
crush  the  insolent  and  ignorant  self-conceit  of  the  Peking  govern- 
ment and  to  reform  the  barbarous  abuses  of  the  Corean  adminis- 
tration. Therefore  Japan  fights  to-day  for  the  sake  of  civilization 
and  humanity. 

After  the  eastern  war  was  declared,  four  months  had  hardly 
passed,  until  the  fighting  power  and  the  economic  resources  of  the 
Chinese  Empire  were  destroyed  and  exhausted.  China  was 
forced  to  beg  the  mercy  of  Japan.  The  banner  of  the  “ Rising 
Sun”  is  now  triumphant.  Japan  dictating  the  terms  of  peace, 
signifies  the  beginning  of  a better  era  for  benighted  China  and  the 
preservation  of  permanent  peace  in  the  Orient. 

Julius  Kumpei  Matumoto,  A.  M., 

Tokio,  Japan. 


i 


China 


J 


CHINESE  MUSICIAN. 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH  OF  CHINA  FROM  THE  EARLI- 
EST TIMES  TO  FIRST  CONTACT  WITH 
EUROPEAN  CIVILIZATION. 


Origin  of  Chinese  People— Legends— Golden  Age  of  China— Beginnings  of  Authentic 
History- Dynasty  of  Chow— Cultivation  of  Literature  and  Progress— Music,  Slavery,  House- 
hold Habits  Three  Thousand  Years  Ago— Confucius  and  his  Work— First  Emperor  of 
Cliina— Burning  of  Books— Han  Dynasty— Famous  Men  of  the  Period— Paper  Money  and 
Printing— Invasions  of  Tartars  and  Mongols— Sung  Dynasty— Literary  Works— Famous 
Cliinese  Poet— Literature,  Law  and  Medicine— Kublai  Klian— Ming  Dynasty— Private 
Library  of  a Chinese  Emperor— Founding  of  the  Present  Dynasty— Connection  Between 
Chinese  History  and  the  Rest  of  the  World. 

Obscurity  shrouds  the  origin  of  the  Chinese  race.  The 
Chinese  people  cannot  be  proved  to  have  originally  come  from 
anywhere  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Chinese  empire.  At  the 
remotest  period  to  which  investigations  can  satisfactorily  go  back, 
without  quitting  the  domain  of  history  for  that  of  legend,  we 
find  them  already  in  existence  as  an  organized,  and  as  a more  or 
less  civilized  nation.  Previous  to  that  time,  their  condition  had 
doubtless  been  that  of  nomadic  tribes,  but  whether  as  immigrants 
or  as  true  sons  of  the  soil  there  is  scarcely  sufficient  evidence  to 
show.  Conjecture,  however,  based  for  the  most  part  upon 
coincidences  of  speech,  writing  or  manners  and  customs,  has 
been  busy  with  their  ultimate  origin ; and  they  have  been  vari- 
ously identified  with  the  Turks,  with  the  Chaldees,  with  the 
earliest  inhabitants  of  Ireland,  and  with  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel. 

The  most  satisfactory,  however,  of  recent  conclusions,  based 
on  most  careful  investigations  are  as  follows  : The  first  records 

we  have  of  them  represent  the  Chinese  as  a band  of  immigrants 
settling  in  the  north-eastern  provinces  of  the  modern  empire  of 
China  and  fighting  their  way  amongst  the  aborigines  much  as  the 
Jews  of  old  forced  their  way  into  Canaan  against  the  various 
tribes  which  they  found  in  possession  of  the  land.  It  is  probable 
that  though  they  all  entered  China  by  the  same  route  they 
separated  into  bands  almost  on  the  threshold  of  the  empire,  one 

(33) 


34 


WHENCE  CAME  THE  PEOPLE  OF  CHINA? 


body,  those  who  have  left  us  the  records  of  their  history  in  the 
ancient  Chinese  books,  apparently  following  the  course  of  the 
Yellow  river,  and  turning  southward  with  it  from  its  northern- 
most bend,  settling  themselves  in  the  fertile  districts  of  the 
modern  provinces  ofShan-hsi  and  Honan.  But  as  it  is  believed 
also  that  at  about  the  same  period  a large  settlement  was  made 
as  far  south  as  Anam  of  which  there  is  no  mention  in  the  books 
of  the  northern  Chinese,  we  must  assume  that  another  body 
struck  directly  southward  through  the  southern  provinces  of 
China  to  that  country.  i 

Many  writers  answer  the  question  that  arises  as  to  whence  - 
these  people  came,  by  declaring  that  research  directly  points  to 
the  land  south  of  the  Caspian  sea.  They  find  many  reasons  in 
the  study  of  languages  which  furnish  philological  proof  of  this 
assertion.  And  they  affirm  that  in  all  probability  the  outbreak 
in  Susiana  of  possibly  some  political  disturbance  in  about  the 
24th  or  23rd  century  B.  C.,  drove  the  Chinese  from  the  land  of 
their  adoption  and  that  they  wandered  eastward  until  they 
finally  settled  in  China  and  the  country  south  of  it.  Such  an 
emigration  is  by  no  means  unusual  in  Asia.  We  know  that  the 
Ottoman  Turks  originally  had  their  home  in  northern  Mongolia, 
and  we  have  a record  of  the  movement  at  the  end  of  last  century 
of  a body  of  six  hundred  thousand  Kalmucks  from  Russia  to  the 
confines  of  China.  It  would  appear  also  that  the  Chinese  came 
into  China  possessed  of  the  resources  of  western  Asian  culture. 
They  brought  with  them  a knowledge  of  writing  and  astronomy 
as  well  as  of  the  arts  which  primarily  minister  to  the  wants  and 
comforts  of  mankind. 

According  to  one  native  authority,  China,  that  is,  the  world 
was  evolved  out  of  chaos  exactly  3,276,494  years  ago.  This 
evolution  was  brought  about  by  the  action  of  a First  Cause  or 
Force  which  separated  into  two  principles,  active  and  passive, 
male  and  female.  Or  as  some  native  writers  explain  it,  out  of  a 
great  egg  came  a man.  Out  of  the  upper  half  of  the  egg  he 
created  the  heavens  and  out  of  the  lower  half  he  created  the 
earth.  He  created  five  elements,  earth,  water,  fire,  metal  and 
wood.  Out  of  the  vapor  from  gold  he  created  man  and  out  of 
vapor  from  wood  he  created  woman.  Ti’aditional  pictures  of 


CHINESE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  CREATION  OF  THE  WORLD.  35 


this  first  man  and  first  woman  represent  them  wearing  for  dress, 
girdles  of  fig  leaves.-  He  created  the  sun  to  rule  the  day,  the 
moon  to  rule  the  night,  and  the  stars.  Those  who  care  to  go 
deeper  into  these  traditions  than  the  limits  of  this  work  permit 
will  find  ample  material  for  interesting  research  in  the  analogies 
to  Christian  history. 

These  principles,  male 
and  female,  found  their 
material  embodiment  in 
heaven  and  earth  and 
became  the  father  and 
mother  of  all  things,  be- 
ginning with  man,  who 
was  immediately  asso- 
ciated with  them  in  a 
triumvirate  of  creative 
powers.  Then  ensued 
ten  immense  periods, 
the  last  of  which  has 
been  made  by  some 
Chinese  writers  on 
chronology  to  end 
where  every  sober  his- 
tory of  China  should 
begin,  namely,  with  the 
establishment  of  the 
Chow  dynasty  eleven 
hundred  years  before 
the  birth  of  Christ. 

Daring  this  almost  im- 
measurable lapse  of 
time,  the  process  of 

development  was  going  on,  involving  such  discoveries  as  the  pro- 
duction of  fire,  the  construction  of  houses,  boats  and  wheeled  ve- 
hicles, the  cultivation  of  grain,  and  mutual  communication  by 
means  of  writing. 

The  father  of  Chinese  history  chose  indeed  to  carry  us  back  to 
the  court  of  the  Yellow  Emperor,  B.  C.  2697,  and  to  introduce 


CHINESE  IDEA  OF  CREATION 


36 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CHINA,  LONG  AGO. 


as  to  his  successors  Yao  and  Shun  and  to  the  great  Yu,  who  by 
his  engineering  skill  had  drained  away  a terrible  inundation 
which  some  have  sought  to  identify  with  Noah’s  flood. 

This  flood  was  in  Shun’s  reign.  The  waters  we  are  told  rose  to 
so  great  a height  that  the  people  had  to  betake  themselves  to  the 
mountains  to  escape  death.  Most  of  the  provinces  of  the  existing 
empire  were  inundated.  The  disaster  arose,  as  many  similar  dis- 
asters, though  of  less  magnitude,  have  since  arisen,  in  consequence 
of  the  Yellow  river  bursting  its  bounds,  and  the  great  Yu  was 
appointed  to  lead  the  waters  back  to  their  channel.  With  unre- 
mitting energy  he  set  about  his  task,  and  in  nine  years  succeeded 
in  bringing  the  river  under  his  control.  During  this  period  so 
absorbed  was  he  in  Ids  work,  that  we  are  told  lie  took  heed  neither 


of  food  nor  clothing,  and  that  thrice  he  passed  the  door  of  his 
house  without  once  stopping  to  enter.  At  the  completion  of  his 
labors  he  divided  the  empire  into  nine  instead  of  twelve  provinces, 
and  tradition  represents  him  as  having  engraved  a record  of  his 
toils  on  a stone  tablet  on  Mount  Heng  in  the  province  of  Hoopih. 
As  a reward  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  for  the  empire,  he 
was  invested  with  the  principality  of  Hea,  and  after  having 
occupied  the  throne  conjointly  with  Shun  for  some  years  he  suc- 
ceeded that  sovereign  on  his  death  in  2308  B.  C. 

But  all  these  things  were  in  China’s  “ golden  age,”  the  true 
record  of  which  is  shrouded  for  us  in  the  obscurity  of  centuries. 


VIEW  FROM  SUMMER  PALACE,  PEKING. 


BEGINNINGS  OF  AUTHENTIC  CHINESE  HISTORY.  39 


There  were  a few  laws,  but  never  any  occasion  to  exact  the 
penalties  attached  to  misconduct.  It  was  considered  superfluous 
to  close  the  house  door  at  night,  and  no  one  would  even  pick  up 
any  lost  property  that  lay  in  the  high  road.  All  was  virtue, 
happiness  and  prosperity,  the  like  of  which  has  not  since  been 
known.  The  Emperor  Shun  was  raised  from  the  plow  handle  to 
the  throne  simply  because  of  his  filial  piety,  in  recognition  of 
which  wild  beasts  used  to  come  and  voluntarily  drag  his  plow  for 
him  through  the  furrowed  fields,  while  birds  of  the  air  would 
hover  round  and  guard  his  sprouting  grain  from  the  depredations 
of  insects. 

This  of  course  is  not  history  ; and  but  little  more  can  be  said  for 
the  accounts  given  of  the  two  dynasties  which  ruled  China  be- 
tween the  “golden  age  ” and  the  opening  reigns  of  the  House  of 
Chow.  The  historian  in  question  had  not  many  sources  of 
information  at  command.  Beside  tradition,  of  which  he  largely 
availed  himself,  the  chief  of  these  was  the  hundred  chapters  that 
had  been  edited  by  Confucius  from  the  historical  remains  of  those 
times,  now  known  as  the  “ Book  of  History.”  This  contains  an 
unquestionable  foundation  of  facts,  pointing  to  a comparatively 
advanced  state  of  civilization,  even  so  far  back  as  two  thousand 
years  before  our  era;  but  the  picture  is  dimly  seen  and  many  of 
its  details  are  of  little  practical  value.  This  calculation  declares 
that  with  Yu  began  the  dynasty  of  Hea  which  gave  place  in  1766 
B.  C.  to  the  Shang  dynasty.  The  last  sovereign  of  the  Hea  line, 
Kieh  Kwei,  is  said  to  have  been  a monster  of  iniquity  and  to  have 
suffered  the  just  punishment  for  his  crimes  at  the  hands  of  T’ang, 
the  prince  of  the  state  of  Shang,  who  took  his  throne  from  him. 
In  like  manner,  six  hundred  and  forty  years  later.  Woo  Wang, 
the  prince  of  Chow,  overthrew  Chow  Sin,  the  last  of  the  Shang 
dynasty,  and  established  himself  as  the  chief  of  the  sovereign 
state  of  the  empire. 

It  is  only  with  the  dynasty  of  the  Chows  that  we  begin  to  feel 
ourselves  on  safe  ground,  though  long  before  that  date  the  Chinese 
were  undoubtedly  enjoying  a far  higher  civilization  than  fell  to 
the  share  of  most  western  nations  until  many  centuries  later. 
The  art  of  writing  had  been  already  fully  developed,  having 
passed,  if  we  are  to  believe  native  researches  from  an  original  sys- 


40 


RISE  OF  THE  DYNASTY  OF  CHOW. 


tern  of  knotted  cords,  through  successive  stages  of  notches  on 
wood  and  rude  outlines  of  natural  objects  down  to  the  phonetic 
stage  in  which  it  exists  at  the  present  day.  Astronomical  obser- 
vations of  a simple  kind  had  been  made  and  recorded  and  the 
year  divided  into  months.  The  rite  of  marriage  had  been  sub- 
stituted for  capture ; and  although  cowries  were  still  emplo^-ed  and 
remained  in  use  until  a much  later  date,  metallic  coins  of  various 
shapes  and  sizes  began  to  be  recognized  as  a more  practicable 
medium  of  exchange.  Music,  both  vocal  and  instrumental,  was 
widely  cultivated ; and  a kind  of  solemn  posturing  filled  the  place 
that  has  been  occupied  by  dancing  among  nations  farther  to  the 
west.  Painting,  charioteering  and  archery  were  reckoned  among 
the  fine  arts ; the  cross  bow  especially  being  a favorite  weapon 
either  on  the  battle  field  or  on  the  chase.  The  people  seem  to 
have  lived  upon  rice  and  cabbage,  pork  and  fish,  much  as  they  do 
now  ; they  also  drank  the  ardent  spirit  distilled  from  rice  vulgarly 
known  as  “ Sainshoo  ” and  clad  themselves  in  silk,  or  their  own 
coarse  home  stuffs  according  to  the  means  of  each.  All  this  is 
previous  to  the  dynasty  of  Chow  with  which  it  is  now  proposed  to 
begin. 

The  Chows  rose  to  power  over  the  vices  of  preceding  rulers, 
aided  by  the  genius  of  a certain  duke  or  chieftain  of  the  Chow 
state,  though  he  personally  never  reached  the  imperial  throne. 
It  was  his  more  famous  son  who  in  B.  C.  1122  routed  the  forces 
of  the  last  tyrant  of  the  semi-legendary  period  and  made  himself 
master  of  China.  The  China  of  those  days  consisted  of  a number 
of  petty  principalities  clustering  round  one  central  state  and  thus 
constituting  a federation.  The  central  state  managed  the  common 
affairs,  while  each  one  had  its  own  local  laws  and  administration. 
It  was  in  some  senses  a feudal  age,  somewhat  similar  to  that 
which  prevailed  in  Europe  for  many  centuries.  The  various 
dukes  were  regarded  as  vassals  owing  allegiance  to  the  sovereign 
at  the  head  of  the  imperial  state,  and  bound  to  assist  him  with 
money  and  men  in  case  of  need.  And  in  order  to  keep  together 
this  mass,  constantly  in  danger  of  disintegration  from  strifes 
within,  the  sovereigns  of  the  House  of  Chow  were  forever 
summoning  these  vassal  dukes  to  the  capital  and  making  them 
renew,  with  ceremonies  of  sacrifice  and  potations  of  blood,  their 


FORMATION  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


41 


VOWS  of  loyalty  and  treaties  of  alliance.  At  a great  feast  held  by 
Yu  after  his  accession,  there  were,  it  is  said,  ten  thousand  princes 
present  with  their  symbols  of  rank.  But  the  feudal  states  were 
constantly  being  absorbed  by  one  another.  On  the  rise  of  the 
Shang  dynasty  there  were  only  somewhat  over  three  thousand, 
which  had  decreased  to  thirteen  hundred  when  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Chows  was  established. 

] The  senior  duke  always  occupied  a position  somewhat  closer 

I to  the  sovereign  than  the  others.  It  was  his  special  business  to 

^ protect  the  imperial  territory  from  invasion  by  any  malcontent 
vassal;  and  he  was  often  deputed  to  punisli  acts  of  insubordina- 
tion and  contumacy,  relying  for  help  on  the  sworn  faith  of  all  the 
states  as  a body  against  any  individual  recalcitrant.  Such  was 
the  political  condition  of  things  through  a long  series  of  reigns 
for  nearly  nine  centuries,  the  later  history  of  this  long  and 
famous  dynasty  being  simply  the  record  of  a struggle  against  the 
increasing  power  and  ambitious  designs  of  the  vassal  state  of 
Ching,  until  at  length  the  power  of  the  latter  not  only  outgiew 
that  of  the  sovereign  state,  but  successfully  defied  the  united 
efforts  of  all  the  others  combined  together  in  a league.  In  403 
B.  C.  tlie  number  of  states  had  been  reduced  to  seven  great  ones, 
all  sooner  or  later  claiming  to  be  “the  kingdom,”  and  contending 
for  the  supremacy  until  Ching  put  down  all  the  others  and  in  221 
B.  C.  its  king  assumed  the  title  of  Hwang  Ti  or  emperor  and 
determined  that  there  should  be  no  more  feudal  principalities, 
and  that  as  there  is  but  one  sun  in  the  sky  there  should  be  but 
one  ruler  in  the  nation. 

It  is  interesting  to  glance  backward  over  these  nine  hundred 
years  and  gather  some  facts  as  to  the  China  of  those  days.  The 
religion  of  the  Chinese  was  a modification  of  the  older  and  sim- 
pler forms  of  nature  worship  practised  by  their  ruder  forefathers. 
The  principal  objects  of  veneration  were  still  heaven  and  earth 
and  the  more  prominent  among  the  destructive  and  beneficient 
powers  of  nature.  But  a tide  of  personification  and  deification 
had  begun  to  set  in  and  to  the  spirits  of  natural  objects  and  in- 
fluences now  rapidly  assuming  material  shape  had  been  added  the 
spirits  of  departed  heroes  whose  protection  was  invoked  after 
death  by  those  to  whom  it  had  been  afforded  during  life. 


42 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  CHOW  DYNASTY. 


The  sovereign  of  the  Chow  dj^nasty  worshipped  in  a building 
which  they  called  “the  hall  of  light,”  which  also  served  the  pur- 
pose of  an  audience  and  council  chamber.  It  was  112  feetsquare 
and  surmounted  by  a dome;  typical  of  heaven  above  and  earth 
beneath.  China  has  always  been  remarkably  backward  in 
architectural  development,  never  having  got  beyond  the  familiar 
roof  with  its  turned  up  corners,  in  which  antiquaries  trace  a 


CHINESE  TEMPLE. 


likeness  to  the  tent  of  their  nomad  days.  Hence  it  is  that  the 
“hall  of  light”  of  the  Chows  is  considered  by  the  Chinese  to 
have  been  a very  wonderful  structure. 

Some  have  said  that  the  Pentateuch  was  carried  to  China  in 
the  sixth  century  B.  C.,  but  no  definite  traces  of  Judaism  are 
discoverable  until  several  centuries  later. 

The  Chow  period  was  pre-eminently  one  of  ceremonial  observ- 


CULTIVATION  OF  LITERATURE  AND  PROGRESS.  43 


ances  pushed  to  an  extreme  limit.  Even  Confucius  was  unable 
to  rise  above  the  dead  level  of  an  ultra  formal  etiquette,  which 
occupies  in  his  teachings  a place  altogether  out  of  proportion  to 
any  advantages  likely  to  accrue  from  the  most  scrupulous  com- 
pliance with  its  rules.  During  the  early  centuries  of  this  period 
laws  were  excessively  severe  and  punishments  correspondingly 
barbarous ; mutilation  and  death  by  burning  or  dissection  being 
among  the  enumerated  penalties.  From  all  accounts  there 
speedily  occurred  a marked  degeneracy  in  the  characters  of  the 
Chow  kings.  Among  the  most  conspicuous  of  the  early  kings 
was  Muh,  who  rendered  himself  notorious  for  having  promulga- 
ted a penal  code  under  which  the  redemption  of  punishments  was 
made  permissible  by  the  payment  of  fines. 

Notwithstanding  the  spirit  of  lawlessness  that  spread  far  and 
wide  among  the  princes  and  nobles,  creating  misery  and  unrest 
throughout  the  country,  that  literary  instinct  which  has  been  a 
marked  characteristic  of  the  Chinese  throughout  their  long  his- 
tory continued  as  active  as  ever.  At  stated  intervals  ofBcials,  we 
are  told,  were  sent  in  light  carriages  into  all  parts  of  the  empire 
to  collect  words  from  the  changing  dialects  of  each  district ; and 
at  the  time  of  the  royal  progresses  the  official  music  masters  and 
historiographers  of  each  principality  presented  to  the  officials 
appointed  for  the  purpose,  collections  of  the  odes  and  songs  of 
each  locality,  in  order,  we  are  told,  that  the  character  of  the  rule 
exercised  by  their  princes  should  be  judged  by  the  tone  of  the 
poetical  and  musical  productions  of  their  subjects.  The  odes  and 
songs  as  found  and  thus  collected  were  carefully  preserved  in 
royal  archives,  and  it  was  from  these  materials,  as  is  commonly 
believed,  that  Confucius  compiled  the  celebrated  “ She  King  ” or 
“ Book  of  Odes.” 

One  hundred  years  before  the  close  of  the  Chow  dynasty,  a 
great  statesman  named  Wei  Yang  appeared  in  the  rising  state  of 
Ch’in  and  brought  about  many  valuable  reformations.  Among 
other  things  he  introduced  a system  of  tithings,  which  has  en- 
dured to  the  present  day.  The  unit  of  Chinese  social  life  has 
always  been  the  family  and  not  the  individual ; and  this  states- 
man caused  the  family  to  be  divided  into  groups  of  ten  families 
to  each,  upon  a basis  of  mutual  protection  and  responsibility. 
3 


44 


THE  CHINESE  THREE  THOUSAND  YEARS  AGO. 


The  soil  of  China  has  always  been  guarded  as  the  inalienable 
property  of  her  imperial  ruler  for  the  time  being,  held  in  trust  by 
him  on  behalf  of  a higher  and  greater  power  whose  vice-regent 
he  is.  In  the  age  of  the  Chows,  land  appears  to  have  been  culti- 
vated upon  a system  of  communal  tenure,  one-ninth  of  the  total 
produce  being  devoted  in  all  cases  to  the  expenses  of  government 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  ruling  family  in  each  state.  Copper 
coins  of  a uniform  shape  and  portable  size  were  first  cast,  accord- 
ing to  Chinese  writers,  about  half  way  through  the  sixth  century 
B.  C.  An  irregular  form  of  money,  however,  had  been  in  circu- 
lation long  before,  one  of  the  early  vassal  dukes  having  been 
advised,  in  order  to  replenish  his  treasury,  to  “ break  up  the  hills 
and  make  money  out  of  the  metal  therein ; to  evaporate  sea 
water  and  make  salt.  This,”  added  his  advising  minister,  “ will 
benefit  the  realm  and  with  the  profits  you  may  buy  up  all  kinds 
of  goods  cheap  and  store  them  until  the  market  has  risen  ; estab- 
lish also  three  hundred  depots  of  courtesans  for  the  traders,  who 
will  thereby  be  induced  to  bring  all  kinds  of  merchandise  to  your 
country.  This  merchandise  you  will  tax  and  thus  have  a suffici- 
ency of  funds  to  meet  the  expenses  of  your  army.”  Such  were 
some  of  the  principles  of  finance  and  political  economy  among 
the  Chows,  customs  duties  being  apparently  even  at  that  early 
date  a recognized  part  of  the  revenue. 

The  art  of  healing  was  practised  among  the  Chinese  in  their 
prehistoric  times,  but  the  first  quasi-scientific  efforts  of  which  we 
have  any  record  belong  to  the  period  with  which  we  are  now 
dealing.  The  physicians  of  the  Chow  dynasty  classify  diseases 
under  the  four  seasons  of  the  year — headaches  and  neuralgic 
affections  under  spring,  skin  diseases  of  all  kinds  under  summer, 
fever  and  agues  under  autumn,  and  bronchial  and  plumonary 
complaints  under  winter.  The  public  at  large  was  warned  against 
rashly  swallowing  the  prescriptions  of  any  physician  whose  family 
had  not  been  three  generations  in  the  medical  profession. 

When  the  Chows  went  into  battle  they  formed  a line  with  the 
bowman  on  the  left  and  the  spearman  on  the  right  flank.  The 
centre  was  occupied  by  chariots,  each  drawn  by  three  or  four 
horses  harnessed  abreast.  Swords,  daggers,  shields,  iron  headed 
clubs,  huge  iron  hooks,  drums,  cymbals,  gongs,  horns,  banners  and 


MUSIC,  SLAVERY,  HOUSEHOLD  HABITS. 


45 


streamers  innumerable  were  also  among  the  equipment  of  war. 
Quarter  was  rarely  if  eve-r  given  and  it  was  customary  to  cut  the 
ears  from  the  bodies  of  the  slain. 

It  was  under  the  Chows,  a thousand  years  before  Christ,  that 
the  people  of  China  began  to  possess  family  names.  By  the  time 
of  Confucius  the  use  of  surnames  had  become  definitely  estab- 
lished for  all  classes.  The  Chows  founded  a university,  a shadow 
of  which  remains  to  the  present  day.  They  seem  to  have  had 
theatrical  representations  of  some  kind,  though  it  is  difficult  to 
say  of  what  nature  these  actually  were.  Music  must  have  already 
reached  a stage  of  considerable  development,  if  we  are  to  believe 
Confucius  himself,  who  has  left  it  on  record  that  after  listening  - 
to  a certain  melody  he  was  so  affected  as  not  to  be  able  to  taste 
meat  for  three  months. 

Slavery  was  at  this  date  a regular  domestic  institution  and  was 
not  confined  as  now  to  the  purchase  of  women  alone  ; and  whereas 
in  still  earlier  ages  it  had  been  usual  to  bury  wooden  puppets  in 
the  tombs  of  princes,  we  now  read  of  slave  boys  and  slave  girls 
barbarously  interred  alive  with  the  body  of  every  ruler  of  a state, 
in  order,  as  was  believed,  to  wait  upon  the  tyrant’s  spirit  after 
death.  But  public  opinion  began  during  the  Confucian  era  to 
discountenance  this  savage  rite,  and  the  son  of  a man  who  left 
instructions  that  he  should  be  buried  in  a large  coffin  between 
two  of  his  concubines,  ventured  to  disobey  his  father’s  commands. 

We  know  that  the  Chows  sat  on  chairs  while  all  other  eastern 
nations  were  sitting  on  the  ground,  and  ate  their  food  and  drank 
their  wine  from  tables ; that  they  slept  on  beds  and  rode  on  horse- 
back. They  measured  the  hours  with  the  aid  of  sun  dials ; and 
the  invention  of  the  compass  is  attributed,  though  on  somewhat 
insufficient  grounds,  to  one  of  their  earliest  heroes.  They  played 
games  of  calculation  of  an  abstruse  character,  and  others  involving 
dexterity.  They  appear  to  have  worn  shoes  of  leather,  and  stock- 
ings, and  hats,  and  caps,  in  addition  to  robes  of  silk  ; and  to  have 
possessed  such  other  material  luxuries  as  fans,  mirrors  of  metal, 
bath  tubs,  and  flat  irons.  But  it  is  often  difficult  to  separate 
truth  from  falsehood  in  the  statement  of  Chinese  writers  with  re- 
gard to  their  history.  They  are  fond  of  exaggerating  the  civiliza- 
tion of  their  forefathers,  which,  as  a matter  of  fact,  was  sufficiently 


46 


CONFUCIUS  AND  HIS  AVORK. 


advanced  to  command  admiration  without  the  undesirable  coloring 
of  fiction  they  have  thus  been  tempted  to  lay  on. 

Of  the  religions  of  the  Chinese  we  will  speak  in  a succeeding 
chapter,  but  it  must  be  said  here  that  during  the  Chow  dynasty 
was  born  the  most  famous  of  Chinese  teachers,  Confucius.  He 
was  preceded  about  the  middle' of  the  dynasty  by  Lao-tzu,  the 
founder  of  an  abstruse  system  of  ethical  philosophy  which  was 

destined  to  develop  into 
the  Taoism  of  to-da3^ 
Closely  following,  and 
partially  a contemporaiy, 
came  Confucius,“  a teacher 
who  has  been  equalled  in 
his  influence  upon  masses 
of  the  human  race  by  Bud- 
dha alone  and  approached 
only  by  Mahomet  and 
Christ.”  Confucius  de- 
voted his  life  chiefly  to 
the  moral  amelioration  of 
his  fellow  men  by  oral 
teaching,  but  he  was  also 
an  author  of  many  works. 
A hundred  years  later 
came  Mencius,  the  record 
of  whose  teachings  also 
forms  an  important  part 
of  the  course  of  stud}'  of  a 
modern  student  in  China. 
His  pet  theory  was  that 
the  nature  of  man  is  good, 
and  that  all  evil  tendencies  are  necessarily  acquired  from  evil 
communications  either  by  heredity  or  association.  It  was  during 
this  same  period  that  the  literature  of  the  Chinese  language  was 
founded.  Of  this  subject,  and  some  of  the  famous  works,  more 
will  be  said  in  a succeeding  chapter  devoted  to  literature  and 
education. 

In  their  campaign  against  the  prevailing  lawlessness  and 


■;  . - 


MANCHOORIAN  MINISTERS. 


WHAT  THE  REST  OF  THE  WORLD  WAS  DOING.  49 


violence,  neither  Confucius  nor  Mencius  was  able  to  make  any 
headway.  Their  preachings  fell  on  deaf  ears  and  their  peaceful 
admonitions  were  passed  unheeded  by  men  who  held  their  fiefs 
by  the  strength  of  their  right  arms,  and  administered  the  affairs 
of  their  principalities  surrounded  by  the  din  of  war.  The  feudal 
system  and  the  dynasty  of  the  Chows  were  tottering  when  Con- 
fucius died  although  it  was  more  than  two  hundred  years  after 
when  Ch’in  acquired  the  supremacy. 

The  nine  centuries  covered  by  the  history  of  the  Chows  weie 
full  of  stirring  incidents  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  The  Trojan 
war  had  just  been  brought  to  an  end  and  ^neashad  taken  refuge 
in  Italy  from  the  sack  of  Tro}".  Early  in  the  dynasty  Zoroaster 
was  founding  in  Persia  the  religion  of  the  Magi,  the  worship  of 
fire. which  survives  in  the  Parseeism  of  Bombay.  Saul  was  made 
king  of  Israel  and  Solomon  built  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.  Later 
on  Lycurgus  gave  laws  to  the  Spartans  and  Romulus  laid  the  first 
stone  of  the  Eternal  City.  Then  came  the  Babylonic  captivity, 
the  appearance  of  Buddha,  the  conquest  of  Asia  Minor  by  C}U'us, 
' the  rise  of  tlie  Roman  Republic,  the  defeats  of  Darius  at  Marathon 
and  of  Xerxes  at  Salamis,  the  Peloponnesian  War,  the  retreat  of 
the  Ten  Thousand,  and  Roman  conquests  down  to  the  end  of  the 
first  Punic  war.  From  a literary  point  of  view  the  Chow  dynasty 
was  the  age  of  the  Vedas  in  India  ; of  Homer,  Aeschylus,  Herod- 
otus, Aristophanes,  Thucydides,  Aristotle  and  Demosthenes  in 
Greece  ; and  of  the  Jewish  prophets  from  Samuel  to  Daniel ; and 
of  the  Talmud  as  originally  undertaken  by  the  scribes  subsequent 
to  the  return  from  the  captivity  in  Babylon. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  imperial  rule  of  the  Chows  over  the 
vassal  states  which  made  up  the  China  of  those  early  days,  was 
gradually  undermined  by  the  growing  power  and  influence  of  one 
of  the  latter,  the  very  name  of  which  was  transformed  into  a by- 
word of  reproach,  so  that  to  call  a person  “a  man  of  Ch’in”  was 
equivalent  to  saying  in  vulgar  parlance,  “ He  is  no  friend  of 
mine.”  The  struggle  between  the  Ch’ins  and  the  rest  of  the 
empire  may  be  likened  to  the  struggle  between  Athens  and  the 
rest  of  Greece  though  the  end  in  each  case  was  not  the  same. 
The  state  of  Ch’in  vanquished  its  combined  opponents,  and  Anally 
established  a dynasty,  shortlived  indeed,  but  containing  among 


50 


THE  FIRST  EMPEROR  OF  CHINA. 


the  few  rulers  who  sat  upon  the  throne,  only  about  fifty  years  in 
all,  the  name  of  one  remarkable  man,  the  first  emperor  of  the 
united  China. 

On  the  ruins  of  the  old  feudal  system,  the  landmarks  of  which 
his  three  or  four  predecessors  had  succeeded  in  sweeping  away, 
Hwang  Ti  laid  the  foundations  of  a coherent  empire  which  was 


GREAT  WALL  OF  CHINA. 


to  date  from  himself  as  its  founder.  He  sent  an  army  of  800,000 
men  to  fight  against  the  Hiins.  He  dispatched  a fleet  to  search 
for  some  mysterious  islands  off  the  coast  of  China ; and  this  ex- 
pedition has  since  been  connected  with  the  colonization  of  Japan. 
He  built  the  Great  Wall  which  is  nearly  fourteen  hundred  miles  in 
length,  forming  the  most  prominent  artificial  object  on  the  surface 


THE  BURNING  OF  THE  BOOKS. 


61 


of  the  earth.  His  copper  coinage  was  so  uniformly  good  that  the 
cowry  disappeared  altogether  from  commerce  with  this  reign.  Ac- 
cording to  some,  the  modern  hair  pencil  employed  by  the  Chinese 
as  a pen  was  invented  about  this  time,  to  be  used  for  writing  on 
silk;  while  the  characters  themselves  underwent  certain  modifi- 
cations and  orthographical  improvements.  The  first  emperor  de- 
sired above  all  things  to  impart  a fresh  stimulus  to  literary  effort; 
but  he  adopted  singularly  unfortunate  means  to  secure  this  de- 
sirable end.  For  listening  to  the  insidious  flattery  of  courtiers,  he 
determined  that  literature  should  begin  anew  with  his  reign.  He 
therefore  issued  orders  for  the  destruction  of  all  existing  books, 
with  the  exception  of  works  treating  of  medicine,  agriculture  and 
divination  and  the  annals  of  his  own  house ; and  he  actually  put 
to  death  many  hundreds  of  the  literati  who  refused  to  comply 
with  these  commands.  The  decree  was  obeyed  as  faithfully  as 
was  possible  in  case  of  so  sweeping  an  ordinance  and  for  many 
years  a night  of  ignorance  rested  on  the  country.  Numbers  of 
valuable  works  thus  perished  in  a general  literary  conflagration, 
popularly  known  as  “ the  burning  of  the  books  ; ” and  it  is  partly 
to  accident  and  partly  to  the  pious  efforts  of  the  scholars  of  the 
age,  that  posterity  is  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  the  most 
precious  relics  of  ancient  Chinese  literature.  The  death  of  Hwang 
Ti  was  the  signal  for  an  outbreak  among  the  dispossessed  feudal 
princes,  who,  however,  after  some  years  of  disorder,  were  again 
reduced  to  the  rank  of  citizens  by  a successful  peasant  leader  who 
adopted  the  title  of  Kaou  Ti,  and  named  his  dynasty  that  of  Han, 
with  himself  its  first  emperor. 

From  that  day  to  this,  with  occasional  interregnums,  the  empire 
has  been  ruled  on  the  lines  laid  down  by  Hwang  Ti.  Dynasty 
has  succeeded  dynasty  but  the  political  tradition  has  remained  un- 
changed, and  though  Mongols  and  Manchoos  have  at  different 
times  wrested  the  throne  from  its  legitimate  heirs,  they  have  been 
engulfed  in  a homogeneous  mass  inhabiting  the  empire,  and  in- 
stead of  impressing  their  seal  upon  the  country,  have  become  but 
the  reflection  of  the  vanquished.  The  stately  House  of  Han  ruled 
over  China  for  four  hundred  years,  approximately  from  200  B.  C. 
to  200  A.  D.  During  the  whole  period  the  empire  made  vast 
strides  towards  a more  settled  state  of  prosperity  and  civilization, 


52 


HISTORY  OF  THE  HAN  DYNASTY. 


although  there  were  constant  wars  with  the  Tartar  tribes  to  the 
north  and  the  various  Turkish  tribes  on  the  west.  The  communi- 
cations with  the  Huns  were  particularly  close,  and  even  now 
traces  of  Hunnish  influence  are  discernible  in  several  of  the 
recognized  surnames  of  the  Chinese.  This  dynasty  also  wit- 
nessed the  spectacle,  most  unusual  in  the  east,  of  a woman 
wielding  the  imperial  sceptre  ; and  hers  was  not  a reign  calcu- 
lated to  inspire  the  people  of  China  with  much  faith  either  in  the 

virtue  or  the  administrative 
ability  of  the  sex.  In  Chinese 
history  however,  her  place  is 
that  of  the  only  female  sover- 
eign who  ever  legitimately 
occupied  the  throne. 

It  was  under  the  Han 
dynasty  that  the  religion  of 
Buddha  first  became  known 
to  the  Chinese  people,  and 
Taoism  began  to  develop 
from  quiet  philosophy  to 
foolish  superstitions  and 
practices.  It  was  also  dur- 
ing this  period  that  the  Jews 
appear  to  have  founded  a 
colony  in  Honan,  but  we 
cannot  say  what  kind  of  a 
reception  was  accorded  to 
the  new  faith.  In  the  glow 
of  early  Buddhism,  and  in 
the  exciting  times  of  its  subsequent  persecution,  it  is  probable 
that  Judaism  failed  to  attract  much  serious  attention  from  the 
Chinese.  In  1850  certain  Hebrew  rolls  were  recovered  from  the 
few  remaining  descendants  of  former  Jews;  but  there  was  then 
no  one  left  who  could  read  a word  of  them,  or  who  possessed  any 
knowledge  of  the  creed  of  their  forefathers,  beyond  a few  tradi- 
tions of  the  scantiest  possible  kind. 

But  the  most  remarkable  of  all  events  connected  with  our 
present  period,  was  the  general  revival  of  learning  and  author- 


BUDDHIST  PRIEST. 


FAMOUS  MEN  OF  THIS  PERIOD. 


'53 


ship.  The  Confucian  texts  were  rescued  from  hiding  places  in 
which  they  had  been  concealed  at  the  risk  of  death;  editing  com- 
mittees were  appointed,  and  immense  efforts  made  to  repair  the 
mischief  sustained  by  literature  at  the  hand  of  the  first  emperor. 
Ink  and  paper  were  invented  and  authorship  was  thus  enabled  to 
make  a fresh  start,  the  very  start  indeed,  that  the  first  emperor 
had  longed  to  associate  with  his  own  reign,  and  had  attempted  to 
secure  by  such  impracticable  means.  During  the  latter  portion 
of  the  second  century  B.  C.,  flourished  the  “ Father  of  Chinese 
History.”  His  great  Avork,  which  has  been  the  model  for  all  sub- 
sequent histories,  is  divided  into  one  hundred  and  thirty  books, 
and  deals  with  a period  extending  from  the  reign  of  the  Yellow 
emperor  down  to  his  own  times.  In  another  branch  of  literature, 
a foremost  place  among  the  lexicographers  of  the  world  may 
fairly  be  claimed  for  Hsu  Shen,  the  author  of  a famous  dic- 
tionary. Many  other  celebrated  writers  lived  and  prospered  dur- 
ing the  Han  dynasty.  One  man  whose  name  must  be  mentioned 
insured  for  himself,  by  his  virtue  and  integrity,  a more  imper- 
ishable fame  than  any  mere  literary  acliievement  could  bestow. 
Yang  Chen  was  indeed  a scholar  of  no  mean  attainments,  and 
away  in  his  occidental  home  he  was  known  as  the  “ Confucius 
of  the  west.”  An  officer  of  government  in  a high  position, 
with  every  means  of  obtaining  wealth  at  his  command,  he  lived 
and  died  in  comparative  poverty,  his  only  object  of  ambition  being 
the  reputation  of  a spotless  official.  The  Yangs  of  his  day  grum- 
bled sorely  at  opportunities  thus  thrown  away ; but  the  Yangs  of 
to-da}^  gioiy  ill  the  fame  of  their  great  ancestor  and  are  proud  to 
worship  in  the  ancestral  hall  to  which  his  uprightness  has  be- 
queathed the  name.  For  once  when  pressed  to  receive  a bribe, 
with  the  additional  inducement  that  no  one  would  know  of  the 
transaction,  he  quietly  replied — “ How  so  ? Heaven  would  know  ; 
earth  would  know ; you  would  know  and  I should  know.”  And 
to  this  hour  the  ancestral  shrine  of  the  clan  of  the  Yangs  bears 
as  it  name  “The  Hall  of  the  Four  Knows.” 

It  was  in  all  probability  under  the  dynasty  of  the  Hans  that 
the  drama  first  took  its  place  among  the  amusements  of  the 
people. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  linger  over  the  four  centuries  which  con- 


54 


ADVANCE  IN  THE  TRANSITIONAL  PERIOD. 


nect  the  Hans  with  the  T’angs.  There  was  not  in  them  that  dis- 
tinctness of  character  or  coherency  of  aim  which  leave  a great 
impress  upon  the  times.  The  three  kingdoms  passed  rapidly 
awaj^  and  other  small  dynasties  succeeded  them,  but  their  names 
and  dates  are  not  essential  to  a right  comprehension  of  the  state 
of  China  then  or  now.  A few  points  may,  however,  be  briefly 
mentioned  before  quitting  this  period  of  transition.  Diplomatic 
relations  were  opened  with  Japan ; and  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced by  the  Nestorians  under  the  title  of  the  “luminous  teach- 
ing.” Tea  was  not  known  in  China  before  this  date.  It  was  at 
the  close  of  this  transitional  period  that  we  first  detect  traces  of 
the  art  of  printing,  still  in  an  embryonic  state,  and  it  seems  to  be 
quite  certain  that  before  the  end  of  the  sixth  centuiy  the  Chinese 
were  in  possession  of  a method  of  reproduction  from  wooden 
blocks.  One  of  the  last  emperors  of  the  period  succeeded  in 
adding  largely  to  the  empire  by  annexation  toward  the  west. 
Embassies  reached  his  court  from  various  nations,  including 
Japan  and  Cochin  China,  and  helped  to  add  to  the  lustre  of  his 
reign. 

The  three  centuries  A.  D.  600-900,  during  which  the  T’angs 
sat  upon  the  throne,  form  a brilliant  epoch  in  Chinese  history, 
and  the  southern  people  of  China  are  still  proud  of  the  designa- 
tion which  has  descended  to  them  as  “ men  of  T’ang.”  Emperor 
Hsuan  Tsung  fought  against  the  prevailing  extravagance  in 
dress ; founded  a large  dramatic  college ; and  was  an  enthusias- 
tic patron  of  literature.  Buddhism  flourished  during  this  period 
in  spite  of  edicts  against  it.  Finally,  it  gained  the  favor  of  the 
emperors  and  for  a time  overpowered  even  Confucianism.  It 
was  during  the  reign  of  the  second  emperor  of  the  T’angs  and 
only  six  years  after  the  Hegira  that  the  religion  of  Mahomet  flrst 
reached  the  shores  of  China.  A maternal  uncle  of  the  prophet 
visited  the  country  and  obtained  permission  to  build  a mosque 
at  Canton,  portions  of  which  may  perhaps  still  be  found  in  the 
thrice  restored  structure  which  now  stands  upon  its  site.  Ihe 
use  of  paper  money  was  flrst  introduced  by  the  government 
toward  the  closing  years  of  the  dynasty ; and  it  is  near  to  this 
time  that  we  can  trace  back  the  existence  of  the  modern  court 


PAPER  MONEY  AND  PRINTING.' 


55 


circular  and  daily  record  of  edicts,  memorials,  etc.,  commonly 
known  as  the  Peking  Gazette. 

Another  unimportant  transition  period,  sixty  years  in  duration, 
forms  the  connecting  link  between  the  houses  of  T’ang  and 
Sung.  It  is  known  in  Chinese  history  as  the  period  of  the  five 
dynasties,  after  the  five  short-lived  ones  crowded  into  this  space 
of  time.  It  is  remarkable  cliiefiy  for  the  more  extended  practice 
of  printing  from  wooden  blocks,  the  standard  classical  works 
being  now  for  the  first  time  printed  in  this  way.  The  discredit- 
able custom  of  cramping  women’s  feet  into  the  so-called  “ golden 
lilies  ” belongs  probably  to  this  date,  though  referred  by  some  to 
a period  several  hundred  years  later. 

It  has  been  said  before  that  the  age  of  the  T’angs  was  the  age 
of  Mahomet  and  his  new  religion,  the  propagation  of  which  was 
destined  to  meet  in  the  west  with  a fatal  check  from  the  arms  of 
Charles  Martel  at  the  battle  of  Tours.  It  was  the  age  of  Rome 
independent  under  her  early  popes;  of  Charlemagne  as  emperor 
of  the  west;  of  Egbert  as  first  king  of  England;  and  of  Alfred 
the  Great. 

The  Sung  dynasty  extended  from  about  A.  D.  960  to  1280. 
The  first  portion  of  this  dynasty  may  be  considered  as  on  the 
whole,  one  of  the  most  prosperous  and  peaceable  periods  of  the 
history  of  China.  The  nation  had  already  in  a great  measure 
settled  down  to  that  state  of  material  civilization  and  mental 
culture  in  which  it  may  be  said  to  have  been  discovered  by 
Europeans  a few  centuries  later.  To  the  appliances  of  Chinese 
ordinary  life  it  is  probable  that  but  few  additions  have  been  made 
even  since  a much  earlier  date.  The  national  costume  has  indeed 
undergone  subsequent  variations,  and  at  least  one  striking 
change  has  been  introduced  in  later  years,  that  is,  the  tail,  which 
will  be  mentioned  later.  But  the  plows  and  hoes,  the  water 
wheels  and  well  sweeps,  the  tools  of  artisans,  mud  huts,  junks, 
carts,  chairs,  tables,  chopsticks,  etc.,  which  we  still  see  in  China, 
are  doubtless  approximately  those  of  more  than  two  thousand 
years  ago.  Mencius  observed  that  the  written  language  was 
the  same,  and  axle-trees  of  the  same  length  all  over  the  empire  ; 
and  to  this  day  an  unaltering  uniformity  is  one  of  the  chief  char- 
acteristics of  the  Chinese  people  in  every  department  of  life. 


56 


INVASIONS  OF  THE  TARTARS  AND  MONGOLS. 


The  house  of  Sung  was  not  however  without  the  usual  troubles 
for  any  length  of  time.  Periodical  revolts  are  the  special  feature 
of  Chinese  history,  and  the  Sungs  were  hardly  exempt  from  tliem 
in  a greater  degree  than  other  dynasties.  The  Tartars  too,  were 
forever  encroaching  upon  Chinese  territory  and  finally  overran 
and  occupied  a large  part  of  northern  China.  This  resulted  in  an 
amicable  arrangement  to  divide  the  empire,  the  Tartars  retaining 
their  conquests  in  the  north.  Less  than  a hundred  years  later 
came  the  invasion  of  the  Mongols  under  Genghis  Khan,  with  the 
long  struggle  which  eventuated  in  a complete  overthrow  of  both 
the  Tartars  and  the  Sungs  and  the  final  establishment  of  the 
Mongol  dynasty  under  Kublai  Khan,  whose  success  was  in  a 
great  measure  due  to  the  military  capacity  of  his  famous  lieuten- 
ant Bayan.  From  this  struggle  one  name  in  particular  has  sur- 
vived to  form  a landmark  of  which  the  Chinese  are  justly  proud. 
It  is  that  of  the  patriot  statesman  Wen  T’ien-hsiang,  whose 
fidelity  to  the  Sungs  no  defeats  could  shake,  no  promises  under- 
mine ; and  who  perished  miserably  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy 
rather  than  abjure  the  loyalty  which  had  been  the  pride  and 
almost  the  object  of  his  existence. 

Another  name  inseparably  connected  with  the  history  of  the 
Sungs  is  that  of  Wang  An-shih  who  has  been  styled  “ The  Inno- 
vator ” from  the  gigantic  administrative  changes  or  innovations 
he  labored  ineffectually  to  introduce.  The  chief  of  these  were  a 
universal  system  of  militia  under  which  the  whole  body  of  citizens 
were  liable  to  military  drill  and  to  be  called  out  for  service  in 
time  of  need  ; and  a system  of  state  loans  to  agriculturists  in  order 
to  supply  capital  for  more  extensive  and  more  remunerative  farm- 
ing operations.  His  schemes  were  ultimately  set  aside  through  the 
opposition  of  a statesman  whose  name  is  connected  even  more  closely 
with  literature  than  with  politics.  Ssu-maKuang  spent  nineteen 
years  of  his  life  in  the  compilation  of  “ The  Mirror  of  Flistory,”  a 
history  of  China  in  two  hundred  and  ninety-four  books,  from  the 
earliest  times  of  the  Chow  dynast}^  down  to  the  accession  of  the 
house  of  Sung. 

A century  later  this  lengthy  production  was  recast  in  a 
greatly  condensed  form  under  the  superintendence  of  Chu  Hsi, 
the  latter  work  at  once  taking  rank  as  the  standard  history 


CHrXESE  ARCHERS. 


LITERARY  WORK  OF  THE  SUNG  DYNASTY. 


59 


of  China  to  that  date.  Chu  Hsi  himself  played  in  other  ways 
by  far  the  most  important  part  among  all  the  literary  giants  of 
the  Sungs.  Besides  holding,  during  a large  portion  of  his  life, 
high  official  position,  with  an  almost  unqualified  success,  his 
writings  are  more  extensive  and  more  varied  in  character  than 
those  of  any  other  Chinese  author ; and  the  complete  collection 


CHINESE  WRITER. 


of  his  great  philosophical  works,  published  in  1713,  fills  no  fewer 
than  sixty-six  books.  He  introduced  interpretations  of  the  Con- 
fucian  classics,  either  wholly  or  partially  at  variance  with  those 
which  had  been  put  forth  by  the  scholars  of  the  Han  dynasty 
and  received  as  infallible  ever  since,  thus  modifying  to  a certain 
extent  the  prevailing  standard  of  political  and  social  morality. 


60 


A FAMOUS  CHINESE  POET. 


His  principle  was  simply  one  of  consistency.  He  refused  to  in- 
terpret certain  words  in  a given  passage  in  one  sense  and  the 
same  words  occurring  elsewhere  in  another  sense.  And  this 
principle  recommended  itself  at  once  to  the  highly  logical 
mind  of  the  Chinese.  Chu  Hsi’s  commentaries  were  received 
to  the  exclusion  of  all  others  and  still  form  the  only  author- 
ized interpretation  of  the  classical  books,  upon  a knowledge  of 
■ which  all  success  at  the  great  competitive  examination  for 
literary  degrees  may  be  said  to  entirely  depend. 

It  would  be  a lengthy  task  to  merely  enumerate  the  names  in 
the  great  phalanx  of  writers  who  flourished  under  the  Sungs  and 
who  formed  an  Augustan  Age  of  Chinese  literature.  Exception 
must  however  be  made  in  favor  of  Ou-Yang  Hsiu,  who  besides 
being  an  eminent  statesman,  was  a voluminous  historian  of  the 
immediately  preceding  dynasties,  an  essayist  of  rare  ability,  and  a 
poet ; and  of  Su  Tung-p’o  whose  name  next  to  that  of  Chu  Hsi 
fills  the  largest  place  in  Chinese  memorials  of  this  period.  A 
vigorous  opponent  of  “The  Innovator,”  he  suffered  banishment 
for  his  opposition  ; and  again,  after  his  rival’s  fall,  he  was  similarly 
punished  for  further  crossing  the  imperial  will.  His  exile 
was  shared  by  the  beautiful  and  accomplished  girl  “ Morning 
Clouds,”  to  whose  inspiration  we  owe  many  of  the  elaborate 
poems  and  other  productions  in  the  composition  of  which  the 
banished  poet  beguiled  his  time ; and  whose  untimely  death  of 
consumption,  on  the  banks  of  their  favorite  lake,  hastened  the  poet's 
end,  which  occurred  shortly  after  his  recall  from  banishment. 

Buddhism  and  Taoism  had  by  this  time  made  advances  toward 
tacit  terms  of  mutual  toleration.  They  wisely  agreed  to  share 
rather  than  to  quarrel  over  the  carcass  which  lay  at  their  feet ; 
and  from  that  date  they  have  flourished  together  without  prejudice. 

The  system  of  competitive  examinations  and  literary  degrees 
' had  been  still  more  fully  elaborated,  and  the  famous  child’s  primer, 
the  “ Three  Character  Classic,”  which  is  even  now  the  first  step- 
ping stone  to  knowledge,  had  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  school 
boys.'  The  surnames  of  the  people  were  collected  to  the  number 
of  four  hundred  and  thirty-eight  in  all;  and  although  this  was 
admittedly  not  complete,  the  great  majority  of  those  names  which 
were  omitted,  once  perhaps  in  common  use,  have  altogether  disap- 


LITERATURE,  LAW,  AND  MEDICINE. 


61 


peared.  It  is  comparatively  rare  nowadays  to  meet  with  a person 
whose  family  name  is  not  to  be  found  within  the  limits  of  this 
small  collection.  Administration  of  justice  is  said  to  have  flour- 
ished under  the  incorrupt  officials  of  this  dynasty.  The  func- 
tions of  magistrates  were  more  fully  defined;  while  the  study 
of  medical  jurisprudence  was  stimulated  by  the  publication  of  a 
volume  which,  although  combining  the  maximum  of  superstition 
with  the  minimum  of  scientific  research,  is  still  the  officially 
recognized  text  book  on  all  subjects  connected  with  murder,  ^ 
suicide  and  accidental  death.  Medicine  and  the  art  of  healing 
came  in  for  a considerable  share  of  attention  at  the  hands  of  the 
Sungs  and  many  voluminous  works  on  therapeutics  have  come 
down  to  us  from  this  period.  Inoculation  for  small-pox  has  been 
known  to  the  Chinese  at  least  since  the  early  years  of  this 
dynasty  if  not  earlier. 

The  irruption  of  the  Mongols  under  Genghis  Khan,  and  the 
comparatively  short  dynasty  which  was  later  on  actually  estab- 
lished under  Kublai  Khan,  may  be  regarded  as  the  period  of 
transition  from  the  epoch  of  the  Sungs  to  the  epoch  of  the  Mings. 
For  the  first  eighty  years  after  the  nominal  accession  of  Genghis 
Khan  the  empire  was  more  or  less  in  a state  of  siege  and  martial 
law  from  one  end  to  the  other  ; and  then  in  less  than  one  hundred 
years  afterwards  the  Mongol  dynasty  had  passed  away.  The 
story  of  Ser  Marco  Polo  and  his  wonderful  travels,  familiar  to 
most  readers,  gives  us  a valuable  insight  into  this  period  of  brill- 
iant courts,  thronged  marts,  fine  cities,  and  great  national  wealth. 

At  this  date  the  literary  glory  of  the  Sungs  had  hardly  begun 
to  grow  dim.  Ma  Tuan-lin  carried  on  his  voluminous  work 
through  all  the  troublous  times,  and  at  his  death  bequeathed  to 
the  world  “ The  Antiquarian  Researches,”  in  three  hundred  and 
forty-eight  books,  which  have  made  his  name  famous  to  every 
student  of  Chinese  literature.  Plane  and  spherical  trigonometry 
were  both  known  to  the  Chinese  by  this  time,  and  mathematics 
generally  began  to  receive  a larger  share  of  the  attention  of 
scholars.  It  was  also  under  the  Mongol  dynasty  that  the  novel 
first  made  its  appearance,  a fact  pointing  to  a definite  social  ad- 
vancement, if  only  in  the  direction  of  luxurious  reading.  Among 


62 


KUBLAI  KHAN  AND  HIS  REIGN. 


other  points  may  be  mentioned  a great  influx  of  Mohammedans, 
and  consequent  spread  of  their  religion  about  this  time. 

The  Grand  Canal  was  completed  by  Kublai  Khan,  and  thus 
Cambaluc,  the  Peking  of  those  days,  was  united  by  inland  water 
communication  with  the  extreme  south  of  China.  The  work 
seems  to  have  been  begun  by  the  Emperor  Yang  Ti  seven  cen- 
turies previously,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  undertaking  was 
done  in  the  reign  of  Kublai  Khan.  Hardly  so  successful  was  the 
same  emperor’s  huge  naval  expedition  against  Japan,  which  in 
point  of  number  of  ships  and  men,  the  insular  character  of  the 
enemy’s  country,  the  chastisement  intended,  and  the  total  loss  of 
the  fleet  in  a storm,  aided  by  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  Jap- 
anese themselves,  suggests  a very  obvious  comparison  with  the 
object  and  fate  of  the  Spanish  Armada. 

The  age  of  the  Sungs  carries  us  from  a hundred  years  previous 
to  the  Norman  Conquest  down  to  about  the  death  of  Edward  III. 
It  was  the  epoch  of  Venetian  commerce  and  maritime  supremacy; 
and  of  the  first  great  lights  in  Italian  literature,  Dante,  Petrarch 
and  Boccacio.  English,  French,  German  and  Spanish  literature 
had  yet  to  develop,  only  one  or  two  of  the  earlier  writers,  such 
as  Chaucer,  having  yet  appeared  on  the  scene. 

The  founder  of  the  Ming  dynasty  rose  from  starvation  and  ob- 
scurity to  occupy  the  throne  of  the  Chinese  empire.  In  his  youth 
he  sought  refuge  from  the  pangs  of  hunger  in  a Buddhist  monas- 
tery ; later  on  he  became  a soldier  of  fortune,  and  joined  the 
ranks  of  the  insurgents  who  were  endeavoring  to  shake  off  the 
alien  yoke  of  the  Mongols.  His  own  great  abilities  carried  him 
on.  He  speedily  obtained  the  leadership  of  a large  army,  with 
which  he  totally  destroyed  the  power  of  the  Mongols,  and  finally 
established  a new  Chinese  dynasty  over  the  thirteen  provinces 
into  which  the  empire  was  divided.  He  fixed  his  capitol  at  Nan- 
king, where  it  remained  until  the  accession  of  the  third  emperor, 
the  conqueror  of  Cochin  China  and  Tonquin,  who  transferred  the 
seat  of  government  back  to  Peking,  the  capitol  of  the  Mongols, 
from  which  it  has  never  since  been  removed. 

For  nearly  three  hundred  years,  from  1370  to  1650,  the  Mings 
swayed  the  destinies  of  China.  Their  rule  was  not  one  of  unin- 
terrupted peace,  either  within  or  without  the  empire  ; but  it  was 


CHINESE  CANNONTERS. 


FOUNDING  THE  MING  DYNASTY. 


65 


on  the  whole  a wise  and  popular  rule,  and  the  period  which  it 
covers  is  otherwise  notable  for  immense  literary  activity  and  for 
considerable  refinement  in  manners  and  material  civilization. 

From  without,  the  Mings  were  constantly  harrassed  by  the 
encroachments  of  the  Tartars;  while  from  within  the  ceaseless 
intriguing  of  the  eunuchs  was  a fertile  cause  of  trouble. 

Chief  among  the  literary  achievements  of  this  period,  is  the 


ANCIENT  CHINESE  ARCH. 

1 

gigantic  encyclopedia  in  over  twenty-two  thousand  books,  only 
one  copy  of  which,  and  that  imperfect,  has  survived  out  of  the 
four  that  were  originally  made.  Allowing  fifty  octavo  pages  to 
a book,  the  result  would  be  a total  of  at  least  one  million  one 
hundred  thousand  pages,  the  index  alone  occupying  no  fewer 
than  three  thousand  pages.  This  wonderful  work  is  now  probably 
rotting,  if  not  already  rotted  beyond  hope  of  preservation>  in 
4 


66 


A CHINESE  EMPEROR’S  PRIVATE  LIBRARY. 


some  damp  corner  of  the  imperial  palace  at  Peking.  Another  im- 
portant and  more  accessible  production  was  the  so-called  “ Chinese 
Herbal.”  This  was  a compilation  from  the  writings  of  no  fewer 
than  eight  hundred  preceding  writers  on  botany,  mineralogy, 
entomology,  etc.,  the  whole  forming  a voluminous  but  unsci- 
entific book  of  reference  on  the  natural  history  of  China. 
Shortly  after  the  accession  of  the  third  emperor,  Yung  Lo,  the 
imperial  library  was  estimated  to  contain  written  and  printed 
works  amounting  to  a total  of  about  one  million  in  all.  A book 
is  a variable  quantity  in  Chinese  literature,  both  as  regards  num- 
ber and  size  of  pages ; the  number  of  books  to  a work  also  vary 
from  one  to  several  hundred.  But  reckoning  fifty  pages  to  a book 
and  twenty  or  twenty-five  books  to  a work,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  collection  was  not  an  unworthy  private  library  for  any  em- 
peror in  the  early  years  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  overthrow  of  the  Mings  was  brought  about  by  a combina- 
tion of  events  of  the  utmost  importance  to  those  who  would  un- 
derstand the  present  position  of  the  Tartars  as  rulers  of  China. 
A sudden  rebellion  had  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Peking  by  the 
insurgents,  and  in  the  suicide  of  the  emperor  who  was  fated  to  be 
the  last  of  his  line.  The  imperial  commander-in-chief,  Wu  San- 
kuei,  at  that  time  away  on  the  frontiers  of  Manchooria  engaged  in 
resisting  the  incursions  of  the  Manchoo-Tartars,  now  for  a long 
time  in  a state  of  ferment,  immediately  hurried  back  to  the 
capitol  but  was  totall}'’  defeated  by  the  insurgent  leader  and  once 
more  made  his  way,  this  time  as  a fugitive  and  a suppliant,  toward 
the  Tartar  camp.  Here  he  obtained  promises  of  assistance 
chiefly  on  condition  that  he  would  shave  his  head  and  grow  a tail 
in  accordance  with  Manchoo  custom,  and  again  set  off  with  his 
new  auxilliaries  toward  Peking,  being  reinforced  on  the  way  by  a 
body  of  Mongol  volunteers.  As  things  turned  out,  the  com- 
mander arrived  in  Peking  in  advance  of  these  allies,  and  actually 
succeeded  with  the  remnant  of  his  own  scattered  forces  in  routing 
the  troups  of  the  rebel  leader  before  the  Tartars  and  the  Mon- 
gols came  up.  He  then  started  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  foe. 
Meanwhile  the  Tartar  contingent  arrived  and  on  entering  the 
capitol  the  young  Manchoo  prince  in  command  was  invited  by  the 
people  of  Peking  to  ascend  the  vacant  throne.  So  that  by  the 


FOUNDING  OF  THE  PRESENT  RULING  DYNASTY.  67 


time  W u San-kuei  reappeared,  he  found  a new  dynasty  already 
established  and  his  late  Manchoo  ally  at  the  head  of  affairs.  His 
first  intention  had  doubtless  been  to  continue  the  Ming  line  of 
emperors  ; but  he  seems  to  have  readily  fallen  in  with  the  arrange- 
ment already  made  and  to  have  tendered  his  formal  allegiance  on 
the  four  following  conditions : 

That  no  Chinese  woman  should  be  taken  into  the  imperial  se- 
raglio ; that  the  first  place  at  the  great  triennial  examination  for 
the  highest  literary  degrees  should  never  be  given  to  a Tartar ; 
that  the  people  should  adopt  the  national  costume  of  the  Tartars 
in  their  everyday  life : but  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  bury 
their  corpses  in  the  dress  of  the  late  dynasty ; that  this  condition 
of  costume  should  not  apply  to  the  women  of  China  who  were  not 
to  be  compelled  either  to  wear  the  hair  in  a tail  before  marriage 
as  the  Tartar  girls  do,  or  to  abandon  the  custom  of  compressing 
their  feet. 

The  great  Ming  dynasty  was  now  at  an  end,  though  not  destined 
wholly  to  pass  away.  A large  part  of  it  may  be  said  to  remain 
in  the  literary  monuments.  The  dress  of  the  period  survives 
upon  the  modern  Chinese  stage ; and  when  occasionally  the  alien 
yoke  has  galled,  seditious  whispers  of  “ restoration  ” are  not  al- 
together unheard.  Secret  societies  have  always  been  dreaded  and 
prohibited  by  the  government;  and  of  these  none  more  so  than 
the  famous  “ Triad  Society,”  in  which  heaven,  earth,  and  man  are 
supposed  to  be  associated  in  close  alliance,  and  whose  watchword 
is  believed  to  embody  some  secret  allusion  to  the  downfall  of  the 
present  dynasty. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  civilization  of 
western  Europe  began  to  make  itself  felt  in  China  by  the  advent 
of  the  Portuguese,  and  this  matter  will  be  returned  to  in  the  fol- 
lowing chapter. 

In  other  parts  of  the  world,  eventful  times  have  set  in.  In 
England  we  are  brought  from  the  accession  of  Richard  II.  down 
to  the  struggle  between  the  king  and  the  commons  and  the  ulti- 
mate establishment  of  the  commonwealth.  We  have  Henry  IV. 
in  France  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  in  Spain.  In  England, 
Shakspeare  and  Bacon;  in  France,  Rabelais  and  Descartes;  in 
Germany,  Luther  and  Copernicus  ; in  Spain,  Cervantes ; and  in 


68 


IN  OTHER  PARTS  OF  THE  WORLD. 


Italy,  Galileo, Machiavelli  and  Tasso;  these  names  to  which  should 
be  added  those  of  the  great  explorers,  Columbus  and  Vasco  de 
Gama,  serve  to  remind  one  of  what  was  meanwhile  passing  in  the 
west. 


CHINESE  EODGINC  HOUSE. 


FROM  FIRST  CONTACT  WITH  EUROPEAN  CIVILIZA- 
TION TO  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WAR. 


How  the  Western  Nations  Formed  the  Acquaintance  of  China— First  Mention  of  the 
Orient  by  Grecian  and  Roman  Historians— Introduction  of  Judaism— Nestorian  Missionaries 
Bring  Christianity— Marco  Polo’s  Wonderful  Journey— Roman  Missionaries  in  the  Field— 
Dissentions  among  Christians  Discredit  their  Work— Work  of  the  Jesuits— The  Dynasty  of 
the  Chings— Splendid  Literary  Labors  of  Two  Emperors— Englands  First  Embassy  to 
China— The  Opium  War— Opening  the  Ports  of  China— Treaties  with  Western  Nations— The 
Tai-Ping  Rebellion— The  Later  Years  of  Chinese  History. 

The  works  of  several  Greek  and  Roman  historians,  principally 
those  of  Ptolemy  and  Arian,  who  lived  in  the  second  century, 
contain  references  of  a vague  character  to  a country  now  generally 
believed  to  be  China.  Ptolemy  states  that  his  information  came 
from  the  agents  of  Macedonian  traders,  who  gave  him  an  account 
of  a journey  of  seven  months  from  the  principal  city  of  eastern 
Turkestan,  in  a direction  east  inclining  a little  south.  It  is 
probable  that  these  agents  belonged  to  some  of  the  Tartar  tribes 
of  Central  Asia.  They  represented  the  name  of  this  most  eastern 
nation  to  be  Serica,  and  that  on  the  borders  of  this  kingdom  they 
met  and  traded  with  its  inhabitants,  the  Seres.  Herodotus  speaks 
of  the  Isadores  as  a people  in  the  extreme  north-east  of  Asia. 
Ptolemy  also  mentions  these  tribes  as  a part  of  Serica  and  under 
its  sway.  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  a Roman  historian  of  the 
fourth  century,  speaks  of  the  land  of  the  Seres  as  surrounded  by 
a high  and  continuous  wall.  This  was  about  six  hundred  years 
after  the  great  wall  of  northern  China  was  built.  Virgil,  Pliny, 
Ricitus  and  Juvenal  refer  to  the  Seres  in  connection  with  the 
Seric  garments  which  seem  to  have  been  made  of  fine  silk  or 
gauze.  This  article  of  dress  was  much  sought  after  in  Rome  by 
the  wealthy  and  luxurious,  and  as  late  as  the  second  century,  is 
said  to  have  been  worth  its  weight  in  gold.  From  the  length  and 
description  of  the  route  of  the  traders,  the  description  of  the 
mountains  and  rivers  which  they  passed,  the  character  of  the 
people  with  whom  they  traded  and  the  articles  of  traffic,  the  evi- 
dence seems  almost  conclusive  that  the  nation  which  the  Greeks 
and  Romans  designated  by  the  name  of  Serica  is  that  now  known 

(71) 


72 


INTERCOURSE  WITH  WESTERN  NATIONS. 


to  us  as  China.  The  particular  countries  visited  by  the  caravans 
which  brought  the  silk  to  Europe,  were  probably  the  dependencies 
or  territories  of  China  on  the  west,  or  possibly  cities  within  the 
extreme  north-west  limit  of  China  proper. 

The  introduction  of  Judaism  into  China  is  evidenced  by  a 
Jewish  synagogue  which  existed  until  quite  recently  in  Kai-fung- 
foo,  a city  in  the  province  of  Honan.  Connected  with  this 
synagogue  were  some  Hebrew  manuscripts,  and  a few  worshippers 
who  retained  some  of  the  forms  of  their  religion,  but  very  little 
knowledge  of  its  real  character  and  spirit.  There  is  a great  deal 
'of  uncertainty  as  to  when  the  Jews  came  to  China,  though  they 
have,  no  doubt,  resided  there  for  many  centuries. 

Nestorian  missionaries  entered  China  some  time  before  the 
seventh  century.  The  principal  record  which  they  have  left  of 
the  success  of  their  missions  is  the  celebrated  Nestorian  monu- 
ment in  Fen-gan-foo.  This  monument  contains  a short  history  of 
the  sect  from  the  year  630  to  781,  and  also  an  abstract  of  the 
Christian  religion.  The  missionaries  of  this  sect  have  left  but  few 
records  of  their  labors  or  of  their  observations  as  travelers,  but 
the  churches  planted  by  them  seem  to  have  existed  until  a com- 
paratively recent  period.  The  Romish  missionaries  who  entered 
China  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  found  them 
possessed  of  considerable  influence,  not  only  among  the  people, 
but  also  at  court,  and  met  with  no  little  opposition  from  them  in 
their  first  attempts  to  introduce  the  doctrines  of  their  church.  It 
seems  to  be  true  that  during  the  period  of  nearly  eight  hundred 
years  in  which  Nestorian  Christianity  maintained  its  foothold  in 
China,  large  numbers  of  converts  were  made.  But  in  process  of 
time  the  Nestorian  churches  departed  widely  from  their  first 
teachings.  After  the  fall  of  the  Mongolian  empire  they  were  cut 
off  from  connection  with  the  v/est,  and  not  having  sufficient 
vitality  to  resist  the  adverse  influences  of  heathenism  the  people 
by  degrees  relapsed  into  idolatry  or  took  up  the  new  faiths  that 
were  introduced. 

The  first  western  writer,  whose  works  are  extant,  who  has  given 
anything  like  full  and  explicit  explanation  respecting  China  is 
Ser  Marco  Polo.  He  went  to  China  in  the  year  1274,  in  company 
with  his  father  and  uncle,  who  were  Venetian  noblemen.  At  this 


SER  MARCO  POLO’S  JOURNEY  TO  CHINA. 


73 


time,  the  independent  nomad  tribes  of  central  Asia  being  united 
in  one  government,  it  was  practicable  to  reach  eastern  Asia  by 
passing  through  the  Mongolian  empire.  Marco  Polo  spent 
twenty-four  years  in  China,  and  seems  to  have  been  treated 
kindly  and  hospitably.  After  his  return  to  Europe  he  was  taken 
prisoner  in  a war  with  the  Genoese,  and  during  his  confinement 
wrote  an  account  of  his  travels.  The  description  he  gives  of  the 
vast  territories  of  China,  its  teeming  population,  and  flourishing 
cities,  the  refinement  and  civilization  of  its  people,  and  their 
curious  customs,  seemed  to  his  countrymen  more  like  a fiction  of 
fairyland  than  sober  and  authentic  narrative.  It  is  said  that  he 
was  urged  when  on  his  death  bed  to  retract  these  statements  and 
make  confession  of  falsehood,  which  he  refused  to  do.  He  was 
undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  remarkable  travelers  of  any  age. 

During  the  period  of  the  Mongolian  empire  which  compre- 
hended under  its  sway  the  greater  part  of  Asia  from  China  on  the 
east  to  the  Mediterranean  on  the  west,  an  intense  desire  was 
kindled  in  the  Roman  church  to  convert  this  powerful  nation  to 
its  faith.  Among  the  first  and  the  most  noted  of  the  missionaries 
sent  to  China  at  this  time,  was  John  of  Mount  Corvin,  who 
reached  Peking  in  1293.  He  was  afterward  made  an  archbishop. 
From  time  to  time  bishops  and  priests  were  sent  out  to  re-enforce 
this  mission,  but  they  met  with  indifferent  success;  and  when  the 
Mongols  were  driven  from  China  the  enterprise  was  abandoned 
as  a complete  failure.  After  the  fall  of  the  Mongolian  empire, 
direct  overland  communication  with  eastern  Asia  was  interrupted, 
and  for  about  two  hundred  years  China  was  again  almost  com- 
pletely isolated  from  the  western  world. 

The  use  of  the  magnetic  needle,  and  improvements  in  naviga- 
tion, made  a new  era  in  intercourse  with  the  Orient.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  the  first  voyage  from  Europe  to  China  was  made  by  a 
Portuguese  vessel  in  1516.  From  this  period  commercial  inter- 
course with  China  became  more  frequent,  and  various  embassies 
were  sent  to  the  Chinese  court  by  different  nations  of  Europe. 
Unfortunately  the  growing  familiarity  of  the  Chinese  with  west- 
ern nations  did  not  increase  their  respect  and  confidence  in  them. 
This  was  due  partly  to  the  servility  of  most  of  the  embassies  to 
Peking,  but  principally,  no  doubt,  to  the  want  of  honesty  and 


74 


DISSENTIONS  BETWEEN  THE  SECTS. 


the  general  lawlessness  of  most  of  the  traders  from  the  west. 
The  consequence  was  that  the  Chinese  became  desirous  of  re- 
stricting foreign  intercourse,  and  exercising  as  strict  surveillance 
over  their  troublesome  visitors  as  possible. 

Immediately  after  connection  was  established  between  Europe 
and  the  far  east  by  sea,  another  and  a more  successful  effort  was 
made  by  the  Roman  church  to  propagate  its  faith  in  the  Chinese 
empire,  this  being  coincident  with  the  growth  of  the  exchange  of 
business.  Francis  Xavier,  in  his  attempt  to  gain  an  entrance 
into  the  country,  died  on  one  of  the  islands  of  the  coast  in  1552. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  Sixteenth  century  the  Portuguese  ap- 
peared upon  the  scene,  and  from  their  “ concession  ’’  at  Macao,  at 
one  time  the  residence  of  Camoens,  opened  commercial  relations 
between  China  and  the  west.  They  brought  the  Chinese,  among 
other  things,  opium,  which  had  previously  been  imported  over- 
land from  India.  They  possibly  taught  them  how  to  make  gun- 
powder, to  the  invention  of  which  the  Chinese  do  not  seem,  upon 
striking  a balance  of  evidence,  to  possess  an  independent  claim. 
About  the  same  time  Rome  contributed  the  first  installment  of 
those  wonderful  Jesuit  fathers  whose  names  yet  echo  in  the  em- 
pire, the  memory  of  their  scientific  labors  and  the  benefits  they 
thus  conferred  upon  China  having  long  survived  the  wreck  and 
discredit  of  the  faith  to  which  they  devoted  their  lives.  At  this 
distance  of  time  it  does  not  appear  to  be  a wild  statement,  to  as- 
sert that  had  the  Jesuits,  the  Franciscans,  and  the  Dominicans 
been  able  to  resist  quarreling  among  themselves,  and  had  they 
rather  united  to  persuade  papal  infallibility  to  permit  the  incor- 
poration of  ancestor-worship  with  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Romish  church,  China  would  at  this  moment  be  a Catholic  coun- 
try and  Buddhism,  Taoism,  and  Confucianism  would  long  since 
have  receded  into  the  past. 

Of  all  these  Jesuit  missionaries,  the  name  of  Matteo  Ricci 
stands  by  common  consent  upon  the  long  list.  He  established 
himself  in  Canton  in  the  garb  of  a Buddhist  priest  in  1581.  He 
was  a man  of  varied  intellectual  gifts  and  extensive  learning, 
united  with  indomitable  energy,  zeal  and  perseverance,  and  great 
prudence.  In  1601  he  reached  Peking  in  the  dress  of  a literary 
gentleman.  He  spent  many  years  in  China.  He  associated  with 


DISSENTIONS  BETWEEN  THE  SECTS. 


75 


valuable  treatises  of  a metaphysical  and  theological  character, 
written  in  such  a polished  style  as  to  command  the  recognition 


the  highest  personages  in  the  land.  He  acquired  an  unrivalled 
knowledge  of  the  book  language,  and  left  behind  him  several 


CHINESE  PRIEST. 


76 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  REIGNING  DYNASTY. 


and  even  the  admiration  of  the  Chinese.  One  of  his  most  inti- 
mate friends  and  fellow  workers  was  the  well-known  scholar  and 
statesman,  Hsu  Kuang-chi,  the  author  of  a voluminous  com- 
pendium of  agriculture,  and  joint  author  of  the  large  work 
which  introduced  European  astronomy  to  the  Chinese.  He  was 
appointed  by  the  emperor  to  co-operate  with  other  Jesuit  mis- 
sionaries in  reforming  the  national  calendar,  which  had  gradually 
reached  a stage  of  hopeless  inaccurac}^  He  wrote  independently 
several  small  scientific  works ; also  a severe  criticism  of  the 
Buddhist  religion,  and  finally,  not  least  in  importance,  a defense 
of  the  Jesuits,  addressed  to  the  throne,  when  their  influence  at 

court  had  begun  to  excite  envy 
and  distrust.  Hsu  Kuang-chi 
forms  the  sole  exception  in  the 
history  of  China  of  a scholar  and 
a man  of  means  and  position  on 
the  side  of  Christianity. 

The  age  of  the  Chings  is  the 
age  in  which  we  live,  but  it  is  not 
so  familiar  to  some  persons  as  it 
ought  to  be  that  a Tartar  and  not 
a Chinese  sovereign  is  now  seated 
on  the  throne  in  China.  For  some 
time  after  the  accession  of  the 
first  Manchoo  emperor,  there  was 
considerable  friction  between  the 
two  races, 
the  empire 

followed  by  a military  occupation  of  the  country,  which  survived 
the  original  necessity,  and  has  remained  part  of  the  system  of 
government  until  the  present  day.  The  dynasty  thus  founded, 
partly  by  accident  as  it  seems,  as  was  related  in  the  last  chapter, 
has  remained  in  power  through  the  entire  period  of  intercourse 
with  western  nations.  The  title  adopted  by  the  first  emperor  of 
the  line  was  Shun-che.  It  was  during  the  reign  of  this  sovereign 
that  Adam  Schaal,  a German  Jesuit,  took  up  his  residence  at 
Peking  and  that  the  first  Russian  embassy,  1656,  visited  the  cap- 
ital. But  in  those  days  the  Chinese  had  not  learned  to  tolerate 


The  subjugation  of 
by  the  Manchoos  was 


MAN  OF  SWATOW. 


THE  GREATEST  OF  THE  CHING  RULERS. 


77 


the  idea  that  a foreigner  should  enter  the  presence  of  the  Son  of 
Heaven  unless  he  were  willing  to  perform  the  prostration  known 
as  the  Ko-t’ow,  and  the  Russians  not  being  inclined  to  humor 
any  such  presumptuous  folly  left  the  capital  without  opening 
negotiations. 

Of  the  nine  emperors  of  this  line,  from  the  first  to  the  present, 
the  second  in  every  way  fills  the  largest  space  in  Chinese  history. 
Kang  Hi,  the  son  of  Sliun-che,  reigned  for  sixty-one  years.  This 
sovereign  is  renowned  in  modern  Chinese  history  as  a model  ruler, 
a skillful  general  and  an  able  author.  During  his  reign  Thibet 
was  added  to  the  empire,  and  the  Eleuths  were  successfully  sub- 
dued. But  it  is  as  a just  and  considerate  ruler  that  he  is  best  re- 
membered among  the  people.  He  treated  the  early  Catholic 
priests  with  kindness  and  distinction,  and  availed  himself  in  many 
ways  of  their  scientific  knowledge.  He  promulgated  sixteen 
moral  maxims  collectively  known  as  the  “ Sacred  Edict,”  forming 
a complete  code  of  rules  for  the  guidance  of  every  day  life,  and 
presented  in  such  terse,  yet  intelligible  terms,  that  they  at  once 
took  firm  hold  of  the  public  mind  and  have  retained  their  position 
ever  since.  Kang  Hi  was  the  most  successful  patron  of  literature 
the  world  has  ever  seen.  He  caused  to  be  published  under  hD 
own  personal  supervision  the  four  following  compilations,  known 
as  the  four  great  works  of  the  present  dynasty  : A huge  thesaurus 
of  extracts  in  one  hundred  and  ten  tliick  volumes  ; an  encyclopedia 
infour  hundred  and  fifty  books,  usually  bound  in  one  hundred  and 
sixty  volumes ; an  enlarged  and  improved  edition  of  a herbarium 
in  one  hundred  books ; and  a complete  collection  of  the  important 
philosophical  writings  of  Chu  Hsi  in  sixty-six  books.  In  addition 
to  these  the  emperor  designed  and  gave  his  name  to  the  great 
modern  lexicon  of  the  Chinese  language,  which  contains  over 
forty  thousand  characters  under  separate  entries,  accompanied 
in  each  case  by  appropriate  citations  from  the  works  of  authors 
of  every  age  and  every  style.  The  monumental  encyclopedia 
contains  articles  on  every  known  subject,  and  extracts  from  all 
works  of  authority  dating  from  the  twelfth  century  B.  C.  to  that 
time.  As  only  one  hundred  copies  of  the  first  imperial  edition 
were  printed,  all  of  which  were  presented  to  princes  of  the  blood 
and  high  officials,  it  is  rapidly  becoming  extremely  rare,  and  it  is 


78 


NEARIXG  MODERN  TIMES. 


not  unlikely  that  before  long  the  copy  in  the  possession  of  the 
British  museum  will  be  the  only  complete  copy  existing.  A cold 
caught  on  a hunting  excursion  in  Mongolia  brought  his  memorable 
reign  of  sixty-one  years  to  a close,  and  he  was  succeeded  on  the 
throne  by  his  son  Yung  Ching. 

The  labors  of  the  missionaries  during  the  years  of  this  last  reign 
have  been  effective  in  establishing  many  churches  and  bishoprics, 
and  in  making  many  thousands  of  converts.  But  the  suspicious 
in  the  minds  of  the  Chinese  rulers  that  the  Christians  were 
leagued  with  rebels,  as  well  as  the  controversies  between  the 
different  sects,  antagonized  the  authorities.  Under  the  third 
Manchoo  emperor,  Yung  Ching,  began  that  violent  persecution  of 
the  Catholics  which  continued  almost  to  the  present  day,  and  in 
the  year  1723  an  edict  was  promulgated  prohibiting  the  further 
propagation  of  this  religion  in  the  empire.  From  this  time  the 
Roman  Catholics  were  subjected  to  this  persecution  except  for  a 
few  alternate  periods  of  comparative  toleration.  They  have  re- 
tained their  position  in  the  face  of  great  difficulties  and  trials,  and 
since  the  late  treaties  with  China  the  number  of  their  converts 
has  rapidly  increased. 

After  a reign  of  twelve  years,  Yung  Ching  was  gathered  to  his 
fathers,  having  bequeathed  the  throne  to  his  son  Kien  Lung.  This 
fourth  emperor  of  the  dynasty  enjoyed  a long  and  glorious  reign. 
He  possessed  many  of  the  great  qualities  of  his  grandfather,  but 
he  lacked  his  wisdom  and  moderation.  His  generals  led  a large 
army  into  Nepaul  and  conquered  the  Goorkhas,  reaching  a point 
only  some  sixty  miles  distant  from  British  territory.  He  carried 
his  armies  north,  south,  and  west,  and  converted  Kuldja  into  a 
Chinese  province.  But  in  Burmah,  Cochin  China,  and  Formosa 
his  troops  suffered  discomfiture.  During  his  reign,  which  ex- 
tended over  sixty  years,  a full  Chinese  cycle,  the  relations  of  his 
government  with  the  East  India  Company  were  extremely  unsat- 
isfactory. The  English  merchants  were  compelled  to  submit  to 
many  indignities  and  wrongs ; and  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
a better  international  understanding  Lord  Macartney  was  sent  by 
George  III.  on  a special  mission  to  the  court  of  Peking.  The 
ambassador  was  received  graciously  by  the  emperor,  who  accepted 
the  presents  sent  him  by  the  English  king,  but  owing  to  his 


CHINESE  PAPER-MAKING. 


I 


MONUMENTAL  LITERARY  LABORS. 


81 


ignorance  of  his  own  relative  position,  and  of  even  the  rudiments 
of  international  law,  he  declined  to  give  those  assurances  of  a 
more  equitable  policy  which  were  demanded  of  him. 

Like  his  illustrious  ancestor,  Kien  Lung  was  a generous  patron 
of  literature,  though  only  two  instead  of  five  great  literary  monu- 
ments remain  to  mark  his  sixty  years  of  power.  These  are  a 
magnificent  bibliographical  work  in  two  hundred  parts,  consisting 
of  a catalogue  of  the  books  in  the  imperial  library,  with  valuable 
historical  and  critical  notices  attached  to  the  entries  of  each  ; and 
a huge  topography  of  the  whole  empire  in  five  hundred  books, 
beyond  doubt  one  of  the  most  comprehensive  and  exhaustive 
works  of  the  kind  ever  published.  Kang  Hi  had  been  a volumin- 
ous poet;  but  the  productions  of  Kien  Lung  far  outnumber  those 
of  any  previous  or  subsequent  bard.  For  more  than  fifty  years 
this  emperor  was  an  industrious  poet,  finding  time  in  the  intervals 
of  state  duties  to  put  together  no  fewer  than  thirty-three  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  fifty  separate  pieces.  In  the  estimation  however 
of  this  apparently  impossible  contribution  to  poetic  literature,  it 
must  always  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  stanza  of  four  lines  is  a 
favorite  length  for  a poem  and  that  the  couplet  is  not  uncommon. 
Even  thus  a large  balance  stands  to  the  credit  of  a Chinese  em- 
peror, whose  time  is  rarely  his  own,  and  whose  day  is  divided  with 
wearisome  regularity,  beginning  with  councils  and  audiences  long 
before  daylight  has  appeared.  We  gain  a glimpse  into  Kien 
Lung’s  court  from  the  account  of  Lord  Macartney’s  embassy  in 
1795,  which  was  so  favorably  received  by  the  venerable  monarch 
a short  time  previous  to  his  abdication,  and  three  years  before  his 
death,  and  forms  such  a contrast  with  that  of  Lord  Amherst  to 
his  successor  in  1816.  In  1795,  at  the  age  of  eighty-five  years, 
Kien  Lung  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  fifteenth  son  who  ascended 
the  throne  with  the  title  of  Kea  King. 

During  the  reign  of  Kea  King,  a second  English  embassy  was 
sent  to  Peking,  in  1816,  to  represent  to  the  emperor  the  unsatis- 
factory position  of  the  English  merchants  in  China.  The  envoy. 
Lord  Amherst,  was  met  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho  and  conducted 
to  Yuen-ming-yuen  or  summer  palace,  where,  the  emperor  was  re- 
siding. On  his  arrival  he  was  officially  warned  that  only  on  con- 
dition of  his  performing  the  Ko-t’ow  would  he  be  permitted  to 


82  PROTESTANT  MISSIONARIES  AT  WORK, 

behold  “the  dragon  countenance.”  This  of  course  was  impos 


CHINESE  PEASANT,  PEIHO  DISTRICT. 


sible^  and  he  consequently  left  the  palace  without  having  slept  a 
night  under  its  roof. 


PROTESTANT  MISSIONARIES  AT  WORK. 


83 


Meanwhile  the  internal  affairs  of  the  country  were  even  more 
disturbed  than  the  foreign  relations.  A succession  of  rebellions 
broke  out  in  the  western  and  northern  provinces  and  the  sea- 
boards were  ravaged  by  pirates.  While  these  disturbing  causes 
were  in  full  play  the  emperor  died,  in  1820,  and  the  throne  de- 
volved upon  Tao  Kuang,  his  second  son.  It  was  during  the 
reign  of  Kea  King  that  Protestant  missionaries  initiated  a syste- 
matic attempt  to  convert  the  Chinese  to  Christianity;  but  the 
religious  toleration  of  these  people,  which  on  the  whole  has  been 
a marked  feature  in  their  civilization  of  all  ages,  had  been  sorely 
tried  by  the  Catholics  and  but  little  progress  was  made.  In  an- 
other direction  some  of  the  early  Protestant  missionaries  did 
great  service  to  the  world  at  large.  They  spent  much  of  their 
time  in  grappling  with  the  difficulties  of  the  written  language  ; 
and  the  publication  of  Dr.  Morrison’s  famous  dictionary  and  the 
achievements  of  Dr.  Legge  were  the  culmination  of  these  labors. 

Under  Tao  Kuang  both  home  and  foreign  affairs  went  from 
bad  to  worse.  A secret  league  known  as  the  Triad  Society, 
which  was  first  formed  during  the  reign  of  Kang  Hi,  now  as- 
sumed a formidable  bearing,  and  in  many  parts  of  the  country, 
notably  in  Honan,  Kwang-hsi,  and  Formosa,  insurrections  broke 
out  at  its  instigation.  At  the  same  time  the  mandarins  continued 
to  persecute  the  English  merchants,  and  on  the  expiration  of  the 
East  India  Company’s  monopoly  in  1834  the  English  government 
sent  Lord  Napier  to  Canton  to  superintend  the  foreign  trade  at 
that  port.  Thwarted  at  every  turn  by  the  presumptuous  obsti- 
nacy of  the  ma.ndarins.  Lord  Napier’s  health  gave  way  under  the 
constant  vexations  connected  with  his  post,  and  he  died  at  Macao 
after  but  a few  months’  residence  in  China. 

The  opium  trade  was  now  the  question  of  the  hour,  and  at  the 
urgent  demand  of  Commissioner  Lin,  Captain  Elliot,  the  super- 
intendent of  trade,  agreed  that  all  opium  in  the  hands  of  English 
merchants  should  be  given  up  to  the  authorities.  On  the  3rd  of 
April,  1839,  twenty  thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty-three 
chests  of  opium  were,  in  accordance  with  this  agreement, 
handed  over  to  the  mandarins,  who  burnt  them  to  ashes. 
This  demand  of  Lin’s,  though  agreed  to  by  the  superin- 
tendent of  trade,  was  considered  so  unreasonable  by  the  English 


84 


OPIUM  TRADE  AXD  THE  WAR. 


government  that  in  the  following  year  war  was  declared  against 
China.  The  island  of  Chusan  and  the  Bogue  forts  on  the  Canton 
river  soon  fell  into  the  English  hands,  and  Commissioner  Lin’s 
successor  sought  to  purchase  peace  by  the  cession  of  Hong  Kong 
and  the  payment  of  an  indemnity  of  86,000,000.  This  conven- 
tion was,  however,  repudiated  by  the  Peking  government,  and  it 
was  not  until  Canton,  Amoy,  Ningpo,  Shanghai,  Chapoo  and 
Chin-keang  Foo  had  been  taken  by  the  British  troops,  that  the 
emperor  at  last  consented  to  come  to  terms,  now  of  course  far 
more  onerous.  By  a treaty  made  by  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  in 
1842  tlie  cession  of  Hong  Kong  was  supplemented  by  the  open- 
ing of  the  four  ports  of  Amoy,  Foochow  Foo,  Xingpo,  and 
Shanghai  to  foreign  trade,  and  the  indemnity  of  86,000,000  was 
increased  to  821,000,000.  * 

Without  noticing  the  other  points  at  issue  and  the  merits  of 
the  dispute  concerning  them,  it  is  considered  by  the  world  at 
large  that  one  of  the  blackest  pages  in  the  records  of  the  history 
of  civilization  is  that  which  tells  of  the  forcing  of  the  opium 
traffic  upon  the  Cliinese  by  Great  Britain.  The  Chinese  people 
were  making  most  strenuous  efforts  to  abolish  the  traffic  in 
opium  and  the  habit  of  its  use,  which  had  been  introduced  from 
India,  and  which  was  rapidly  becoming  the  curse  of  the  nation. 
But  for  commercial  motives,  in  this  Victorian  age  of  civilization, 
England  sent  to  force  compliance  with  the  demand  of  her  mer- 
chants in  China  that  the  sale  of  the  drug  be  legalized.  The 
rapid  spread  of  the  use  of  opium  among  the  hundreds  of  millions 
of  Chinese,  dating  from  this  time,  may  be  charged  against  En- 
gland, in  the  long  account  which  records  the  oppression  and  the 
shame  of  her  dealings  with  "whatever  eastern  nation  she  has 
played  the  game  of  war  and  colonization  and  annexation. 

Death  put  an  end  to  Tao  Kuang’s  reign  in  1850,  and  his  fourth 
son,  Hien  Feng,  assumed  rule  over  the  distracted  empire  which 
was  bequeathed  him  by  his  father.  There  is  a popular  belief 
among  the  Chinese  that  two  hundred  }’ears  is  the  natural  life  of 
a dynasty.  This  is  one  of  those  traditions  which  are  apt  to 
bring  about  their  own  fulfilment,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Hien  Feng  the  air  was  rife  with  rumors  that  an  effort 
was  to  be  made  to  restore  the  Ming  dynasty  to  the  throne.  Oa 


BATTLE  OF  CRICKETS. 


J 


HOW  THE  TAI-PING  REBELLION  BEGAN. 


87 


such  occasions  there  are  always  real  or  pretended  scions  of  the 
required  family  forthcoming.  And  when  the  flames  of  rebellion 
broke  out  in  Kwang-hsi  a claimant  suddenly  appeared  under  the 
title  of  Teen-tih,  “ heavenly  virtue,”  to  head  the  movement.  But 
he  had  not  the  capacity  required  to  play  the  necessary  part,  and 
the  affair  languished  and  would  have  died  out  altogether  had  not 
a leader  named  Hung  Sew-tseuen  arose,  who  combined  all  the 
qualities  required  in  a leader  of  men,  energy,  enthusiasm,  and 
religious  bigotry. 

As  soon  as  he  was  sufficiently  powerful  he  advanced  northward 
into  Honan  and 
Hoopih,  and  cap- 
tured Woo-chang 
Foo,  the  capital  of 
the  last  named 
province,  and  a 
city  of  great  com- 
mercial and  strate- 
gical importance, 
situated  as  it  is  at 
the  junction  of  the 
Han  river  with  the 
Chiang.  Having 
made  this  place 
secure  he  advanced 
down  the  river  and 
made  himself  mas- 
ter of  Gan-ting  and 
the  old  capital  of  the  empire,  Nanking.  Here  in  1852  he  estab- 
lished his  throne,  and  proclaimed  the  commencement  of  Tai- 
ping  dynasty.  For  himself  he  adopted  the  title  of  Tcen-wang,  or 
“ heavenly  king.”  For  a time  all  went  well  with  the  new  dynasty. 
The  Tai-ping  standard  was  carried  northward  to  the  walls  of 
Tien-tsin  and  floated  over  the  towns  of  Chin-keang  Foo  and 
Soochow  Foo. 

Meanwhile  the  imperial  authorities  had  by  their  stupidity  raised 
another  enemy  against  themselves.  The  outrage  on  the  English 
flag  perpetrated  on  board  the  Chinese  lorcha  “ Arrow,”  at  Canton 
5 


88 


CHINA  AT  WAR  WITH  ENGLAND. 


in  1857,  having  been  left  unredressed  by  the  mandarins,  led  to 
the  proclamation  of  war  by  England.  Canton  fell  to  the  arms  of 
General  Straubenzee,  and  Sir  Michael  Seymour  in  December  of 
the  same  year,  and  in  the  following  spring  the  Taku  forts  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Peiho  having  been  taken,  Lord  Elgin,  who  had  in 
the  meantime  arrived  as  plenipotentiary  minister,  advanced  up 
the  river  to  Tien-tsin  on  his  way  to  the  capital.  At  that  city, 
however,  he  was  met  by  imperial  commissioners,  and  yielding  to 
their  entreaties  he  concluded  a treaty  with  them  which  it  was 
arranged  should  be  ratified  at  Peking  in  the  following  year. 

' But  the  evil  genius  of  the  Chinese  still  pursuing  them,  they 
treacherously  fired  on  the  fleet  accompanying  Sir  Frederic  Bruce, 
Lord  Elgin’s  brother,  proceeding  in  1860  to  Peking,  in  fulfillment 
of  this  agreement.  This  outrage  rendered  another  military  ex- 
pedition necessary,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  French  govern- 
ment, the  English  cabinet  sent  out  a force  under  the  command 
of  Sir  Hope  Grant,  with  orders  to  march  to  Peking.  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1861  the  allied  forces  landed  at  Peh-tang,  a village  twelve 
miles  north  of  the  Taku  forts,  and  taking  these  intrenchments  in 
the  rear  captured  them  with  but  a trifling  loss.  This  success 
was  so  utterly  unexpected  by  the  Chinese,  that  leaving  Tien-tsin 
unprotected  they  retreated  rapidly  to  the  neighborhood  of  the 
capital.  The  allies  pushed  on  after  them,  and  in  reply  to  an  in- 
vitation sent  from  the  imperial  commissioners  at  Tung-chow,  a 
town  twelve  miles  from  Peking,  Sir  Harry  Parkes  and  Mr.  Loch, 
accompanied  by  an  escort  and  some  few  friends,  went  in  advance 
of  the  army  to  make  a preliminary  convention.  While  so  engaged 
they  were  treacherously  taken  prisoners  and  carried  to  Peking. 

This  act  precipitated  an  engagement  in  which  the  Chinese  were 
completely  routed,  and  the  allies  marched  on  to  Peking.  After 
the  usual  display  of  obstinacy  the  Chinese  yielded  to  the  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  the  An-ting  gate  of  the  city.  From  this 
vantage  point  Lord  Elgin  opened  negotiations,  and  having  secured 
the  release  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes  and  the  other  prisoners  who  had 
survived  the  tortures  to  which  they  had  been  subjected,  and  hav- 
ing burnt  the  summer  palace  of  the  emperor  as  a punishment  for 
their  treacherous  capture  and  for  the  cruelties  perpetrated  on 
them,  he  concluded  a treaty  with  Prince  Kung,  the  representative 


PUNISHMENT  FOR  TREACHERY. 


89 


of  the  emperor.  By  this  instrument  the  Chinese  agreed  to  pay  a 
war  indemnity  of  18,000,000  and  to  open  six  other  ports  in  China, 
one  in  Lormosa,  and  one  in  the  island  of  Hainan  to  foreign  trade, 
and  to  permit  the  representatives  of  the  foreign  governments  to 
reside  at  Peking. 


GATE  AT  PEKING. 

Having  thus  relieved  themselves  from  the  presence  of  a foreign 
foe,  the  authorities  were  able  to  devote  their  attention  to  the 
suppression  of  the  Tai-ping  rebellion.  Fortunately  for  them- 
selves, the  apparent  friendliness  with  which  they  greeted  the 


90 


CHINESE  GORDON  AND  HIS  WORK. 


arrival  of  the  British  legation  at  Pekiog  enlisted  for  them  the 
sympathies  of  Sir  Frederic  Bruce,  the  British  minister,  and  in- 
clined him  to  listen  to  their  request  for  the  services  of  an  English 
officer  in  their  campaign  against  the  rebels.  At  the  request  of 
Bruce,  General  Staveley  selected  Major  Gordon,  since  generally 
known  as  Chinese  Gordon,  who  was  killed  a few  years  ago  at 
Khartoom,  for  this  duty.  A better  man  or  one  more  peculiarly 
fit  for  the  work  could  have  been  found.  A numerous  force 
known  as  “ the  ever  victorious  army,”  partly  officered  by  foreign- 
ers, had  for  some  time  been  commanded  by  an  American  named 
Ward  and  after  his  death  by  Burgevine,  another  American.  Over 
this  force  Gordon  was  placed,  and  at  the  head  of  it  he  marched  in 
conjunction  with  the  Chinese  generals  against  the  Tai-pings. 
With  masterly  strategy  he  struck  a succession  of  rapid  and  tell- 
ing blows  against  the  fortunes  of  the  rebels.  City  after  city  fell 
into  his  hands,  and  at  length  the  leaders  at  Soochow  opened  the 
gates  of  the  city  to  him  on  condition  that  he  would  spare  their 
lives.  With  cruel  treachery,  when  these  men  presented  them- 
selves before  Li  Hung  Chang  to  offer  their  submission  to  the  em- 
peror, tliey  were  seized  and  beheaded.  On  learning  how  lightly 
his  word  liad  been  treated  by  the  Cliinese  general,  Gordon  armed 
himself,  for  the  first  time  during  the  campaign  with  a revolver, 
and  sought  out  the  Chinese  headquarters  intending  to  avenge 
with  his  own  hand  this  murder  of  the  Tai-ping  leaders.  But  Li 
Hung  Chang  having  received  timely  notice  of  the  righteous  anger 
he  had  aroused  took  to  flight,  and  Gordon,  thus  thwarted  in  his 
immediate  object,  threw  up  his  command  feeling  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  continue  to  act  with  so  orientally-minded  a colleague. 

After  considerable  negotiation  however,  he  was  persuaded  to 
return  to  his  command  and  soon  succeeded  in  so  completely  crip- 
pling the  power  of  the  rebels  tliat  in  July  186-i,  Nanking,  tlieir 
last  stronghold,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  imperialists.  Teen- 
wang  was  then  already  dead,  and  his  body  was  found  within  the 
walls  wrapped  in  imperial  yellow.  Thus  was  crushed  out  a 
rebellion  which  had  paralyzed  the  imperial  power  in  the  central 
provinces  of  the  empire  and  which  had  for  twelve  years  seriously 
threatened  the  existence  of  the  reigning  dynasty. 

Meanwhile  in  the  summer  following  the  conclusion  of  the 


OPIUM  SMOKERS. 


MASSACRE  OF  THE  FRENCH  CATHOLICS. 


93 


treaty  of  Peking,  1861,  the  emperor,  Hien  Feng,  breathed  his  last 
at  Jehol,  an  event  which  Avas  in  popular  belief  foretold  by  the 
appearance  of  a comet  in  the  early  part  of  the  summer.  He  was 
succeeded  to  the  throne  by  his  only  son,  a mere  child,  and  the  off- 
spring of  one  of  the  imperial  concubines.  He  adopted  the  name 
of  Tung  Chih.  On  account  of  his  youth  the  administration  of 
affairs  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  two  dowager  empresses,  the 
wife  of  the  last  emperor  and  the  mother  of  the  new  one.  These 
regents  were  aided  by  the  counsels  of  the  boy  emperor's  uncle. 
Prince  Kung. 

Under  the  direction  of  these  regents,  though  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  empire  prospered,  the  foreign  relations  were  dis- 
turbed by  the  display  of  an  increasingly  hostile  spirit  towards 
the  Christian  missionaries  and  their  converts,  which  culminated 
in  1870  in  the  Tien-tsin  massacre.  In  some  of  the  central  prov- 
inces reports  had  been  industriously  circulated  that  the  Roman 
Catholic  missionaries  were  in  the  habit  of  kidnapping  and  mur- 
dering children,  in  order  to  make  medicine  from  their  eyeballs. 
Ridiculous  as  the  rumor  was,  it  found  ready  credence  among  the 
ignorant  people,  and  several  outrages  were  perpetrated  on  the 
missionaries  and  their  converts  in  Kwang-hsi  and  Sze  chwan. 
Through  the  active  interference,  however,  of  the  French  min- 
ister on  the  spot,  the  agitation  was  locally  suppressed  only  to  be 
renewed  at  Tien-tsin.  Here  also  the  same  absurd  rumors  were 
set  afloat,  and  were  especially  directed  against  some  sisters  of 
charity  who  had  opened  an  orphanage  in  the  city. 

For  some  days  previous  to  the  massacre  on  the  21st  of  June, 
reports  increasing  in  alarm  reached  the  foreign  residents  that  an 
outbreak  was  to  be  apprehended,  and  three  times  the  English 
consul  wrote  to  Chung  How,  the  superintendent  of  the  three 
northern  ports,  calling  upon  him  to  take  measures  to  subdue  the' 
gathering  passions  of  the  people  which  had  been  further  danger- 
ously exasperated  by  an  infamous  proclamation  issued  by  the 
prefects.  To  these  communications  the  consul  did  not  receive 
any  reply,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  a day  which  had  ap- 
parently been  deliberately  fixed  for  the  massacre,  the  attack  was 
made.  The  mob  first  broke  into  the  French  consulate  and  while 
the  consul,  M.  Fontanier,  was  with  Chung  How  endeavoring  to 


94 


PUNISHMENT  OF  THE  MURDERERS. 


persuade  him  to  interfere,  two  Frenchmen  and  their  wives,  and 
Fatljer  Chevrien  were  there  murdered.  While  returning  the 
consul  suffered  the  same  fate.  Having  thus  whetted  their  taste 
for  blood,  the  rioters  then  set  fire  to  the  French  cathedral,  and 
afterward  moved  on  to  the  orphanage  of  the  sisters  of  mercy. 
In  spite  of  the  appeals  of  these  defenseless  women  for  mercy,  if 
not  for  themselves  at  least  for  the  orphans  under  their  charge, 
the  mob  broke  into  the  hospital,  killed  and  mutilated  most  shock- 
ingly all  the  sisters,  smothered  from  thirty  to  forty  children  in 
the  vault,  and  carried  off  a still  larger  number  of  older  persons 
to  prisons  in  the  city,  where  they  were  subjected  to  tortures  of 
which  they  bore  terrible  evidence  when  their  release  was  at 
length  affected.  In  addition  to  these  victims,  a Russian  gentle- 
man wdth  his  bride,  and  a friend,  who  were  unfortunate  enough 
to  meet  the  rioters  on  their  way  to  the  cathedral,  were  also  mur- 
dered. No  other  foreigners  were  injured,  a circumstance  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  fury  of  the  mob  was  primarily  directed  against 
the  French  Roman  Catholics,  and  also  that  the  foreign  settle- 
ment where  all  but  those  engaged  in  missionary  work  resided, 
was  at  a distance  of  a couple  of  miles  from  the  city. 

When  the  evil  was  done,  the  Chinese  authorities  professed 
themselves  anxious  to  make  reparation,  and  Chung  How  was 
eventually  sent  to  Paris  to  offer  the  apologies  of  the  Peking  cab- 
inet to  the  French  government.  These  were  ultimately  accepted  ; 
and  it  was  further  arranged  that  the  Tien-tsin  prefect  and  district 
magistrate  should  be  removed  from  their  posts  and  degraded,  and 
that  twenty  of  the  active  murderers  should  be  executed.  By 
these  retributive  measures  the  emperor’s  government  made  its 
peace  with  the  European  powers,  and  the  foreign  relations  againj 
assumed  their  former  friendly  footing. 

The  Chinese  had  now  leisure  to  devote  their  efforts  to  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  Panthay  rebels.  This  was  a great  Mohammedan 
uprising  which  dated  back  as  far  as  1856  and  which  had  for  its 
object  the  separation  of  the  province  of  Yun-nan  into  an  inde- 
pendent state.  The  visit  of  the  adopted  son  of  the  rebel  leader, 
the  sultan  Suleiman,  to  England,  for  the  purpose  of  attempting 
to  enlist  the  sympathies  of  the  English  government  in  the  Pan- 
thay cause,  no  doubt  added  zest  to  the  action  of  the  mandarins, 


EMPEROR  RECEIVES  THE  MINISTERS. 


95 


who  after  a short  but  vigorous  campaign,  marked  by  scenes  of 
bloodshed  and  wholesale  carnage,  suppressed  the  rebellion  and 
restored  the  province  to  the  imperial  sway. 

Peace  was  thus  brought  about,  and  when  the  empresses  handed 
over  the  reigns  of  power  to  the  emperor,  on  the  occasion  of  his 
marriage  in  1872,  tranquility  reigned  throughout  the  eighteen 
provinces.  The  formal  assumption  of  power  proclaimed  by  this 
marriage  was  considered  by  the  foreign  ministers  a fitting  oppor- 
tunity to  insist  on  the  fulfillment  of  the  article  in  the  treaties 
which  provided  for  their  reception  by  the  emperor,  and  after 
much  negotiation  it  was  finally  arranged  that  the  emperor  should 
receive  them  on  the  29th  of  June,  1873. 

Very  early  therefore  on  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  ministers 
were  astir  and  were  conducted  in  their  sedan  chairs  to  the  park 
on  the  west  side  of  the  palace,  where  they  were  met  by  some  of 
the  ministers  of  state,  who  led  them  to  the  “Temple  of  Prayer 
for  Seasonable  Weather.”  Here  they  were  kept  waiting  for 
some  time  while  tea  and  confectionery  from  the  imperial  kitchen, 
by  favor  of  the  emperor,  were  served  to  them.  They  were  then 
conducted  to  an  oblong  tent  made  of  matting  on  the  west  side 
uf  the  Tsze-kwang  pavilion,  where  they  were  met  by  Prince 
Kung  and  other  ministers.  As  soon  as  the  emperor  reached  the 
pavilion,  the  Japanese  ambassador  was  introduced  into  his  pres- 
ence and  when  he  had  retired  the  other  foreign  ministers  entered 
the  audience  chamber  in  a body.  The  emperor  was  seated  facing 
southward.  On  either  side  of  his  majesty  stood,  with  Prince 
Kung,  several  princes  and  high  officers.  When  the  foreign  min- 
isters reached  the  center  aisle  they  halted  and  bowed  one  and  all 
together ; they  then  advanced  in  line  a little  further  and  made  a 
second  bow  ; and  when  they  had  nearly  reached  the  yellow  table 
on  which  their  credentials  were  to  be  deposited  they  bowed  a 
tliird  time ; after  which  they  remained  erect.  M.  Vlangaly,  the 
Russian  minister,  then  read  a congratulatory  address  in  French, 
which  was  translated  by  an  interpreter  into  Chinese,  and  the 
ministers  making  another  reverence  respectfully  laid  their  letters 
of  credence  upon  the  yellow  table.  The  emperor  was  pleased  to 
make  a slight  inclination  of  the  head  towards  them,  and  Prince 
Kung  advancing  to  the  left  of  the  throne  and  falling  upon  his 


CEREMONIES  OF  THE  RECEPTION. 


knees,  had  the  honor  to  be  informed  in  Manchoo  that  his  majesty 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  letters  presented.  Prince  Kiing, 
with  his  arms  raised  according  to  precedent  set  by  Confucius 
when  in  the  presence  of  his  sovereign,  came  down  by  the  steps  on 
the  left  of  the  desk,  to  the  foreign  ministers,  and  respectfully  re- 
peated this  in  Chinese.  After  this  he  again  prostrated  himself, 
and  in  like  manner  received  and  conveyed  a message  to  the  effect 
tliat  his  majesty  hoped  tliat  all  foreign  questions  would  be  satis- 
factorily disposed  of.  The  ministers  then  withdrew,  bowing 
repeatedly,  until  they  reached  the  entrance. 

Thus  ended  the  first  instance  during  the  present  century  of 
Europeans  being  received  in  imperial  audience.  Whether  under 
more  fortunate  circumstances  the  ceremony  might  have  been  re- 
peated it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  in  the  following  year  the  young 
emperor  was  stricken  down  with  the  small-pox,  or  “ enjoyed  the 
felicity  of  the  heavenly  flowers,”  and  finally  succumbed  to  the 
disease  on  the  twelfth  of  January,  1875.  With  great  ceremony 
the  funeral  obsequies  were  performed  over  the  body  of  him  who 
had  been  Tung  Chih,  and  the  coffin  was  finally  laid  in  the  imperial 
mausoleum  among  the  eastern  hills  beside  the  remains  of  his  pred- 
ecessors. His  demise  was  shortly  afterwards  followed  by  the 
death  of  the  girl  empress  he  had  just  previously  raised  to  the 
throne. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  annals  of  the  Ching  dynasty,  the 
throne  was  now  left  without  a direct  heir.  As  it  is  the  office  of 
the  son  and  heir  to  perform  regularly  the  ancestral  worship,  it  is 
necessary  that  if  there  should  be  no  son,  the  heir  should  be,  if 
possible,  of  a later  generation  than  the  deceased.  In  the  present 
instance  this  was  impossible,  and  it  was  necessary  therefore  that 
the  lot  should  fall  on  one  of  the  cousins  of  the  late  emperor. 
Tsai  teen,  the  son  of  the  Prince  of  Chun,  a child  not  quite  four 
years  old,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  vacant  throne,  and  the  title  con- 
ferred upon  him  was  Kuang  Su  or  “ an  inheritance  of  glory.” 

Scarcely  had  the  proclamation  gone  forth  of  the  assumption  of 
the  imperial  title  by  Kuang  Su,  when  news  reached  the  English 
legation  at  Peking  of  the  murder  at  Manwyne,  in  the  province  of 
Yun-nan,  of  Mr.  Margary,  an  officer  in  the  consular  service  who 
had  been  dispatched  to  meet  an  expedition  sent  by  the  Indian 


MURDER  OF  AN  ENGLISH  EXPLORER. 


97 


government,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Horace  Browne,  to 
discover  a route  from  Birmah  into  the  south-western  provinces 
of  China.  In  accordance  with  conventional  practice,  the  Chinese 
government,  on  being  called  to  account  for  this  outrage,  attempted 
to  lay  it  to  the  charge  of  brigands.  But  the  evidence  which  Sir 
Thomas  Wade  was  able  to  adduce  proved  too  strong  to  be  ignored 
even  by  the  Peking  mandarins,  and  eventually  they  signed  a con- 
vention in  which  they  practically  acknowledged  their  blood  guilti- 
ness, under  the  terms  of  which  some  fresh  commercial  privileges 
were  granted,  and  an  indemnity  was  paid. 

At  the  same  time  a Chinese  nobleman  was  sent  to  England  to 
make  apology,  and  to  establish  an  embassy  on  a permanent  footing 
at  the  court  of  St.  James.  Since  that  time  the  Chinese  empire 
has  been  at  peace  with  all  foreign  powers  until  the  eruptions  of 
the  recent  months.  There  have  been  some  narrow  escapes  from 
war  with  the  European  countries  holding  possessions  on  the 
southern  Chinese  border,  but  serious  results  have  not  followed. 
Ministers  have  been  maintained  in  China  by  the  western  nations, 
and  by  China  in  the  western  capitals. 

Under  the  child  Kuang  Su,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  1875, 
we  have  seen  the  completion  of  Chinese  re-conquests  in  Central 
Asia  and  the  restoration  of  Kuldja  by  the  Russians.  For  many 
years  the  progressive  party  in  the  nation’s  councils,  under  the 
leadership  of  Li  Hung  Chang,  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  gradually  ap- 
peared to  gain  ground,  amply  posted  as  the  court  of  Peking  was 
in  the  affairs  of  western  countries.  Even  the  old  conservative 
party,  of  which  the  successful  and  the  aged  general  Tso  Tsung- 
tang  was  the  representative,  has  vastly  modified  its  tone  in  the 
last  twenty  years. 

It  is  true  that  the  short  experimental  line  of  railway  which  had 
been  laid  down  between  Shanghai  and  Wusung  was  objected  to, 
and  finally  got  rid  of  by  the  Chinese  government;  but  the  reason 
for  this  apparently  retrograde  step  arose  out  of  the  not  very 
scrupulous  means  employed  by  the  promoters  of  the  scheme,  and 
out  of  the  very  natural  dislike  of  an  independent  state  to  be 
forced  into  innovations  for  which  it  may  not  be  altogether  pre- 
pared. Since  that  time  several  telegraph  lines  have  been  con- 
structed, beginning  with  the  first  one  between  Peking  and 


98 


CHINA’S  SLOW  PROGRESS. 


Shanghai,  which  formed  the  final  connecting  link  between  the 
capital  of  the  Chinese  empire  and  the  western  civilized  world. 
The  freedom  of  residence  has  been  greatly  extended  to  foreigners 
living  in  China.  Travel  has  become  safer,  and  popular  hatred 
towards  foreigners  not  as  apparent.  Slow  as  it  has  been  to  take 
effect,  nevertheless  the  influence  of  closer  association  with  western 
civilization  has  made  its  impress  on  the  Chinese  nation,  and  the 
extreme  conservatism  in  many  details  has  been  compelled  to 
waver.  The  stories  of  the  war  which  are  to  follow  will  indicate 
much  of  the  characteristics  of  the  later  day  history  of  the  empire. 


THE  CHINESE  EMPIRE. 


Origin  of  the  Name  of  China,  and  Wliat  the  Chinese  Call  their  Own  Country— Depend- 
encies of  tlie  Empire— Cliina  and  the  United  States  in  Comparison— Their  Many  Physical 
Similarities— Mountains  and  Plains— Tlie  Fertile  Soil— Provinces  of  China— Rivers  and 
Lakes— Climate— Fauna  and  Flora— Industries  of  the  People— Commerce  with  Foreign 
Nations— Tlie  Cities  of  China— Forms  of  Government  and  Administration. 

Until  recent  years  the  word  China  was  unknown  in  the  empire 
which  we  call  by  that  name,  but  of  late  it  has  become  more 
familiar  to  the  Chinese,  and  in  certain  regions  they  are  in  fact 
adopting  it  for  their  own  use,  owing  to  the  frequency  with  which 
they  hear  it  from  the  foreigners  with  whom  they  are  doing  busi- 
ness. The  name  was  no  doubt  introduced  in  Europe  and  America 
from  the  nations  of  Central  Asia  who  speak  of  the  Chinese  by 
various  names  derived  from  that  of  the  powerful  Ching  family, 
who  held  sway  many  centuries  ago.  The  names  which  the 
Chinese  use  in  speaking  of  themselves  are  various.  The  most 
common  one  is  Chung  Kavo,  the  “ Middle  Kingdom.”  This  term 
grew  up  in  the  feudal  period  as  a name  for  the  royal  domain  in 
the  midst  of  the  other  states,  or  for  those  states  as  a whole  in  the 
midst  of  the  uncivilized  countries  around  them.  The  assump- 
tion of  universal  sovereignty,  of  being  the  geographical  center 
of  the  world,  and  also  the  center  of  light  and  civilization  that 
have  been  so  injurious  to  the  nation,  appear  in  several  of  the 
most  ancient  names.  In  the  oldest  classical  writings  the  country 
is  called  the  Flowery  Kingdom,  flowery  presenting  the  idea  of 
beautiful,  cultivated,  and  refined.  The  terms  Heavenly  Flowery 
Kingdom,  and  Heavenly  Dynasty  are  sometimes  used,  the  wordi 
heavenly  presenting  the  Chinese  idea  that  the  empire  is  estab-l 
lished  by  the  authority  of  heaven,  and  that  the  emperor  rules  by 
divine  right.  This  title  has  given  rise  to  the  contemptuous 
epithet  applied  to  the  race  by  the  Europeans,  “ The  Celestials.” 

The  Chinese  empire,  consisting  of  China  proper  and  Man- 
chooria,  with  its  dependencies  of  Mongolia,  I-li  and  Thibet,  em- 
braces a vast  territory  in  eastern  and  central  Asia,  only  inferior 

(99) 


100 


DEPENDENCIES  OF  THE  CHINESE  EMPIRE. 


ill  extent  to  the  dominions  of  Great  Britain  and  Russia.  The 
dependencies  are  not  colonies  but  subject  territories ; and  China 
[)i*oper  itself  indeed,  has  been  a subject  territory  of  Manchooria 
since  1644. 

China  proper  was  divided  nearly  two  hundred  years  ago  into 
eighteen  provinces  ; and  since  the  recent  separation  of  the  island 
of  Formosa  from  Fu-chien,  and  its  constitution  into  an  independ- 
ent province,  we  may  say  that  it  now  consists  of  nineteen. 
These  form  one  of  the  corners  of  the  Asiatic  continent,  having 
tlie  Pacific  ocean  on  the  south  and  east.  They  are  somewhat  in 
the  shape  of  an  irregular  rectangle,  and  including  the  island  of 
Hainan  lie  between  18  and  49  degrees  north  latitude  and  98  and 
124  degrees  east  longitude.  Their  area  is  about  two  million 
square  miles,  while  the  whole  empire  has  an  area  more  than  twice 
that  large. 

In  giving  a correct  general  idea  of  China  one  cannot  perhaps 
do  better  than  to  institute  a comparison  between  it  and  the 
United  States,  to  which  it  bears  a striking  resemblance.  It  occu- 
pies the  same  position  in  the  eastern  hemisphere  tliat  the  United 
States  does  in  the  western.  Its  line  of  sea  coast  on  the  Pacific 
resembles  that  of  the  United  States  on  the  Atlantic,  not  only  in 
length  but  also  in  contour.  Being  found  within  almost  the  same 
parallels  of  latitude,  it  embraces  almost  the  same  variety  of 
climate  and  production.  A river  as  grand  as  the  Mississippi, 
flowing  east,  divides  the  empire  into  nearly  two  equal  parts, 
which  are  often  designated  as  “ north  of  the  river  ” and  “ south 
of  the  river.”  It  passes  through  an  immense  and  fertile  valley, 
and  is  supplied  by  numerous  tributaries  having  rise  in  mountain 
ranges  on  either  side  and  also  in  the  Himalayas  on  the  w^est.  The 
area  of  China  proper  is  about  two-thirds  that  of  the  states  of 
the  American  union. 

The  resemblance  holds  also  in  the  artificial  divisions.  While 
our  country  is  divided  into  more  than  forty  states,  China  is 
divided  into  nineteen  provinces.  As  our  states  are  divided  into 
counties,  so  each  province  has  divisions  called  fu  and  each  fu  is 
again  divided  into  about  an  equal  number  of  hien.  These  divis- 
ions and  subdivisions  of  the  provinces  are  generally  spoken  of  in 
English  as  departments  or  prefectures,  and  districts,  but  they  are 


CHINESE  MINERS. 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


103 


much  larger  than  our  corresponding  counties  and  townships. 
And  similarly  to  our  own  system  of  government,  each  of  these 
divisions  and  subdivisions  has  its  own  capital  or  seat  of  civil 
power,  in  which  the  officers  exercising  jurisdiction  over  it  reside. 
The  outer  dependencies  of  the  Chinese  empire  are  comparatively 
sparsely  populated,  and  in  this  work,  when  China,  without  spec- 
ification, is  mentioned,  it  is  intended  to  refer  to  the  eighteen 
provinces  exclusively,  which  include  the  vast  proportion  of  the 
population,  intelligence  and  wealth  of  the  empire. 

As  to  the  physical  features  of  China  proper,  the  whole  terri- 
tory may  be  described  as  sloping  from  the  mountainous  regions 
of  Thibet  and  Nepaul  towards  the  shores  of  tlie  Pacific  on  the 
east  and  south.  A far  extending  spur  of  the  Himalayas  called 
the  Nanling,  or  southern  range,  is  the  most  extensive  mountain 
system.  It  commences  in  Yun-nan,  and  passing  completely 
through  the  country  enters  the  sea  at  Ningpo.  Except  for  a few 
steep  passes,  it  thus  forms  a continuous  barrier  that  separates  the 
coast  regions  of  south-eastern  China  from  the  rest  of  the  country. 
Numerous  spurs  are  cast  off  to  the  south  and  east  of  it,  which 
appear  in  tlie  sea  as  a belt  of  rugged  islands.  On  the  borders  of 
Thibet  to  the  north  and  west  of  this  range,  the  country  is  mount- 
ainous, while  to  the  east  and  from  the  great  wall  on  the  north  to 
the  Po-yang  Lake  in  the  south,  there  is  the  great  plain  comprising 
an  area  of  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  square  miles  and 
supporting  in  the  five  provinces  contained  in  it  more  than  one 
hundred  and  seventy-five  million  people. 

In  the  north-western  provinces  the  soil  is  a brownish  colored 
earth,  extremely  porous,  crumbling  easily  between  the  fingers, 
and  carried  far  and  wide  in  clouds  of  dust.  It  covers  the  sub-soil 
to  an  enormous  depth  and  is  apt  to  split  perpendicularly  in  clefts 
which  render  traveling  difficult.  Nevertheless  by  this  cleavage 
it  affords  homes  to  thousands  of  the  people,  who  live  in  caves  ex- 
cavated near  the  bottom  of  the  cliffs.  Sometimes  whole  villages 
are  so  formed  in  terraces  of  the  earth  that  rise  one  above  another. 
The  most  valuable  quality  of  this  peculiar  soil  is  its  marvelous 
fertility,  as  the  fields  composed  of  it  require  scarcely  any  other 
dressing  than  a sprinkling  of  its  own  fresh  loam.  The  farmer  in 
this  way  obtains  an  assured  harvest  two  and  even  three  times  a 


104 


MOUNTAINS,  PLAINS  AND  PROVINCES. 


year.  This  fertility,  provided  there  be  a sufficient  rainfall,  seems 
inexhaustible.  The  province  of  Shan-hsi  has  borne  the  name  for 
thousands  of  years  of  the  “granary  of  the  nation,”  and  it  is,  no 
doubt,  due  to  the  distribution  of  this  earth  over  its  surface,  that 
the  great  plain  owes  its  fruitfulness. 

Geographically  speaking  the  arrangement  of  the  provinces  of 
China  is  as  follows:  On  the  north  there  are  four  provinces, 
Chihli,  Shan-hsi,  Shen-hsi,  and  Kan-su;  on  the  west  two,  Sze- 
chwan, the  largest  of  all,  and  Yun-nan ; on  the  south  two, 
Kwang-hsi  and  Kwang-tung ; on  the  east  four,  Fu-chien,  Cheh- 
chiang,  Chiang-su,  and  Shan-tung.  The  central  area  enclosed  by 
these  twelve  provinces  is  occupied  by  Honan,  An-hui,  Hoopih, 
Hunan,  Chiang-hsi,  and  Kwei-chau.  The  latter  is  a poor  prov- 
ince, with  parts  of  it  largely  occupied  by  clans  or  tribes  supposed 
to  be  the  aborigines.  The  island  of  Formosa,  lying  off  the  coast 
of  F u-chien,  ninety  miles  west  of  Amoy,  is  about  two  hundred 
and  thirty-five  miles  in  length,  fertile  and  rich  in  coal,  petroleum, 
and  camphor  wood.  The  first  settlement  of  a Chinese  population 
took  place  only  in  1683,  and  the  greater  part  of  it  is  still  occupied 
by  aboriginal  tribes  of  a more  than  ordinary  high  type.  The 
population  of  these  provinces  is  immense,  but  tlie  various  esti- 
mates and  alleged  censuses  fluctuate  and  vary  so  much  that  it  is 
impossible  to  give  a definite  number  as  the  total.  It  is  a safe 
estimate  however  to  say  that  the  population  of  the  Chinese  empire 
approximates  four  hundred  million,  or  considerably  more  than 
one -fourth  the  population  of  the  world,  and  nearly  as  much  as  the 
total  of  all  Europe  and  America. 

One  of  the  most  distinguishing  features  of  China  is  found  in 
the  great  rivers.  These  are  called  for  the  most  part  “ho”  in  the 
north  and  “chiang”  (kiang)  in  the  south.  Two  of  these  are 
famous  and  conspicuous  among  the  great  rivers  of  the  world,  the 
^Ho,  Hoang-ho,  or  Yellow  River,  and  the  Chiang,  generally  mis- 
named the  Yang-tsze.  The  sources  of  these  two  rivers  are  not 
far  from  one  another.  The  Ho  rises  in  the  plain  of  Odontala, 
which  is  a region  of  springs  and  small  lakes,  and  the  Chiang  from 
the  mountains  of  Thibet  only  a few  miles  distant.  The  Ho  pur- 
sues a tortuous  course  first  to  the  east  and  north  until  it  crosses 
the  great  wall  into  Mongolia.  After  flowing  a long  distance 


TWO  GREAT  RIVERS  OF  CHINA. 


105 


northward  of  the  Mongolian  desert,  to  the  northern  limit  of  Shen- 
hsi,  it  then  turns  directly  south  for  a distance  of  five  hundred 
miles.  A right  angle  turns  its  course  again  to  the  eastward  and 
finally  north-eastward,  when  it  flows  into  the  Gulf  of  Pechili  in 
the  province  of  Shan-tung.  The  Chiang  on  the  contrary  turns 
south  where  the  Ho  turns  north,  and  then  after  a general  course 
to  the  eastward  and  northward,  roughly  paralled  with  its  fellow, 
jflows  into  the  Eastern  Sea,  not  far  from  Shanghai. 

Both  rivers  are  exceedingly  tortuous  and  their  courses  are  only 
roughly  outlined  here.  -Almost  the  very  opening  of  Chinese 
history  is  an  account  of  one  of  the  inundations  of  the  Ho  River, 
which  has  often  in  course  of  time  changed  its  channel.  The 
terrible  calamities  caused  by  it  so  often  have  procured  for  it  the 
name  of  “China’s  sorrow.”  As  recently  as  1887  it  burst  its 
southern  bank  near  Chang  Chau,  and  poured  its  mighty  flood  with 
hideous  devastation,  and  the  destruction  of  millions  of  lives,  into 
the  populous  province  of  Honan.  Each  of  these  rivers  has  a 
course  of  more  than  three  thousand  miles.  They  are  incompar- 
ably the  greatest  in  China,  but  there  are  many  others  which 
would  be  accounted  great  elsewhere.  In  connection  with  inland 
navigation  must  be  mentioned  the  Grand  Canal,  intended  to  con- 
nect the  northern  and  southern  parts  of  the  empire  by  an  easy 
water  communication  ; and  this  it  did  when  it  was  in  good  order, 
extending  from  Peking  to  Hankow,  a distance  of  more  than  six 
hundred  miles.  Kublai  Khan,  the  first  sovereign  of  the  Yuan 
dynasty,  must  be  credited  with  the  glory  of  making  this  canal. 
Marco  Polo  described  it,  and  compliments  the  great  ruler  for  the 
success  of  his  work.  Steam  communication  all  along  the  eastern 
seaboard  from  Canton  to  Tien-tsin  has  very  much  superseded  the 
use  of  the  canal  and  portions  of  it  are  now  in  bad  condition,  but 
as  a truly  imperial  achievement  it  continues  to  be  a grand  memo- 
rial of  Kublai. 

The  Great  Wall  was  another  vast  achievement  of  human 
labor,  constructed  more  than  two  thousand  years  ago.  It  has 
been  alleged  a myth  at  some  times,  but  its  existence  has  not  been 
denied  since  explorations  have  been  made  to  the  north  of  China 
Proper.  It  was  not  as  useful  as  the  canal,  and  it  failed  to  answei' 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  intended,  a defense  against  the  in 


106 


CHINA’S  WONDERFUL  GREAT  WALL. 


cursions  of  the  northern  tribes.  In  214  B.  C.  the  Emperor  Che 
Hwang  Ti  determined  to  erect  a grand  barrier  all  along  the 
northern  limit  of  his  vast  empire.  The  wall  conynences  at  the 
Shan-hsi  pass  on  the  north  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili.  From 
this  point  it  is  carried  westward  till  it  terminates  at  the  Chia-yu 
barrier  gate,  the  road  through  which  leads  to  the  “ western  re- 
gions.” It  is  twice  interrupted  in  its  course  b}^  the  Ho  River,  and 
has  several  branch  and  loop  walls  to  defend  certain  cities  and  dis- 
tricts. Its  length  in  a straight  line  would  be  one  thousand  two 
hundred  and  fifty-five  miles,  but  if  measured  along  its  sinuosities 
this  distance  must  be  increased  to  one  thousand  five  hundred.  It 
is  not  built  so  grandly  in  its  western  portions  after  passing  the 
Ho  River,  nor  should  it  be  supposed  that  to  the  east  of  this  point 
it  is  all  solid  masonry.  It  is  formed  by  two  strong  retaining 
walls  of  brick  rising  from  granite  foundations,  the  space  between 
being  filled  with  stones  and  earth.  The  breadth  of  it  at  the  base 
is  about  twentj^-five  feet,  at  the  top  fifteen  feet,  and  the  height 
varies  from  fifteen  to  thirty  feet.  The  surface  at  the  top  was 
once  covered  with  bricks  but  is  now  overgrown  with  grass.  What 
travelers  go  to  visit  from  Peking  is  merely  a loop  wall  of  later 
formation,  enclosing  portions  of  Chihli  and  Shan-hsi. 

China  includes  many  lakes,  but  they  are  not  so  commanding  in 
size  as  the  rivers.  There  are  but  three  which  are  essential  to 
mention.  These  are  the  Tung-ting  Hu,  the  largest,  having  a cir- 
cumference of  two  liundred  and  twenty  miles,  about  in  the  center 
of  the  empire  ; the  Po-yang  Hu,  half  way  between  the  former 
and  the  seaj  and  the  Tai  Hu,  not  far  from  Shanghai  and  the 
Yang-tsze  River.  The  latter  lake  is  famous  for  its  romantic 
scenery  and  numerous  islets. 

The  peculiarities  of  climate  along  the  Chinese  coast  are  due 
in  great  measure  to  the  northern  and  southern  monsoons,  the 
former,  prevailing  with  more  or  less  uniformity  during  the  winter^ 
and  tlie  latter  during  the  summer  months.  These  winds  give  a 
greater  degree  of  heat  in  summer  and  of  cold  in  winter  than  is 
experienced  in  the  United  States  in  corresponding  latitudes.  At 
Ningpo,  situated  in  latitude  30,  about  that  of  New  Orleans,  large 
quantities  of  ice  are  secured  in  the  winter  for  summer  use.  It  is, 
however,  very  thin  measured  by  what  we  think  proper  ice  for 


CLIMATE  OF  CUWA. 


107 


perservation.  In  this  part  of  China  snow  not  infrequently  falls 
to  the  depth  of  six  or  eight  inches,  and  the  hills  are  sometimes 
covered  with  it  for  weeks  in  succession.  In  the  northern  prov- 
inces the  winters  are  very  severe.  In  the  vicinity  of  Peking,  not 
only  are  the  canals  and  rivers  closed  during  the  winter,  but  all 
commerce  by  sea  is  suspended  during  two  or  three  months,  while 
in  the  summer  that  part  of  China  is  very  warm.  The  period  of 
the  change  of  the  monsoon,  when  the  two  opposite  currents  are 
struggling  with  each  other  is  marked  by  a great  fall  of  rain  and 
by  the  cyclones  which  are  so  much  dreaded  by  mariners  on  the 
'Chinese  coast.  The  southern  monsoon  gradually  loses  its  force 
in  passing  northward,  and  is  not  very  marked  above  latitude  32, 
though  its  influence  is  decidedly  felt  in  July  and  August.  With 
the  exception  of  the  summer  months  the  climate  of  the  northern 
coast  of  China  is  remarkably  dry ; that  of  the  southern  coast  is 
damp  most  of  the  year,  especially  during  the  months  of  May, 
June,  and  July. 

In  different  parts  of  the  country  almost  every  variety  of  climate 
can  be  found,  hot  or  cold,  moist  or  dry,  salubrious  or  malarial. 
The  ports  which  were  at  first  opened  as  places  of  residence  for 
foreigners  were  unfortunately  among  the  most  unhealthful  of  the 
empire,  not  so  much  from  the  enervating  effects  of  their  southerly 
latitude  as  from  their  local  miasmatic  influences,  being  situated 
in  the  rice-producing  districts  and  surrounded  more  or  less  by 
stagnant  water  during  the  summer  months.  Under  the  later 
treaties  which  opened  new  ports  in  the  north,  as  well  as  interior 
cities,  foreigners  have  been  permitted  to  live  in  regions  whose 
climates  will  compare  favorably  with  most  parts  of  our  own 
country.  The  Chinese  themselves  consider  Kwang-tung,  Kwang- 
hsi,  and  Yun-nan  to  be  less  healthful  than  the  other  provinces ; 
but  foreigners  using  proper  precautions  may  enjoy  their  lives  in 
every  province. 

The  Chinese  are  essentially  an  agricultural  people,  and  from 
time  immemorial  they  have  held  agriculture  in  the  highest  esteem 
as  being  the  means  by  which  the  soil  has  been  induced  to  supply 
the  primary  wants  of  the  empire,  food.  Of  course  the  climate 
and  the  nature  of  a district  determine  the  kind  of  farming  appro- 
priate to  it.  Agriculturally  China  may  be  said  to  be  divided 


108 


WHERE  FOREIGNERS  LIVE. 


into  two  parts  by  the  Chiang.  South  of  that  river,  speaking 
generally,  the  soil  and  climate  point  to  rice  as  the  appropriate 
crop,  while  to  the  north  lie  vast  plains  which  as  clearly  are  best 
designed  for  growing  wheat,  barley,  oats,  Indian  corn  and  other 
cereals.  Culinary  or  kitchen  herbs,  mushrooms,  and  aquatic  veg- 
etables, with  ginger  and  a variety  of  other  condiments,  are  every- 
where produced  and  widely  used.  From  Formosa  there  comes 
sugar,  and  the  cane  thrives'  also  in  the  southern  provinces. 


CHINESE  FARM  SCENE. 


Oranges,  pomegranates,  peaches,  plantains,  pineapples,  mangoes, 
grapes,  and  many  other  fruits  and  nuts  are  supplied  in  most 
markets.  The  cultivation  of  opium  is  constantly  on  the  increase. 

Of  course  the  use  of  tea  as  a beverage  is  a national  characteris- 
tic. The  plant  does  not  grow  in  the  north,  but  is  cultivated  ex- 
tensively in  the  western  provinces  and  in  the  southern.  The  in- 
fusion of  the  leaves  was  little  if  at  all  drunk  in  ancient  limes,  but 
now  its  use  is  universal.  Fu-chien,  Hoopih,  and  Hu-nan  produce 


CHINESE  TEA  FARM 


no 


ANIMALS  WILD  AND  DOMESTIC. 


the  greater  part  of  the  black  teas  ; the  green  comes  chiefly  from 
Cheh-chiang  and  An-hui ; both  kinds  comes  from  Kwang-tung  and 
Sze  chwan.  Next  to  silk,  if  not  equally  with  it,  tea  is  China’s 
most  valuable  export.  From  rice  and  millet  the  Chinese  distill 
alcoholic  liquors,  but  they  are  very  sparingly  used  and  it  is  a com- 
pliment to  the  temperate  inclinations  of  the  people,  that  immedi- 
ately upon  the  opening  of  tea  houses  many  years  ago,  the  places 
for  selling  liquor  found  themselves  empty  of  business  and  were 
soon  compelled  to  close. 

Birds  and  animals  are  found  in  great  varietjq  though  the  coun- 
try is  too  thickly  peopled  and  well  cultivated  to  harbor  many 
wild  and  dangerous  beasts.  One  occasionally  hears  of  a tiger 
that  has  ventured  from  the  forest  and  been  killed  or  captured,  but 
the  lion  was  never  a denizen  of  China  and  is  only  to  be  seen 
rampant  in  stone  in  front  of  temples.  The  rhinoceros,  elephant, 
and  tapir  are  said  still  to  exist  in  tlie  forests  and  swamps  of  Yun- 
nan ; but  the  supply  of  elephants  at  Peking  for  the  carriage  of 
the  emperor  when  he  proceeds  to  the  great  sacrificial  altars  has 
been  decreasing  for  several  reigns.  Both  the  brown  and  the 
black  bear  are  found,  and  several  varieties  of  the  deer  family,  of 
which  the  musk  deer  is  highl}^  valued.  Among  the  domestic 
animals  the  breed  of  horses  and  cattle  is  dAvarfish  and  no  attempts 
seem  to  be  made  to  improve  them.  The  ass  is  a more  lively 
animal  in  the  north  than  it  is  in  European  countries  or  America, 
and  receives  much  attention.  About  Peking  one  is  struck  by 
many  beautiful  specimens  of  the  mule.  Princes  are  seen  riding 
on  mules,  or  drawn  by  them  in  handsome  litters,  while  their  at- 
tendants accompany  them  on  horseback.  The  camel  is  seen  only 
in  the  north.  Many  birds  of  prey  abound,  including  minos, 
crows,  and  magpies.  The  people  are  fond  of  songbirds,  especially 
the  thrush,  the  canary,  and  the  lark.  The  lovely  gold  and  silver 
pheasants  are  well  known,  and  also  the  mandarin  duck,  the  em- 
blem to  the  Chinese  of  conjugal  fidelity.  Many  geese  too  are 
reared  and  eaten,  while  the  ducks  are  artificially  liatched.  The 
number  of  pigs  is  enormous  and  fish  are  a plentiful  supply  of 
food. 

The  people  are  very  fond  of  flowers  and  are  excellent  gardeners, 
but  their  favorites  are  mostly  cultivated  in  pots  instead  of  in  beds. 


CmXKSK  STREKT  SCEXE. 


AGRICULTURAL  PRODUCTS. 


113 


Silk,  linen,  and  cotton  furnish  abundant  provision  for  the 
clothing  of  tlie  race.  China  was  no  doubt  the  original  home  of 
silk.  The  mulberry  tree  grows  everywhere  and  silk  worms 
flourish  as  widely.  In  all  province's  some  silk  is  produced,  but 
the  best  is  furnished  from  Kwang-tung,  Sze-chwan,  and  Cheh- 
chiang.  From  the  twenty-third  century  B.  C.  and  earlier,  the 
care  of  the  silk  worm  and  the  spinning  and  weaving  of  its  produce 
have  been  the  special  work  of  women.  As  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
sovereign  to  turn  over  a few  furrows  in  the  spring  to  stimulate 
the  people  to  their  agricultural  tasks,  so  his  consort  should  per- 


form an  analogous  ceremony  with  her  silk  worms  and  mulberry 
trees.  The  manufactures  of  silk  are  not  inferior  to  or  less  brill- 
iant than  any  that  are  produced  in  Europe,  and  nothing  can  ex- 
ceed the  embroidery  of  the  Chinese.  The  cotton  plant  appears  to 
have  been  introduced  some  eight  hundred  years  ago  from  Eastern 
Turkestan  and  is  now  cultivated  most  extensively  in  the  basin  of 
the  Chiang  River.  The  well  known  nankeen  is  named  for  Nan- 
king, a center  for  its  manufacture.  .Of  woolen  fabrics  the  pro- 
duction is  not  large,  but  there  are  felt  caps,  rugs  of  camels  hair 
and  furs  of  various  kinds. 


114 


MINERAL  RESOURCES. 


While  the  Chinese  have  done  justice  to  most  of  the  natural 
capabilities  of  their  countiy,  they  have  greatly  failed  in  develop- 
ing its  mineral  resources.  The  skill  which  their  lapidaries  display 
in  catting  the  minerals  and  jewels  is  well  known,  but  in  the 
development  of  the  utilitarian  minerals  they  have  been  very 
negligent.  The  coal  fields  of  China  are  enormous,  but  the  major- 
ity of  them  can  hardly  be  said  to  be  more  than  scratched.  Im- 
mense deposits  of  iron  ore  are  still  untouched.  Copper,  lead,  tin, 
silver,  and  gold  are  known  to  exist  in  many  places,  but  little  has 
been  done  to  make  the  stores  of  them  available.  More  attention 
has  been  directed  to  their  mines  since  their  government  and  com- 
panies began  to  have  steamers  of  their  own  and  a scheme  has  been 
approved  by  the  government  for  working  the  gold  mines  in  the 
valley  of  the  Amoor  River.  With  the  government  once  conscious 
of  its  mineral  wealth,  there  is  no  limit  to  the  results  which  it  may 
bring  about. 

The  commerce  of  China  with  the  western  nations  has  been  con- 
stantly on  the  increase  for  many  years.  The  number  of  vessels 
entering  and  clearing  at  the  various  treaty  ports  is  now  between 
thirty  thousand  and  thirty-five  thousand  annually,  and  the  value 
of  the  whole  trade,  import  and  export,  approximates  8300,000,000 
annually.  Of  course  the  two  principal  exports  are  tea  and  silk. 
About  half  of  the  trade  is  done  by  means  of  vessels  under  the 
British  flag,  and  nearly  half  of  the  remainder  are  vessels  of 
foreign  type,  but  owned  by  Chinese  and  sailing  under  the  Chinese 
flag. 

The  capitals  of  the  different  divisions  of  the  empire  are  all 
walled  cities,  and  these  form  a striking  feature  of  the  country. 
There  are  important  distinctions  between  the  cities  of  the  third 
class,  most  of  which  are  designated  as  hien,  a few  as  cheo  and 
others  as  ting.  Though  varying  considerably  in  size,  these  differ- 
ent cities  present  nearly  the  uniform  appearance.  They  are  sur- 
rounded by  walls  from  twenty  to  thirty-five  feet  in  height,  and 
are  entered  by  large  arched  gateways  which  open  into  the 
principal  streets  and  are  shut  and  barred  at  night.  These  walls 
are  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  feet  thick  at  the  base  and  some- 
what narrower  at  the  top.  The  outside  is  of  solid  masonry  from 
two  to  four  feet  thick,  built  of  hewn  stone,  or  bricks  backed  with 


THE  CITIES  OF  CHHSTA. 


115 


earth,  broken  tiles,  etc.  There  is  generally  a lighter  stone  facing 
on  the  inside.  The  outside  is  surmounted  by  a parapet  with  em- 
brasures generally  built  of  brick. 

. The  circumferences  of  the  provincial  cities  vary  from  eight  to 
fifteen  miles;  those  of  the  fu  cities  from  four  to  ten  miles,  and 
those  of  the  hien  cities  from  two  or  three  to  five  miles.  Some  of 
the  larger  and  more  important  cities  contain  a smaller  one,  with 
its  separate  walls,  enclosed  within  the  larger  outside  walls.  This 
is  the  Tartar  or  military  city.  It  is  occupied  exclusively  byj 
Tartars  with  their  families,  forming  a colony  or  garrison,  and 
numbering  generally  several  thousand  soldiers.  In  times  of  im 
surrection  and  rebellion  the  emperor  depends  principally  upon 
these  Tartar  colonies  to  hold  possession  of  the  cities  where  they 
are  stationed.  In  such  emergencies  the  inhabitants  of  these  en- 
closed Tartar  cities,  knowing  that  their  lives  and  the  lives  of  their- 
families  are  at  stake,  defend  themselves  with  great  desperation. 

The  provincial  capitals  contain  an  average  population  of  nearly 
one  million  inhabitants ; the  fu  cities  from  one  hundred  thousand 
to  six  hundred  thousand  or  even  more,  while  the  cities  of  the 
third  class,  which  are  much  more  numerous,  generally  contain 
several  tens  of  thousands.  The  most  of  these  towns  of  different 
classes  have  outgrown  their  walls,  and  frequently  one-fourth  or 
even  one-third  of  the  inhabitants  live  in  the  suburbs,  which  in 
some  oases  extend  three  or  four  miles  outside  the  walls  in  differ- 
ent directions.  Property  is  less  valuable  in  these  suburbs,  not 
only  because  it  is  removed  from  the  business  parts  of  the  city, 
but  also  because  it  is  more  liable  to  be  destroyed  in  times  of  re- 
bellion. All  the  names  to  be  found  on  even  our  largest  maps  of 
China,  are  the  names  of  walled  cities,  and  many  of  those  of  the 
third  class  are  not  down  for  want  of  space.  The  total  number 
of  these  cities  is  more  than  one  thousand  seven  hundred.  From 
the  number  and  size  of  the  cities  of  China  it  might  be  inferred 
that  they  contain  the  greater  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
empire.  This  is  however  by  no  means  the  case.  The  Chinese 
are  mainly  an  agricultural  people  and  live  for  the  most  part  in 
the  almost  innumerable  villages  which  everywhere  dot  its  fertile 
plains.  A detached  or  isolated  farm  house  is  seldom  seen.  The 
country  people  live  in  towns  or  hamlets  for  the  sake  of  society 


116 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  CHINESE  VILLAGES. 


and  mutual  protection.  Most  of  the  cities,  even  the  smaller 
ones,  have  tliousands  of  these  villages  under  their  jurisdiction. 
In  the  more  populous  parts  of  China  will  frequently  be  found, 
within  a radius  of  three  or  four  miles,  from  one  hundred  and  fifty 
to  two  hundred  of  these  villages. 

The  estimate  of  population  made  on  a previous  page  gives  an 
average  population  of  about  three  hundred  persons  to  the  square 
mile,  while  that  of  Belgium  and  some  other  European  countries 
is  greater.  Perhaps  no  country  in  the  world  is  more  fertile  and 
capable  of  supporting  a dense  population  than  China.  Every 
available  spot  of  ground  is  brought  under  cultivation,  and  nearly 
all  the  land  is  made  use  of  to  provide  food  for  man,  pasture  fields 
being  almost  unknown.  The  masses  of  China  eat  very  little 
animal  food,  and  what  they  do  eat  is  mostly  pork  and  fowls,  the 
raising  of  which  requires  little  or  no  waste  of  ground.  The 
comparatively  few  horses  and  cattle  and  sheep  which  are  found 
in  the  country  are  kept  in  stables,  or  graze  upon  the  hill  tops,  or 
are  tethered  by  the  sides  of  canals.  Taking  these  facts  into  con- 
sideration, that  an  extended  and  exceedingly  fertile  country  un- 
der the  highest  state  of  cultivation,  is  taxed  to  its  utmost  ca- 
pacity to  supply  the  wants  of  a frugal  and  industrious  people,  the 
estimate  of  population  need  not  excite  incredulity. 

Nearly  all  of  the  cities  marked  on  our  maps  of  the  coast  of 
China,  are  now  open  ports  for  traffic  and  residence  of  foreigners 
The  most  northerly  of  these  is  Niuchwang  and  the  most  south- 
ern Pak-hoi,  while  between  these  familiar  names  are  those  of 
Canton,  Swatow,  Amoy,  Foochow,  Ningpo,  Shanghai,  Tien-tsin 
and  several  others.  Interior  cities  that  have  been  opened  to 
foreigners  include  a number  on  the  Chiang  River,  the  one  farthest 
inland  being  I-chang.  Peking  is  also  accessible  to  foreigners ; 
and  several  ports  on  the  islands  of  Hainan  and  Formosa  are 
opened  by  treaty.  The  population  of  these  cities  cannot  be  told 
with  much  exactness,  as  the  Chinese  census  can  scarcely  claim 
accuracy.  But  the  largest  cities,  such  as  Canton  and  Peking,  are 
generally  credited,  in  common  with  several  others  even  smaller, 
with  passing  the  million  mark. 

The  Chinese  government  is  one  of  the  great  wonders  of  histor3^ 
It  presents  to-day  the  same  character  which  it  possessed  more 


AN  IMPERIAL  AUDIENCE. 


118 


THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  CHINA. 


than  three  thousand  years  ago,  and  which  it  has  retained  ever 
since,  during  a period  which  covers  the  authentic  history  of  the 
world.  The  government  may  be  described  as  being  in  theory  a 
patriarchal  despotism.  The  emperor  is  the  father  of  his  people, 
and  just  as  in  a family  the  father’s  law  is  supreme,  so  the  emperor 
exercises  complete  control  over  his  subjects,  even  to  the  extent  of 
holding,  under  certain  recognized  conditions,  their  lives  in  his 
hands.  But  from  time  immemorial  it  has  been  held  by  the  high- 
est constitutional  authorities  that  the  duties  existing  between  the 
emperor  and  his  people  are  reciprocal,  and  that  though  it  is  the. 
duty  of  the  people  to  render  a loyal  and  willing  obedience  to  the* 
emperor,  so  long  as  his  rule  is  just  and  beneficent,  it  is  equally 
incumbent  upon  them  to  resist  his  authority,  to  depose  him,  and 
even  to  put  him  to  death,  in  case  he  should  desert  the  paths  of 
rectitude  and  virtue. 

As  a matter  of  fact  however,  it  is  very  difficult  to  say  what  ex- 
tent of  power  the  emperor  actually  wields.  The  outside  world 
sees  only  the  imperial  bolts,  but  how  they  are  forged  or  whose  is 
the  hand  that  shoots  them  none  can  tell.  The  most  common 
titles  of  the  emperor  are  Hwang-Shang,  “ The  August  Lofty 
One,”  and  Tien-Tsz,  “ The  Son  of  Heaven.”  He  lives  in  unap- 
proachable grandeur,  and  is  never  seen  except  by  members  of  his 
own  family  and  high  state  officers,  save  once  a year  when  he  gives 
audience  to  few  foreign  diplomats.  Nothing  is  omitted  which 
can  add  to  the  dignity  and  sacredness  of  his  person  or  character. 
Almost  everything  used  by  him  or  in  his  service  is  tabooed  from 
the  common  people,  and  distinguished  b}^  some  peculiar  mark  or 
color  so  as  to  keep  up  the  impression  of  awe  with  which  he  is  re- 
garded, and  which  is  so  powerful  an  auxiliary  to  his  throne.  The 
outward  gate  of  the  palace  must  always  be  passed  on  foot,  and  the 
paved  entrance  walk  leading  up  to  it  can  be  used  only  by  him. 
The  vacant  throne,  or  even  a screen  of  yellow  silk  thrown  over  a 
chair,  is  worshipped  equally  with  his  actual  presence,  and  an  im- 
perial dispatch  is  received  in  the  provinces  with  incense  and  pros- 
tration. 

The  throne  is  not  strictly  and  necessarily  hereditary,  though 
the  son  of  the  emperor  generally  succeeds  to  it  The  emperor 
appoints  his  successor,  but  it  is  supposed  that  in  doing  so  he  will 


119  PREPARATION  OF  , VERMICELLI. 


120 


POSITION  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


have  supreme  regard  for  the  best  good  of  his  subjects,  and  will  be 
governed  by  the  will  of  heaven,  indicated  by  the  conferring  of 
regal  gifts,  and  by  providential  circumstances  pointing  out  the  in- 
dividual whom  heaven  has  chosen.  Of  course  in  the  case  of  un- 
usually able  men,  such  as  the  second  and  fourth  r,ulers  of  the 
present  dynast}^  their  influence  is  more  felt  than  that  of  less 
energetic  rulers  ; but  the  throne  of  China  is  so  hedged  in  with 
ceremonials  and  so  padded  with  official  etiquette  that  unless  its 
occupant  be  a man  of  supreme  ability  he  cannot  fail  to  fall  under 
the  guidance  of  his  ministers  and  favorites.  In  governing  so 
large  a realm,  of  course  it  is  necessary  for  the  emperor  to  delegate 
his  authority  to  numerous  officers  who  are  regarded  as  his  agents 
and  representatives  in  carrying  out  the  imperial  will.  What  they 
do  the  emperor  does  through  them.  The  recognized  patriarchal 
character  of  the  government  is  seen  in  the  familiar  expressions  of 
the  people,  particularly  at  times  when  they  consider  themselves 
injured  or  aggrieved  by  their  officers,  when  they  are  apt  to  say, 
“A  strange  way  for  parents  to  treat  their  children.” 

The  government  of  the  empire,  omitting  the  regulation  of  the 
imperial  court  and  family,  or  the  special  Manchoo  department,  is 
conducted  from  the  capital,  supervising,  directing,  controlling  the 
different  provincial  administrations,  and  exercising  the  power  of 
removing  from  his  post  any  official  whose  conduct  may  be  irregular 
or  dangerous  to  the  state. 

There  is  the  Grand  Cabinet,  the  privy  council  of  the  emperor, 
in  whose  presence  it  meets  daily  to  transact  the  business  of  the 
state,  between  the  hours  of  4:00  and  6:00  A.  M.  Its  members  are 
few  and  hold  other  offices.  There  is  also  the  Grand  Secretariat, 
formerly  the  supreme  council,  but  under  the  present  dynasty  very 
much  superseded  by  the  Cabinet.  It  consists  of  four  grand  and 
two  assistant  grand  secretaries,  half  of  them  Manchoos  and  half 
Chinese.  The  business  on  which  the  Cabinet  deliberates  comes 
before  it  from  the  six  boards  or  Luh-pu.  These  are  departments 
of  long  standing  in  the  government,  having  been  modeled  on 
much  the  same  plan  during  the  ancient  dynasties.  At  the  head 
of  each  board  are  two  presidents,  called  Shang-shu,  and  four  vice- 
presidents  called  Shi-lang,  alternately  a Manchoo  and  a Chinese. 
There  are  three  subordinate  grades  of  officers  in  each  board, 


GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  PROVINCES. 


m 


with  a great  number  of  minor  clerks,  and  their  appropriate  de- 
partments for  conducting  the  details  of  the  general  and  peculiar 
business  coming  under  the  cognizance  of  the  board,  the  whole 
being  arranged  in  the  most  business-like  style. 

The  six  boards  are  respectively  of  Civil  Office,  of  Revenue,  of 
Ceremonies,  of  War,  of  Punishments,  and  of  Works.  In  1861 
the  changed  relations  between  the  empire  and  foreign  nations  led 
to  the  formation  of  what  may  be  called  a seventh  board  styled 
the  Tsung-li  Yamen,  or  Court  of  Foreign  Affairs.  There  is  also 
another  important  department  which  must  be  mentioned,  the 
censorate,  members  of  which  exercise  a supervision  over  the 
board,  and  are  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  exposing  errors  and 
crimes  in  every  department  of  government.  Distributed  through 
the  provinces  they  memorialize  the  emperor  on  all  subjects  con- 
nected with  the  welfare  of  the  people  and  the  conduct  of  the 
government.  Sometimes  they  do  not  shrink  even  from  the  dan- 
gerous task  of  criticising  the  conduct  of  the  emperor  himself. 

The  different  boards  are  all  charged  with  the  superintendence 
of  the  affairs  of  the  eighteen  provinces  into  which  the  empire  is 
divided.  Fifteen  of  these  provinces  are  grouped  into  eight  vice- 
royalties, and  the  remaining  three  are  administered  by  a governor. 
Each  province  is  autonomous,  or  nearly  so,  and  the  supreme 
authorities,  whether  viceroys  or  governors,  are  practically  inde- 
pendent so  long  as  they  act  in  accordance  with  the  very  minute 
regulations  laid  down  for  their  guidance.  The  principal  function 
of  the  Peking  government  is  to  see  that  these  regulations  are 
carried  out,  and  in  case  they  should  not  be  to  call  the  offending 
viceroy  or  governor  to  account.  Below  the  governor-general  or 
governor  of  a province,  are  the  lieutenant-governor,  commonly 
called  the  treasurer,  the  provincial  judge,  the  salt-comptroller, 
and  the  grain-intendant.  The  provinces  are  further  divided  for 
the  purposes  of  administration  into  prefectures,  departments,  and 
districts.  Each  has  its  officers,  magistrates,  and  a whole  host  of 
petty  underlings.  The  rank  of  the  different  officials  in  these 
provinces  is  indicated  by  a knob  or  button  on  the  top  of  their 
caps.  In  the  two  highest  it  is  made  of  red  coral ; in  the  third  it 
is  clear  blue ; in  the  fourth  it  is  lapis  lazuli ; in  the  fifth  of  crys- 
tal ; in  the  sixth  of  an  opaque  white  stone ; and  in  the  three 


124 


EXTORTION  OF  THE  OFFICIALS. 


lowest  it  is  yellow,  of  gold  or  gilt.  They  also  wear  insignia  or 
badges  embroidered  on  a square  patch  in  the  front  or  back  of 
their  robes,  representing  birds  on  the  civilians  and  animals  on  the 
military  officers. 

Each  viceroy  raises  his  own  army  and  navy,  which  he  pays,  or 
sometimes  unfortunately  does  not  pay,  out  of  the  revenues  of  the 
government.  He  levies  his  own  taxes,  and  except  in  particular 
, cases  is  the  final  court  of  appeal  in  all  judicial  matters  within 
'the  limits  of  his  rule.  But  in  return  for  this  latitude  allowed 
him,  he  is  lield  personally  responsible  for  the  good  government 
of  his  territory.  If  by  any  chance  serious  disturbances  break 
out  and  continue  unsuppressed,  he  is  called  to  account,  as  having 
by  his  misconduct  contributed  to  them,  and  he  in  his  turn  looks 
to  his  subordinates  to  maintain  order  and  execute  justice  within 
their  jurisdiction.  Of  himself  he  has  no  power  to  remove  or 
punish  subordinate  officials,  but  has  to  refer  all  complaints  against 
them  to  Peking.  The  personal  responsibility  resting  upon  him 
of  maintaining  order  makes  him  a severe  critic  on  those  who 
serve  under  him,  and  very  frequently  junior  officials  are  im- 
peached and  punished  at  the  instigation  of  their  chief.  Incapable 
and  unworthy  officials,  constant  opium  smokers,  those  who  mis- 
appropriate public  money,  and  those  who  fail  to  arrest  criminals, 
are  those  who  meet  swift  punishment.  On  the  whole  the  con- 
duct of  junior  officials  is  carefully  watched. 

As  has  been  already  said,  the  affairs  of  each  province  are  ad- 
ministered by  the  viceroy,  or  governor,  and  his  subordinates,  and 
speaking  generally  their  rule  is  as  enlightened  and  as  just  as 
could  be  expected  in  an  oriental  country  where  public  opinion 
finds  only  a very  imperfect  utterance.  Official  purity  and  justice 
must  be  treated  as  comparative  terms  in  China.  The  constitu- 
tion of  the  civil  service  renders  it  next  to  impossible  that  any 
office  holder  can  be  clean-handed.  The  salaries  awarded  are  low, 
out  of  all  proportion  to  the  necessary  expenses  pertaining  to  the 
offices  to  which  they  are  apportioned,  and  the  consequence  is  that 
in  some  way  or  other  the  officials  are  compelled  to  make  up  the 
deficiency  from  the  pockets  of  those  subject  to  them.  As  a rule, 
mandarins  seldom  enter  office  with  private  fortunes,  and  the 
wealth  therefore,  which  soothes  the  declining  years  of  veteran 


PALANQUIN  OF  A HIGH  OFFICIAL 


126 


EXTORTION  OF  THE  OFFICIALS. 


officials,  may  be  fairly  assumed  to  be  ill-gotten  gain.  There  are 
laws  against  these  exactions,  and  very  often  some  magistrate  is 
degraded  or  executed  for  levying  illegal  assessments.  The  im- 
munity which  some  mandarins  enjoy  from  the  just  consequences 
of  their  crimes,  and  the  severity  with  which  the  law  is  vindicated 


/ 


THE  GOVERNOR  OF  A PROVINCE. 

in  the  cases  of  others  for  much  lighter  offenses,  has  a sinister  as- 
pect. But  in  a s^^stem  of  which  bribery  and  corruption  practi- 
cally form  a part,  one  need  not  expect  to  find  purity  in  any  direc- 
tion. And  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  whole  civil  service 
is,  judged  by  an  American  standard,-  corrupt  to  the  core.  The 
people  however  are  lightly  taxed  and  they  readily  submit  to  lim- 


FEW  MANDARINS  ARE  REGRETTED. 


129 


ited  extortion  so  long  as  the  rule  of  the  mandarin  is  otherwise 
just  and  beneficent. 

How  rarely  does  a mandarin  earn  the  respect  and  affection  of 
the  people  is  obvious  from  the  great  parade  which  is  made  on  the 
departure  from  their  posts  of  the  very  occasional  officials  who 
are  fortunate  enough  to  have  done  so.  Archdeacon  Gray  relates 
that  during  his  residence  of  a quarter  of  a centuiy  at  Canton  he 
only  met  one  man  who  had  entitled  himself  to  the  regret  of  the 
people  at  his  departure.  When  the  time  came  for  this  man  to 
leave  the  city,  the  people  rose  in  multitudes  to  do  him  honor  and 
begged  for  him  to  return  if  he  could.  A somewhat  similar  scene 
occurred  at  Tien-tsin  in  1861,  on  the  departure  of  the  most  be- 
nevolent prefect  that  the  city  had  ever  seen.  The  people  accom- 
panied him  beyond  the  gate  on  his  road  to  Peking  with  every 
token  of  honor  and  finally  begged  from  him  his  boots,  which  they 
carried  back  in  triumph  and  hung  up  as  a memento  in  the  temple 
of  the  city  god.  Going  to  the  opposite  extreme,  it  sometimes 
happens  that  the  people,  goaded  into  rebellion  by  a sense  of 
wrong,  rise  in  arms  against  some  particularly  obnoxious  man- 
darin and  drive  him  from  the  district.  But  the  Chinese  are 
essentially  un warlike,  and  it  must  be  some  act  of  gross  oppres- 
sion to  stir  their  blood  to  fever  heat. 

A potent  means  of  protection  against  oppression  is  granted  to 
the  people  by  the  appointment  of  imperial  censors  throughout 
the  empire,  whose  duty  it  is  to  report  to  the  throne  all  cases  of 
misrule,  injustice,  or  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  mandarins  which 
come  to  their  knowledge.  The  same  tolerance  which  is  shown 
by  the  people  towards  the  shortcomings  and  ill  deeds  of  the 
officials,  is  displayed  by  these  men  in  the  discharge  of  their 
duties.  Only  aggravated  cases  make  them  take  their  pens  in 
hand,  but  when  they  do,  it  must  be  confessed  that  they  show 
little  mercy.  Neither  are  they  respecters  of  persons ; their  lash 
falls  alike  on  all  from  the  emperor  on  his  throne  to  the  police- 
runners  ill  magisterial  courts.  Nor  is  their  plain  speaking  more 
amazing  than  the  candor  with  which  their  memorials  affecting 
the  characters  of  great  and  small  alike  are  published  in  the  Pe- 
king Gazette.  The  gravest  charges,  such  as  of  peculation,  neg- 
lect of  duty,  injustice,  or  incompetence,  are  brought  against 
7 


130  CRUELTIES  IN  THE  COURTS. 

mandarins  of  all  ranks  and  are  openly  published  in  the  official 
paper. 

In  the  administration  of  justice  the  same  lax  morality  as  in 
other  branches  of  government  exists,  and  bribery  is  largely  re- 
sorted to  by  litigants,  more  especially  in  civil  cases.  As  a rule 
money  in  excess  of  the  legal  fees  has  in  the  first  instance  to  be 
paid  to  clerks  and  secretaries  before  a case  can  be  put  down  for 
hearing,  and  a decision  of  the  presiding  mandarin  is  too  often  in- 
fluenced by  the  sums  of  money  which  find  their  way  into  his 


PUNISHMENT  BY  THE  GANGUE. 


purse  from  the  pockets  of  either  suitor.  But  the  greatest  blot  on 
Chinese  administration  is  the  inhumanity  shown  to  both  culprits 
and  witnesses  in  criminal  procedure.  Tortures  of  the  most  pain- 
ful and  revolting  kind  are  used  to  extort  evidence,  and  punish- 
ments scarcely  more  severely  cruel  are  inflicted  on  the  guilty 
parties.  Flogging  with  bamboos,  beating  the  jaws  with  thick 
pieces  of  leather,  or  the  ankles  with  a stick,  are  some  of  the  pre- 
liminary tortures  applied  to  witnesses  or  culprits  who  refuse  to 
give  the  evidence  exoected  of  them.  Further  refinements  of 


HORRORS  OF  PUNISHMENT. 


131 


cruelty  are  reserved  Tor  hardened  offenders  by  means  of  which 
infinite  pain  and' often  permanent  injury  are  inflicted. 

It  follows  as  a natural  consequence  that  in  a country  where 
torture  is  thus  resorted  to  the  punishments  inflicted  on  criminals 
must  be  proportionately  cruel.  Death,  the  final  punishment,  can 
unfortunately  be  inflicted  in  various  ways,  and  a sliding  scale  of 
capital  punishments  is  used  by  the  Chinese  to  mark  their  sense 
3f  the  varying  heinousness  of  murderous  crimes.  For  parricide, 
natricide  and  wholesale  murders,  the  usual  sentence  is  that  of 


Ling-che,  or  “ignominious  and  slow  death.”  In  the  carr}dng  out 
of  this  sentence  the  culprit  is  fastened  to  a cross,  and  cuts  varying 
in  number,  at  the  discretion  of  the  judge,  from  eight  to  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  are  made  first  on  the  face  and  fleshy  parts  of  the 
body,  next  the  heart  is  pierced,  and  finally  when  death  has  been 
thus  caused,  the  limbs  are  separated  from  the  body  and  divided. 
During  a recent  year  ten  cases  in  which  this  punishment  was  in- 
flicted were  reported  in  the  official  Peking  Gazette.  In  ordinary 
cases  of  capital  punishment  execution  by  beheading  is  the  com* 


132 


HORRORS  OF  PUNISHMENT. 


mon  mode.  This  is  a speedy  and  merciful  death,  the  skill  gained 
by  frequent  experience  enabling  the  executioner  in  almost  every 
case  to  perform  his  task  with  one  blow.  Another  death  which  is 
less  horrible  to  Chinamen,  who  view  any  mutilation  of  the  body 
as  an  extreme  disgrace,  is  by  strangulation.  The  privilege  of  so 
passing  out  of  the  world  is  accorded  at  times  to  influential  crimi- 
nals, whose  crimes  are  not  of  so  heinous  a nature  as  to  demand  their 
decapitation ; and  occasionally  they  are  even  allowed  to  be  their 
own  executioners. 

Asiatics  are  almost  invariably  careless  about  the  sufferings  of 
others,  and  the  men  of  China  are  no  exception  to  the  rule.  It  is 
almost  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  horrors  of  a Chinese  prison. 
The  filth  and  dirt  of  the  rooms,  the  brutality  of  the  jailers,  the 
miserable  diet,  and  the  entire  absence  of  the  commonest  sanitary 
arrangements  make  a picture  which  is  too  horrible  to  draw  in 
detail. 

Chinese  law-givers  have  distinguished  very  markedly  between 
crimes  accompanied  and  unaccompanied  with  violence.  For 
offenses  of  the  latter  description,  punishments  of  a comparatively 
light  nature  are  inflicted,  such  as  wearing  a wooden  collar,  and 
piercing  the  ears  with  arrows,  to  the  ends  of  which  are  attached 
slips  of  paper  on  which  are  inscribed  the  crime  of  which  the  cul- 
prit has  been  guilty.  Frequently  the  criminals  bearing  these 
signs  of  their  disgrace  are  paraded  up  and  down  the  street  where 
their  offense  was  committed,  and  sometimes  in  more  serious  cases 
they  are  flogged  through  the  leading  thoroughfares  of  the  city, 
preceded  by  a herald  who  announces  the  nature  of  their  mis- 
demeanors. But  to  give  a list  of  Chinese  punishments  will  be  to 
exhaust  the  ingenuity  of  man  to  torture  his  fellow  creatures. 
The  subject  is  a horrible  one  and  it  is  a relief  to  turn  from  the 
dingy  prison  gates  and  the  halls  of  so-called  justice. 

After  this  review  of  the  impersonal,  and  the  material,  and  the 
official  character  of  the  Chinese  empire  as  a nation,  let  us  now 
turn  to  the  more  personal  consideration  of  the  people  themselves, 
their  characteristics,  and  their  manner  of  life  and  thought. 


OUTSIDE  PEKING. 
I'rom  a Sketch. 


THE  CHINESE  PEOPLE. 


Severity  of  the  Judgment  of  Americans  and  Chinese  Against  One  Another— Each  Sees 
the  Worst  Side  of  the  Other— Cliaracteristics  of  the  Chinese,  Their  Physique,  Temperament, 
and  Morals— Tests  of  Intellectuality— Marriage  Customs  of  the  Chinese— Tlie  Engagement— 
The  Wedding  Ceremony— The  Position  of  Woineii—Concuhinage— Divorce— Family  Eelation- 
ships— Dress  of  Men  and  Women— Distorted  Feet  versus  Queues-Chinese  Houses  and  Home 
Life— Children— Education  and  Schools— National  Festivities— Music  and  Art— Chinese 
Religions— Language  and  Literature. 

Ill  treating  of  the  personal  characteristics  and  customs  of  the 
Chinese  people  it  is  the  desire  of  the  writer  to  get  away  from  the 
hackneyed  descriptions  of  pigtails,  shaven  heads,  thick  soled 
shoes,  assumption  of  dignity  and  superiority,  and  great  ignorance 
concerning  many  subjects  with  which  we  are  familiar,  which 
usually  mark  the  pages  of  articles  and  books  concerning  this  race. 
The  Chinaman  is  believed  by  many  to  be  the  personification  of 
stupidity,  and  many  writers  who  wish  to  make  readable  matter 
gladly  seize  upon  and  exaggerate  anjThing  which  can  be  made  to 
appear  grotesque  and  ridiculous.  It  would  be  but  a poor  answer 
to  these  views  to  say  that  they  correspond  remarkably  with  those 
which  the  Chinese  entertain  of  us.  They  also  enjoy  a great  deal 
of  pleasantry  at  our  expense,  finding  it  almost  impossible  to  re- 
gard otherwise  than  as  ludicrous  our  short  cropped  hair,  tight  fit- 
ting, ungraceful,  and  uncomfortable  looking  clothes,  men’s  thin 
soled  leather  shoes,  tall  stiff  hats,  gloves  in  summer  time,  the 
wasp-like  appearance  of  ladies  with  their  small  waists,  our  remark- 
able ignorance  of  the  general  rules  of  propriety,  and  the  strange 
custom  of  a man  and  his  wife  walking  together  in  public  ! These 
views  we  can  afford  to  laugh  at  as  relating  to  comparatively^ 
trivial  matters,  but  they  think  they  have  the  evidence  that  we 
are  also  inferior  to  them  in  intellectuality,  in  refinement,  in  civili- 
zation, and  especially  morals.  It  is  evident  that  one  party  or  the 
other  has  made  a serious  mistake,  and  it  would  be  but  a natural 
and  reasonable  presumption  that  both  may  have  erred  to  some 
extent.  We  should  look  at  this  matter  from  an  impartial  stand- 
point, and  take  into  view  not  simply  facts  which  are  compara- 

035) 


136 


CHINA  VERSUS  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


tively  unimportant  and  exceptional,  but  those  which  are  funda- 
mental  and  of  widespread  influence,  and  should  construe  these 
facts  justly  and  generously.  We  should  take  pains  not  to  form 
the  judgment  that  because  a people  or  a custom  is  different  from 
our  own  it  is  therefore  necessarily  worse. 

There  are  many  reasons  why  unfair  judgments  have  been 
formed  by  us  against  the  Chinese  and  by  the  Chinese  against 
Europeans  and  Americans.  Each  nation  is  apt  to  see  the  worst 
side  of  the  other.  It  so  happens  that  the  Chinese  who  have 
come  to  America  are  almost  all  from  the  southern  provinces  and 
from  the  lower  classes  of  the  worst  part  of  the  empire.  We  have 
formed  many  of  our  impressions  from  our  observation  of  these 
low  class  adventurers.  They  on  the  other  hand  have  not  received 
the  treatment  here  which  would  cause  them  to  carry  back  to 
China  kindly  opinions  of  Americans. 

In  China  the  same  or  similar  conditions  have  existed.  In  the 
open  ports,  where  a large  foreign  commerce  has  sprung  up,  an 
immense  number  of  Chinese  congregate  from  the  interior.  Many 
of  them  are  adventurers  who  come  to  these  places  to  engage  in 
the  general  scramble  for  wealth.  The  Chinamen  of  the  best  class 
are,  as  a matter  of  fact,  not  the  most  numerous  in  the  open  ports. 
Moreover  foreign  ideas  and  customs  prevail  to  a great  extent  in 
these  foreign  communities,  and  the  natives,  whatever  they  might 
have  been  originally,  gradually  become  more  or  less  denational- 
ized, and  present  a modified  t}^pe  of  their  race.  The  Chinese  be- 
ing every  day  brought  into  contact  with  drunken  sailors  and  un- 
scrupulous traders  from  the  west,  new  lessons  are  constantly 
learned  from  them  in  the  school  of  duplicity  and  immorality. 
The  Chinese  of  this  class  are  no  fitting  type  of  the  race.  It  is  an 
accepted  fact  that  the  great  seaports  of  the  world,  where  inter- 
national trade  holds  sway,  are  the  worst  centers  of  vice,  and  no 
estimate  of  a people  formed  from  these  cities  can  be  just. 

The  Chinese  as  a race  are  of  a phlegmatic  and  impassive  tem- 
perament, and  physically  less  active  and  energetic  than  European 
and  American  nations.  Children  are  not  fond  of  athletic  and 
vigorous  sports,  but  prefer  marbles,  kite  flying,  and  quiet  games 
of  ball  or  spinning  tops.  Men  take  an  easy  stroll  for  recreation, 
but  never  a rapid  walk  for  exercise  and  are  seldom  in  a hurrv  or 


RACIAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  CHINESE.  137 


excited.  They  are  also  characteristically  timid  and  docile.  But 
while  the  Chinese  are  deficient  in  active  courage  and  daring,  they 
are  not  in  passive  resistance.  They  are  comparatively  apathetic 
as  regards  pain  and  death,  and  have  great  powers  of  physical  en- 
durance as  well  as  great  persistency  and  obstinacy.  Physical 
development  and  strength  and  longevity  vary  in  different  parts 
of  the  empire.  In  and  about  Canton,  as  well  as  in  most  parts  of 
the  south,  from  which  we  have  derived  most  of  our  impressions 
of  China,  the  people  are  small  in  stature  ; but  in  the  province  of 
Shan-tung  in  the  north,  men  varying  in  height  from  five  feet 
eight  inches  to  six  feet  are  very  common,  while  some  of  them  are 
considerably  taller.  In  this  part  of  China  too,  one  frequently 
finds  laborers  more  than  seventy  years  of  age  working  daily  at 
their  trades,  and  it  is  not  unusual  to  hear  of  persons  who  have 
reached  the  age  of  ninety  or  more. 

The  intellectuality  of  the  Chinese  is  made  evident  by  so  many 
obvious  and  weighty  facts,  that  it  seems  strange  that  persons  of 
ordinary  intelligence  and  information  should  ever  have  ques- 
tioned it.  We  have  before  us  a system  of  government  and  code 
of  laws  which  will  bear  favorable  comparison  with  those  of 
European  nations,  and  have  elicited  a generous  tribute  of  admira- 
tion and  praise  from  the  most  competent  students.  The  practical 
wisdom  and  foresight  of  those  who  constructed  this  system  are 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  it  has  stood  the  test  of  time,  enduring 
longer  than  any  other  which  man  has  devised  during  the  world’s 
history ; that  it  has  bound  together  under  one  common  rule,  a 
population  to  which  the  world  affords  no  parallel,  and  given  a de- 
gree of  prosperity  and  wealth  which  may  well  challenge  our  won- 
der. It  is  intelligent  thought  which  has  given  China  such  a 
prominence  in  the  east  and  also  in  the  eyes  of  Christendom.  She 
may  well  point  with  pride  to  her  authentic  history  reaching  back 
through  more  than  thirty  centuries ; to  her  extensive  literature, 
containing  many  works  of  sterling  and  permanent  value ; to  her 
thoroughly  elaborated  language  possessed  of  a remarkable  power 
of  expression ; to  her  list  of  scholars,  and  her  proficiency  in  belles- 
lettres.  If  these  do  not  constitute  evidences  of  intellectuality,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  say  where  such  evidences  could  be  found,  or 


138 


LACK  OF  MODERN  KNOWLEDGE. 


on  what  basis  we  ourselves  will  rest  our  claim  of  intellectual 
superiority. 

China  has  been  so  arrogant  and  extravagant  in  her  assumptions 
of  pre-eminence,  that  we  have  perhaps  for  this  very  reason  been 
indisposed  to  accord  to  her  the  position  to  which  she  is  fairly  en- 
titled. It  should  be  remembered,  that  ignorant  until  recently  of 
western  nations,  as  they  have  been  of  her,  she  has  compared  her- 
self simply  with  the  nations  around  her,  and  a partial  excuse  for 
her  overweening  self  conceit  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  she 
only  regarded  herself  as  the  nations  with  which  she  is  acquainted^ 
have  regarded  her.  She  has  been  for  ages  the  great  center  of 
light  and  civilization  in  eastern  Asia.  She  has  given  literature 
and  religion  to  Japan,  to  Corea,  and  to  Manchooria,  and  has  been 
looked  up  to  by  these  and  other  smaller  nations  as  their  acknowl- 
edged teacher.  The  Japanese  have  produced  no  great  teachers 
or  sages  which  they  would  presume  to  compare  with  those  of 
China ; and  it  is  clearest  evidence  of  their  acknowledgment  of  the 
literary  superiority  of  the  Chinese  that  they  use  Chinese  classics 
as  text  books  in  their  schools  much  as  we  do  those  of  Greece  and 
Rome.  It  is  true  that  the  Chinese  know  hardly  anything  of  the 
modern  arts  and  sciences  and  that  there  is  no  word  in  their  lan- 
guage to  designate  some  of  them  ; but  how  much  did  our  ancestors 
know  two  hundred  years  ago  of  chemistry,  geology,  philosophy, 
anatomy,  and  other  kindred  sciences.  What  did  we  know  fifty 
years  ago  of  the  steamboat,  the  railroad,  and  the  telegraph  ? And 
is  our  comparative  want  of  knowledge  a few  years  ago  and  that 
of  our  ancestors  to  be  taken  as  evidence  of  inferiority  of  race  and 
intellect?  Furthermore,  if  we  go  back  a few  hundred  years  we 
are  apt  to  find  many  things  to  establish  the  claims  of  the  Chinese 
as  a superior  rather  than  inferior  race.  There  are  excellent 
grounds  to  credit  the  Chinese  with  the  invention  or  discovery  of 
printing,  the  use  of  the  magnetic  needle,  the  manufacture  and  use 
of  gunpowder,  of  silk  fabrics,  and  of  chinaware  and  porcelain,  and 
there  seems  no  doubt  that  the  Chinese  discovered  America  from 
the  westward,  long  before  the  discoveries  of  Europeans. 

Intellectual  power  manifests  itself  in  a variety  of  ways,  and 
glaring  defects  are  often  found  associated  in  the  same  individual 
with  remarkable  powers  and  capabilities,  as  particular  faculties 


MORALITY  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


139 


both  of  mind  and  body  are  often  cultivated  and  developed  at  the 
expense  of  others.  Chinese  education  has  very  little  regard  to 
the  improvement  of,  the  reasoning  powers,  and  Chinese  scholars 
are  deficient  in  logical  acumen  and  very  inferior  to  the  Hindoos 
in  this  respect;  but  in  developing  and  storing  the  memory  they 
are  without  a rival.  Again  their  system  of  training  effectually 
discourages  and  precludes  freedom  and  originality  of  thought, 
while  it  has  the  compensating  advantages  of  creating  a love  of 
method  and  order,  habitual  subjection  to  authority,  and  a remark- 
able uniformity  in  character  and  ideas.  Perhaps  the  results^ 
which  they  have  realized  in  fusing  such  a vast  mass  of  beings 
into  one  homogeneous  body,  could  have  been  reached  in  no  other 
way. 

The  morality  of  the  Chinese  presents  another  subject  about 
ivhich  there  is  a wide  difference  of  opinion.  It  may  be  a matter 
of  interest  and  profit  to  turn  for  a moment  to  the  vieAvs  which 
the  Chinese  generally  entertain  of  our  morality,  and  their  reasons 
for  these  views.  They  are  all  familiar  with  the  fact  that  foreign- 
ers introduced  opium  into  China,  in  opposition  to  the  earnest  and 
persistent  remonstrances  of  the  Chinese  government ; that  out  of 
the  opium  trade  grew  the  first  war  with  China:  and  that  when 
the  representatives  of  Christian  England  urged  the  Chinese  gov- 
firnrnent  to  legalize  the  trade  and  make  it  a source  of  revenue, 
the  Chinese  emperor  replied  that  he  would  not  use  as  a means  of 
revenue  that  which  brought  suffering  and  misery  upon  his  people. 

The  Chinese  form  their  opinions  of  western  morality  to  a great 
extent  from  the  sailors  on  shore-leave  at  the  open  ports,  and 
these  men  are  proverbially  vicious  under  such  circumstances. 
For  years  foreigners  of  this  class  have  commanded  many  of  the 
piratical  fleets  on  the  coasts  of  China,  and  foreign  thieves  and 
robbers  have  infested  many  of  the  inland  canals  and  rivers.  In 
business  dealings  with  strangers  from  western  lands  the  natives 
find  that  duplicity  and  dishonesty  are  not  confined  to  their  own 
people.  Replying  to  our  criticism  of  the  system  of  concubinage, 
the  Chinese  point  to  the  numerous  class  of  native  women  in  the 
foreign  communities,  fostered  and  patronized  by  foreigners  alone, 
who  appear  in  the  streets  with  an  effrontery  which  would  be  re- 
garded as  utterly  indecent  and  intolerable  in  most  Chinese  cities. 


140 


TWO  ENGLISH  OPINIONS. 


The  large  importation  from  Europe  of  obscene  pictures  which  are 
offered  at  every  hand,  is  another  fact  which  the  educated  Chinese 
cites  in  answer  to  criticisms  of  his  people’s  morality. 

On  the  general  subject  of  morality  and  Chinese  moral  teach- 
ing, two  quotations  from  the  writings  of  eminent  Englishmen 
who  lived  in  China  for  many  years  are  pertinent.  Sir  John 
Davis  says:  ‘‘The  most  commendable  feature  of  the  Chinese 
S3^stem  is  the  general  diffusion  of  elementary  moral  education 
among  the  lower  orders.  It  is  in  the  preference  of  moral  to 
physical  instruction  that  even  we  might  perhaps  wisely  take  a 
leaf  out  of  the  Chinese  book,  and  do  something  to  reform  this 
most  mechanical  age  of  ours.”  The  opinion  of  Thomas  Taylor 
Meadows  is  thus  expressed  : “ No  people  whether  of  ancient  or 
modern  times  has  possessed  a sacred  literature  so  completely  ex- 
empt as  the  Chinese  from  licentious  descriptions  and  from  every 
offensive  expression.  There  is  not  a single  sentence  in  the  whole 
of  their  sacred  books  and  their  annotations  that  may  not  when 
translated  word  for  word  be  read  aloud  in  any  family  in  En- 
gland.” 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  Chinese  give  many  evidences, 
not  only  in  their  literature,  but  also  in  their  paintings  and  sculp- 
ture, of  a scrupulous  care  to  avoid  all  indecent  and  immoral  asso- 
ciations and  suggestions.  In  referring  to  the  above  peculiarity 
of  Chinese  views  and  customs,  these  remarks  are  not,  of  course, 
concerning  the  private  lives  and  practices  of  the  people,  but  of 
their  standard  of  propriety  and  of  what  the  public  taste  requires, 
in  objects  which  are  openly  represented  to  be  seen  and  admired 
by  the  young  and  old  of  both  sexes. 

The  government  of  the  empire  is  modeled  on  the  government 
of  a household,  and  at  the  root  of  all  family  ties,  says  one  of  the 
Chinese  classics,  is  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife,  which  is  as 
the  relation  of  heaven  and  earth.  Chinese  historians  record  that 
the  rite  of  marriage  was  first  instituted  by  the  Emperor  Fuh-he, 
who  reigned  in  the  twenty-eighth  century  B.  C.  But  before 
this  period  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that  as  amongst 
all  other  peoples  the  first  form  of  marriage  was  by  capture.  At 
the  present  day  marriage  is  probably  more  universal  in  China 
than  in  any  other  civilized  country  in  the  world,  for  it  is  regarded 


PRELIMINARIES  TO  MARRIAGE. 


141 


as  something  indispensable  and  few  men  pass  the  age  of  twenty 
without  taking  to  themselves  a wife.  To  die  without  leaving  be- 
hind a son  to  perform  the  burial  l ites  and  to  offer  up  the  fixed 
periodical  sacrifices  at  the  tomb,  is  one  of  the  most  direful  fates 
that  can  overtake  a Chinaman,  and  he  seeks  to  avoid  it  by  an 
early  marriage. 

Like  every  other  rite  in  China  that  of  marriage  is  fenced  in 
with  a host  of  ceremonies.  In  a vast  majority  of  cases  the  bride- 
groom never  sees  his  bride  until  the  wedding  night,  it  being  con- 
sidered a grave  breach  of  etiquette  for  young  men  and  maidens 
to  associate  together  or  even  to  see  one  another.  Of  course  it 
does  occasionally  happen  that  either  by  stealth  or  chance  a pair 
become  acquainted;  but  whether  they  have  thus  associated,  or 
whether  they  are  perfect  strangers,  the  first  formal  overture  must 
of  necessity  be  made  by  a professional  go-between,  who  having 
received  a commission  from  the  parents  of  a young  man,  proceeds 
to  the  house  of  the  young  woman  and  makes  a formal  proposal 
on  behalf  of  the  would  be  bridegroom’s  parents.  If  the  young 
lady’s  father  approves  the  proposed  alliance,  the  suitor  sends  the 
lady  some  presents  as  an  earnest  of  his  intentions. 

The  parents  next  exchange  documents  which  set  forth  the 
hour,  day,  month,  and  year  when  the  young  people  were  born, 
and  the  maiden  names  of  their  mothers.  Astrologers  are  then 
called  in  to  cast  the  horoscopes,  and  should  these  be  favorable 
the  engagement  is  formally  entered  into,  but  not  so  irrevocably 
that  there  are  not  several  orthodox  ways  of  breaking  it  off.  But 
should  things  go  smoothly,  the  bridegroom’s  father  writes  a 
formal  letter  of  agreement  to  the  lady’s  father,  accompanied  by 
presents,  consisting  in  some  cases  of  sweetmeats  and  a live  pig, 
and  in  others  of  a goose  and  gander,  which  are  regarded  as  em- 
blems of  conjugal  fidelity.  Two  large  cards  are  also  prepared 
by  the  bridegroom,  and  on  these  are  written  the  particulars  of 
the  engagement.  One  is  sent  to  the  lady  and  the  other  he  keeps. 
She  in  return  now  makes  a present  to  the  suitor  according  to  his 
rank  and  fortune.  Recourse  is  then  again  had  to  astrologers  to 
fix  a fortunate  day  for  the  final  ceremony,  on  the  evening  of 
which  the  bridegroom’s  best  man  proceeds  to  the  house  of  the 
lady  and  conducts  her  to  her  future  home  in  a red  sedan  chair, 


142 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  WEDDING  CEREMONY. 


accompanied  by  musicians  who  enliven  the  procession  by  wedding 
airs.  At  the  door  of  the  house  the  bride  alights  from  her  sedan, 
and  is  lifted  over  a pan  of  burning  charcoal  laid  on  the  threshold 
by  two  “women  of  luck,”  whose  husbands  and  children  must  be 
living. 

In  the  reception  room  the  bridegroom  awaits  his  bride  on  a 
raised  dais,  at  the  foot  of  which  she  humbly  prostrates  herself. 
He  then  descends  to  her  level,  and  removing  her  veil  gazes  on  her 
face  for  the  first  time.  Without  exchanging  a woihI  they  seat 
themselves  side  by  side,  and  each  tries  to  sit  on  a part  of  the 
dress  of  the  other,  it  being  considered  that  the  one  who  succeeds 
in  so  doing  will  hold  rule  in  the  household.  This  trial  of  skill 
over,  the  pair  proceed  to  the  hall,  and  there  before  the  family 
altar  worship  heaven  and  earth  and  their  ancestors.  They  then 
go  to  dinner  in  their  apartment,  through  the  open  door  of  which 
the  guests  scrutinize  and  make  their  remarks  on  the  appearance 
and  demeanor  of  the  bride.  This  ordeal  is  the  more  trying  to 
her,  since  etiquette  forbids  her  to  eat  anything,  a prohibition 
which  is  not  shared  by  the  bridegroom,  who  enjoys  the  dainties 
provided  as  his  appetite  may  suggest.  The  attendants  next  hand 
to  each  in  turn  a cup  of  wine,  and  having  exchanged  pledges,  the 
wedding  ceremonies  come  to  an  end.  In  some  parts  of  the  coun- 
try it  is  customary  for  the  bride  to  sit  up  late  into  the  night  an- 
swering riddles  which  are  propounded  to  her  by  the  guests ; in 
other  parts  it  is  usual  for  her  to  show  herself  for  a time  in  the 
hall,  whither  her  husband  does  not  accompany  her,  as  it  is  con- 
trary to  etiquette  for  a husband  and  wife  ever  to  appear  together 
in  public.  For  the  same  reason  she  goes  to  pay  the  customary 
visit  to  her  parents  on  the  third  day  after  the  wedding  alone,  and 
for  the  rest  of  her  wedded  life  she  enjoys  the  society  of  her  hus- 
band only  in  the  privacy  of  her  apartments. 

The  lives  of  women  in  China,  and  especially  of  married  women, 
are  such  as  to  justify  the  wish  often  expressed  by  them  that  in 
their  next  state  of  existence  they  may  be  born  men.  Even  if  in 
their  baby  days  they  escape  the  infanticidal  tendencies  of  their 
parents,  they  are  regarded  as  secondary  considerations  compared 
with  their  brothers.  The  philosophers  from  Confucius  downward 
have  all  agreed  in  assigning  them  an  inferior  place  to  men. 


' 'N 


DISCIPLINE  ON  THE  MARCH,  IN  THE  CHINESE  ARMY, 


THE  POSITION  OF  WOMEN. 


145 


When  the  time  comes  for  them  to  marry,  custom  requires  them 
in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  as  we  have  seen,  to  take  a leap  in  the 
dark,  and  that  wife  is  fortunate  who  finds  in  her  Imsband  a con- 
genial and  faithful  companion. 

There  is  but  one  proper  wife  in  the  family,  but  there  is  no  law 
against  a man’s  having  secondary  wives  or  concubines ; and  such 
connections  are  common  enough  wherever  the  means  of  a family 
are  sufficient  for  their  support.  The  concubine  occupies  in  tbe 
family  an  inferior  position  to  the  wife,  and  her  children,  if  she 
has  any,  belong  by  law  to  the  wife. 

There  are  seven  legal  grounds  for  divorcing  a wife : disobedi- 
ence to  her  husband’s  parents ; not  giving  birth  to  a son  ; Disso- 
lute conduct ; jealousy ; talkativeness ; thieving,  and  leprosy. 
These  grounds  however  may  be  nullified  by  “ the  three  considera- 
tions : ” If  her  parents  be  dead ; if  she  has  passed  with  her  hus- 
band through  the  years  of  mourning  for  his  parents ; and  if  he 
has  become  rich  from  being  poor. 

So  many  are  the  disabilities  of  married  women,  that  many  girls 
prefer  going  into  nunneries  or  even  committing  suicide  to  trust- 
ing their  future  to  men  of  whom  they  can  know  nothing  but  from 
the  interested  reports  of  the  go-between. 

The  re-marriage  of  widows  is  regarded  as  an  impropriety,  and 
in  wealthy  families  is  seldom  practiced.  But  among  the  poorer 
classes  necessity  often  compels  a widow  to  seek  another  bread 
winner.  Some,  however,  having  been  unfortunate  in  their  first 
matrimonial  venture,  refuse  to  listen  to  any  proposal  for  a re-mar- 
riage,  and  like  the  young  girls  mentioned  above  seek  escape  by 
death  from  the  importunities  of  relatives  who  desire  to  get  them 
off  their  hands.  A reverse  view  of  matrimonial  experiences  is 
suggested  by  the  practice  of  wives  refusing  to  survive  their  hus- 
bands, and  putting  a voluntary  end  to  their  existence  rather  than 
live  to  mourn  their  loss.  Such  devotion  is  regarded  by  the  people 
with  great  approbation  and  a deed  of  suicide  is  generally  per- 
formed in  public  and  with  great  punctiliousness. 

The  picture  here  given  of  married  life  in  China  has  been  nec- 
essarily darkly  shaded,  since  it  is,  as  a rule,  only  in  its  unfortu- 
nate phases,  that  it  affords  opportunity  for  remark.  Without 
doubt  there  are  many  hundreds  of  thousands  of  families  in  China 


146 


HOME  LIFE  OF  WOMEN. 


which  are  entirely  happy.  Happiness  is  after  all  a relative  term, 
and  Chinese  women,  knowing  no  higher  status,  are  as  a rule  con- 
tent to  run  the  risk  of  wrongs  which  would  be  unendurable  to  an 
American  woman,  and  to  find  happiness  under  conditions  which 
are  fortunately  unknown  in  western  countries. 

The  family  tie  in  China  is  strong  and  the  people  are  clannish. 
They  seldom  change  their  place  of  residence  and  most  of  them 
live  where  their  ancestors  have  lived  for  many  generations.  One 
will  frequently  find  the  larger  portion  of  a small  village  bearing 
the  same  name,  in  which  case  the  village  often  takes  its  name 
from  the  family.  Books  on  filial  piety  and  the  domestic  relations 
recommend  sons  not  to  leave  their  parents  when  married,  but  to 
live  together  lovingly  and  harmoniously  as  one  family.  This 
theory  is  carried  out  in  practice  to  some  extent,  in  most  instances. 
In  tlie  division  of  property  some  regard  is  had  to  primogeniture, 
but  different  sons  share  nearly  equally.  The  eldest  simply  has  a 
somewhat  larger  portion  and  certain  household  relics  and  valu- 
ables. 

The  position  of  woman  is  intermediate  between  that  which  she 
occupies  in  Christian  and  in  other  non-Christian  countries.  The 
manner  in  which  the}'-  regard  their  lot  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  related  on  a previous  page,  that  the  most  earnest  desire  and 
prayer  in  worshipping  in  Buddhist  temples  is,  generally,  that  they 
may  be  men  in  the  next  state  of  existence.  In  many  families 
girls  have  no  individual  names,  but  are  simply  called  No.  One, 
Two,  Three,  Four,  etc.  When  married  the}^  are  Mr.  So-and-so’s 
wife,  and  when  they  have  sons  they  are  such-and-such  a boy’s 
mother.  They  live  in  a great  measure  secluded,  take  no  part  in 
general  society,  and  are  expected  to  retire  when  a stranger  or  an 
acquaintance  of  the  opposite  sex  enters  the  house.  The  claim  of 
one’s  parents  and  brothers  upon  his  affections  is  considered  to  be 
paramount  to  that  of  his  wife.  A reason  given  for  this  doctrine 
in  a celebrated  Chinese  work  is  that  the  loss  of  a brother  is  irrep- 
arable but  that  of  a wife  is  not.  Women  are  treated  with  more 
respect  and  consideration  as  they  advance  in  years;  mothers  are 
regarded  with  great  affection  and  tenderness,  and  grandmothers 
are  sometimes  almost  worshipped.  It  must  be  further  said  that 
the  Chinese  have  found  the  theory  of  inferiority  of  women  a very 


STYLE  OF  MEN’S  DRESS. 


147 


difficult  one  to  carry  out  in  practice.  There  are  many  families  in 
which  the  superiority  of  her  will  and  authority  is  sufficiently 
manifest,  even  though  not  cheerfully  acknowledged. 

The  rules  and  conventionalities  which  regulate  social  life  are 
exceedingly  minute  and  formal.  Politeness  is  a science,  and 
gracefulness  of  manners  a study  and  discipline.  The  people  are 
hospitable  and  generous  to  a fault,  their  desire  to  appear  well  in 
'/hese  respects  often  leading  them  to  expenditures  entirely  dis- 
proportionate to  their  means. 

When  under  the  influence  of  passion,  quarrels  arise,  the 
women  resort  to  abuse  in  violent  language,  extreme  in  proportion 
to  the  length  of  time  during  which  the  feelings  which  prompted 
them  have  been  restrained.  Men  bluster  and  threaten  in  a man- 
ner quite  frightful  to  those  unaccustomed  to  it,  but  seldom  come 
to  blows.  In  cases  of  deep  resentment  the  injured  party  often 
adopts  a mode  of  revenge  which  is  very  characteristic.  Instead 
of  killing  the  object  of  his  hate,  he  kills  himself  on  the  doorstep 
of  his  enemy,  thereby  casting  obloquy  and  the  stigma  of  murder 
on  the  adversary. 

In  matters  of  dress,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  the  Chinese 
must  be  acknowledged  to  have  used  a wise  discretion.  They 
wear  nothing  that  is  tight  fitting,  and  make  a greater  difference 
between  their  summer  and  winter  clothing  than  is  customary 
among  ourselves.  The  usual  dress  of  a coolie  in  summer  is  a 
loose  fitting  pair  of  cotton  trousers  and  an  equally  loose  jacket; 
but  the  same  man  in  winter  will  be  seen  wearing  quilted  cotton 
clothes,  or  if  he  should  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  northern  provinces 
a sheepskin  robe,  superadded  to  an  abundance  of  warm  clothing 
intermediate  between  it  and  his  shirt..  By  the  wealthier  classes 
silk,  satin,  and  gauze  are  much  worn  in  the  summer,  and  woolen 
or  handsome  fur  clothes  in  the  winter.  Among  such  people  it  is 
customary  except  in  the  seclusion  of  their  homes,  to  wear  both 
in  summer  and  winter  long  tunics  coming  down  to  the  ankles. 

In  summer  non-official  Chinamen  leave  their  heads  uncovered, 
but  do  not  seem  to  suffer  any  inconvenience  from  the  great  heat. 
On  the  approach  of  summer  an  edict  is  issued  fixing  the  day 
upon  which  the  summer  costume  is  to  be  adopted  throughout  the 
empire,  and  again  as  winter  draws  near,  the  time  for  putting  on 


148 


WOMAN’S  DRESS. 


winter  dress  is  announced  in  the  same  formal  manner.  Fine 
straw  or  bamboo  forms  the  material  of  the  summer  hat,  the  out- 
side of  which  is  covered  with  fine  silk.  At  this  season  also  the 
thick  silk  robes  and  the  heavy  padded  jackets  worn  in  winter  are 
exchanged  for  light  silk  or  satin  tunics.  The  winter  cap  lias  a 
turned-up  brim  and  is  covered  with  satin  with  a black  cloth  lin- 
ing, and  as  in  the  case  of  the  summer  cap  a tassel  of  red  silk 
covers  the  entire  crown. 

The  wives  of  mandarins  wear  the  same  embroidered  insignia 
on  their  dresses  as  their  husbands,  and  their  style  of  dress  as 
well  as  that  of  Chinese  women  generally  bears  a resemblance  to 
that  of  the  men.  They  wear  a loose  fitting  tunic  which  reaches 
below  the  knee,  and  trousers  which  are  drawn  in  at  the  ankle 
after  the  bloomer  fashion.  On  state  occasions  they  wear  a richly 
embroidered  petticoat  coming  down  to  the  feet,  which  hangs 
square  both  before  and  behind  and  is  pleated  at  the  sides  like  a 
Highlander’s  kilt.  The  mode  of  doing  the  hair  varies  in  almost 
every  province.  At  Canton  the  women  plaster  their  back  hair 
into  the  shape  of  a teapot  handle,  and  adorn  the  sides  with  pins 
and  ornaments,  while  the  young  girls  proclaim  their  unmarried 
state  by  sutting  their  hair  in  fringe  across  their  foreheads  after  a 
fashion  not  unknown  among  ourselves.  In  most  parts  of  the 
country,  flowers,  natural  when  obtainable  and  artificial  when  not 
so,  are  largely  used  to  deck  out  the  head  dresses,  and  consider- 
able taste  is  shown  in  the  choice  of  colors  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  are  arranged. 

Thus  far  there  is  nothing  to  find  fault  with  in  female  fashions 
in  China,  but  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  way  in  which  they 
treat  their  faces  and  feet.  In  many  countries  the  secret  art  of 
removing  traces  of  the  ravages  of  time  with  the  appliances  of  the 
toilet  table  has  been  and  is  practised ; but  by  an  extravagant 
and  hideous  use  of  pigments  and  cosmetics,  the  Chinese  girl  not 
only  conceals  the  fresh  complexion  of  youth,  but  produces  those 
very  disfigurements  which  furnish  the  only  possible  excuse  for 
artificial  complexions.  Their  poets  also  have  declared  that  a 
woman’s  eyebrows  should  be  arched  like  a rainbow  or  shaped 
like  a willow  leaf,  and  the  consequence  is  that  wishing  to  act  up 
to  the  idea  thus  pictured,  China  women  with  the  aid  of  tweezers 


A TYPHOON. 


COMPRESSION  OF  WOMAN’S  FEET. 


151 


remove  all  the  hairs  of  their  eyebrows  which  straggle  the  least 
out  of  the  required  line,  and  when  the  task  becomes  impossible 
even  with  the  help  of  these  instruments,  the  paint  brush  or  a 
stick  of  charcoal  is  brought  into  requisition.  A comparison  of 
one  such  painted  lily  with  the  natural  healthy  complexion,  bright 
eyes,  laughing  lips,  and  dimpled  cheeks  of  a Canton  boat  girl,  for 
example,  is  enough  to  vindicate  nature’s  claim  to  superiority  over 
'art  a thousand  fold. 

But  the  chief  offense  of  Chinese  women  is  in  their  treatment  of 


their  feet.  Various  explanations  are  current  as  to  the  origin  of 
the  custom  of  deforming  the  women’s  feet.  Some  say  that  it  is 
an  attempt  to  imitate  the  peculiarly  shaped  foot  of  a certain 
beautiful  empress ; others  that  it  is  a device  intended  to  restrain 
the  gadding-about  tendencies  of  women;  but  however  that  may 
be,  the  practice  is  universal  except  among  the  Manchoos  and  the 
Hakka  population  at  Canton,  who  have  natural  feet.  The  feet 
are  first  bound  when  the  child  is  about  five  years  old  and  the 
muscles  of  locomotion  have  consequently  had  time  to  develop. 

8 


152 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  QUEUE. 


A cotton  bandage  two  or  three  inches  wide  is  wound  tightly 
about  the  foot  in  different  directions.  The  four  smaller  toes  are 
bent  under  the  foot,  and  the  instep  is  forced  upward  and  back- 
ward. The  foot  therefore  assumes  the  shape  of  an  acute  triangle, 
the  big  toe  forming  the  acute  angle  and  the  other  toes,  being 
bent  under  the  foot,  becoming  almost  lost  or  absorbed.  At  the 
same  time,  the  shoes  worn  having  high  heels,  the  foot  becomes 
nothing  but  a club  and  loses  all  elasticity.  The  consequence  is 
that  the  women  walk  as  on  pegs,  and  the  calf  of  the  leg  having 
no  exercise  shrivels  up.  Though  the  effect  of  this  custom  is  to 
produce  real  deformity  and  a miserable  tottering  gait,  even 
foreigners  naturally  come  to  associate  it  with  gentility  and  good 
breeding,  and  to  estimate  the  character  and  position  of  women 
much  as  the  Chinese  do,  by  the  size  of  their  feet.  The  degree  of 
severity  with  which  the  feet  are  bound  differs  widely  in  the 
various  ranks  of  society.  Country  women  and  the  poorer  classes 
have  feet  about  half  the  natural  size,  while  those  of  the  genteel 
or  fashionable  class  are  only  about  three  inches  long. 

Women  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life  are  therefore  often  able  to 
move  about  with  ease.  Most  ladies  on  the  other  hand  are  practi- 
cally debarred  from  walking  at  all  and  are  dependent  on  their 
sedan  chairs  for  all  locomotion  beyond  they  own  doors.  But 
even  in  this  case  habit  becomes  a second  nature  and  fashion 
triumphs  over  sense.  No  mother,  however  keen  may  be  her 
recollection  of  her  sufferings  as  a child,  or  however  conscious  she 
may  be  of  the  inconveniences  and  ills  arising  from  her  deformed 
feet,  would  ever  dream  of  saving  her  own  child  from  like  imme- 
diate torture  and  permanent  evil.  Further  there  is  probably  less 
excuse  for  such  a practice  in  China  than  in  any  other  countr}%  for 
the  hands  and  feet  of  both  men  and  women  are  naturally  both 
small  and  finely  shaped.  The  Chinese  insist  upon  it  that  the 
custom  of  compressing  women’s  feet  is  neither  in  as  bad  taste  nor 
so  injurious  to  the  health  as  that  of  foreign  women  in  compress- 
ing the  waist. 

The  male  analogue  of  the  women’s  compressed  feet  in  the  shaven 
forepart  of  the  head  and  the  braided  queue.  The  custom  of  thus 
treating  the  hair  was  imposed  on  the  people  by  the  first  emperor 
of  the  present  dynasty,  in  1644.  Up  to  that  time  the  Chinese 


FOOD  AND  HOW  IT  IS  EATEN. 


153 


had  allowed  the  hair  to  grow  long,  and  were  in  the  habit  of 
drawing  it  up  into  a tuft  on  the  top  of  the  head.  The  introduc- 
tion of  the  queue  at  tlie  bidding  of  the  Manchooriaii  conqueror 
was  intended  as  a badge  of  conquest,  and  as  such  was  at  first  un- 
willingly adopted  by  the  people.  For  nearly  a century  the 
natives  of  outlying  parts  of  the  empire  refused  to  submit  their 
heads  to  the  razor  and  in  many  districts  the  authorities  rewarded 
converts  to  the  new  way  by  presents  of  money.  As  the  custom 
spread  these  bribes  were  discontinued,  and  the  converse  action  of 
treating  those  who  refused  to  conform  with  severity,  completed 
the  conversion  of  the  empire.  At  the  present  day  every  China- 
man who  is  not  in  open  rebellion  to  the  throne,  shaves  his  head 
with  the  exception  of  the  crown  where  the  hair  is  allowed  to  grow 
to  its  full  length.  This  hair  is  carefully  braided,  and  falls  down 
the  back  forming  what  is  commonly  known  as  the  “ pig  tail.” 
Great  pride  is  taken,  especially  in  the  south,  in  having  as  long 
and  as  thick  a queue  as  possible,  and  when  nature  has  been  nig- 
gardly in  her  supply  of  natural  growth,  the  deficiency  is  supple- 
mented by  the  insertion  of  silk  in  the  plait. 

The  staff  of  life  in  China  is  rice.  It  is  eaten  and  always  eaten, 
from  north  to  south  and  from  east  to  west,  on  the  tables  of  the 
rich  and  poor,  morning,  noon,  and  night,  except  among  the  very 
poor  people  in  some  of  the  northern  non-rice  producing  provinces 
where  millet  takes  its  place.  In  all  other  parts  the  big  bowl  of 
boiled  rice  forms  the  staple  of  the  meal  eaten^y  the  people,  and 
it  is  accompanied  by  vegetables,  fish  and  meat,  according  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  household.  Among  many  people,  however, 
there  is  a disinclination  to  eat  meat,  owing  to  the  influence  of 
Buddhism.  The  difference  in  the  quality  and  expense  of  the  food 
of  the  rich  from  that  of  the  poor,  consists  principally  in  the  con- 
comitants eaten  with  the  rice  or  millet.  The  poor  have  simply  a 
dish  of  salt  vegetables  or  fish,  which  costs  comparatively  little. 
The  rich  have  pork,  fowls,  eggs,  fish  and  game  prepared  in 
various  ways. 

Before  each  chair  is  placed  an  empty  bowl  and  two  chop-sticks, 
while  in  the  middle  of  the  table  stands  the  dishes  of  food.  Each 
person  fills  his  basin  from  the  large  dishes,  or  is  supplied  by  the 
servants,  and  holding  it  up  to  his  chin  with  his  left  hand  he 


154 


FOOD  PRODUCTS  OF  CHINA. 


transfers  its  contents  into  his  mouth  with  his  chop-sticks  with 
the  utmost  ease.  The  chop-sticks  are  held  between  the  first  and 
second,  and  the  second  and  third  fingers,  and  constant  practice 
enables  a Chinaman  to  lift  up  and  hold  the  minutest  atoms  of 
food,  oily  and  slippery  as  they  often  are,  with  the  greatest  ease. 
To  most  foreigners  their  skillful  use  is  well  nigh  impossible.  To 
the  view  of  the  Chinese  the  use  of  chop-sticks  is  an  evidence  of 
superior  culture  ; and  the  use  of  such  barbarous  instruments  as 
knives  and  forks,  and  cutting  or  tearing  the  meat  from  the  bones 
j on  the  table  instead  of  having  the  food  properly  prepared  and 
* severed  into  edible  morsels  in  the  kitchen,  evidences  a lower  type 
of  civilization. 

The  meats  most  commonly  eaten  are  pork,  mutton,  and  goat’s 
flesh,  beside  ducks,  chickens,  and  pheasants,  and  in  the  north 
deer  and  hares.  Beef  is  never  exposed  for  sale  in  the  Chinese 
markets.  The  meat  of  the  few  cattle  which  are  killed  is  disposed 
of  almost  clandestinely.  There  is  a strong  and  almost  universal 
prejudice  against  eating  beef,  and  the  practice  of  doing  so  is  de- 
claimed against  in  some  of  the  moral  tracts.  Milk  is  hardly  used 
at  all  in  the  eighteen  provinces,  and  in  many  places  our  practice 
of  drinking  it  is  regarded  with  the  utmost  disgust. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  in  some  parts  of  the  country  less 
savory  viands  find  their  place  on  the  dinner  table.  In  Canton, 
for  example,  dried  rats  have  a recognized  place  in  the  poulterers’ 
shops  and  find  a ready  market.  Horse  flesh  is  also  exposed  for 
sale,  and  there  are  even  to  be  found  dog  and  cat  restaurants. 
The  flesh  of  black  dogs  and  cats,  and  especially  the  former  is 
preferred  as  being  more  nutritive.  Frogs  form  a common  dish 
among  the  poor  people  and  are,  it  is  needless  to  say,  very  good 
eating.  In  some  parts  of  the  country  locusts  and  grasshoppers 
are  eaten.  At  Tien-tsin  men  may  commonly  be  seen  standing  at 
the  corners  of  the  streets  frying  locusts  over  portable  fires,  just 
as  among  ourselves  chestnuts  are  cooked.  Ground-grubs,  silk- 
worms and  w'ater-snakes  are  also  occasionally  treated  as  food. 
The  sea,  lakes,  and  rivers  abound  in  fish,  and  as  fish  forms  a 
staple  food  of  the  people  the  fisherman’s  art  has  been  brought  to 
a great  degree  of  perfection.  The  same  care  as  in  the  production 
of  fish  is  extended  to  that  of  ducks  and  poultry.  Eggs  are  arti- 


THE  SEAT  OF  THE  WAR. 


FUNERAL  CEREMONIES. 


157 


ficially  liatched  in  immense  numbers,  and  the  poultry  markets 
and  boats  along  the  river  at  Canton  are  most  amazing  in  their 
extent. 

Tlie  funerals  of  grown  persons,  and  especially  of  parents,  are 
as  remarkable  for  burdensome  ceremonies,  extravagant  manifesta- 
tions of  grief  and  lavish  expense,  as  those  of  children  are  for 
their  coldness  and  neglect.  Candles,  incense  and  offerings  of 
food  are  placed  before  the  corpse,  and  a company  of  priests  is 
engaged  to  chant  prayers  for  the  departed  spirit.  An  abundance 
of  clothing  is  deposited  with  the  body  in  the  coffin  and  various 
ceremonies  are  performed  during  several  days  immediately  after 
that,  and  on  every  subsequent  seventh  day,  closing  with  the 
seventh  seven.  When  the  coffin  is  carried  out  for  burial,  men 
and  women  follow  in  the  procession  clothed  in  coarse  white  gar- 
ments, white  being  used  for  mourning. 

Inasmuch  as  the  coffin  must  remain  in  the  hall  for  forty-nine 
days,  naturally  they  are  prepared  with  a great  deal  of  care.  Very 
thick  planks  are  used  in  its  construction,  cut  from  the  hardest 
trees,  caulked  on  the  outside  and  cemented  on  the  inside,  and 
finally  varnished  or  lacquered.  Sometimes  a coffin  containing 
a body  is  kept  in  the  house  for  a considerable  length  of  time 
after  the  forty-nine  days  have  expired,  while  arrangements  are 
being  made  for  a burying  place  and  other  preliminaries  are 
attended  to.  The  lids  being  nailed  down  in  cement  they  are  per- 
fectly air-tight. 

The  notions  which  Chinamen  entertain  concerning  the  future 
life  rob  death  of  half  its  terrors  and  lead  them  to  regard  their 
funeral  ceremonies  and  the  due  performance  of  the  proper  rites 
by  their  descendants  as  the  chief  factors  of  their  future  well 
being.  Among  other  things  the  importance  of  securing  a coffin 
according  to  the  approved  fashion  is  duly  recognized,  and  as  men 
approach  old  age  they  not  infrequently  buy  their  own  coffins, 
which  they  keep  carefully  by  them.  The  present  of  a coffin  is 
considered  a dutiful  attention  from  a son  to  an  aged  father. 

The  choice  of  a site  for  the  grave  is  determined  by  a profes- 
sor of  the  “ FungShuy  ” superstition,  who,  compass  in  hand,  ex- 
plores the  entire  district  to  find  a spot  which  combines  all  the 
qualities  necessary  for  the  quiet  repose  of  the  dead.  When  such 


158 


CURIOUS  BURIAL  CUSTOMS. 


a favored  spot  has  been  discovered  a priest  is  called  in  to  deter- 
mine a lucky  day  for  the  burial.  This  is  by  no  means  an  easy  mat- 
ter, and  it  often  happens  that  the  dead  remain  unburied  for 
months  or  even  years  on  account  of  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of 


THE  PUNISHMENTS  OF  HELL. — From  Chinese  Drawings. 


choosing  either  fortunate  graves  or  lucky  days.  The  ceremonies 
of  the  interment  itself  and  of  mourning  that  follows  are  most 
elaborate  in  character,  and  too  much  involved  for  detailed  descrip- 
tion here.  _ 


CURIO  CIS  BURIAL  CUSTOMS. 


159 


But  universal  as  the  practice  of  burying  may  be  said  to  be  in 
China  there  are  exceptions  to  it.  The  Buddhist  priests  as  a rule 
prefer  cremation,  and  this  custom,  which  came  with  the  religion 
they  profess  from  India,  has  at  times  found  imitators  among  the 
laity.  In  Formosa  the  dead  are  exposed  and  dried  in  the  air; 
and  some  of  the  Meaou-tsze  tribes  of  central  and  southern  China 
bury  their  dead,  it  is  true,  but  after  an  interval  of  a year  or 
more,  having  chosen  a lucky  day,  they  disinter  them.  On  such 
occasions  they  go  accompanied  by  their  friends  to  the  grave,  and 
having  opened  the  tomb  they  take  out  the  bones  and  having 
brushed  and  washed  them  clean  they  put  them  back  wrapped  in 
cloth. 

The  necessity  in  the  Chinese  mind  that  their  bones  must  rest 
in  the  soil  of  their  native  land  with  their  ancestors,  has  made  to 
exist  some  peculiar  practices  among  the  colonizing  Chinese  in  the 
United  States  and  other  countries.  The  bones  of  those  who  die 
thus  far  away  from  home  are  carefully  preserved  by  their  coun- 
trymen and  shipped  back,  sometimes  after  many  years,  to  find  a 
resting  place  in  the  Middle  Kingdom. 

It  is  a curious  circumstance  that  in  China  where  there  exists 
such  a profound  veneration  for  everything  old,  there  should  not 
be  found  any  ancient  buildings  or  old  ruins.  That  there  is  an 
abundant  supply  of  durable  materials  for  building  is  certain,  and 
for  many  centuries  the  Chinese  have  been  acquainted  with  the 
art  of  brick  making,  yet  they  have  reared  no  building  possessing 
enduring  stability.  Not  only  does  the  ephemeral  nature  of  the 
tent,  which  would  indicate  their  original  nomadic  origin  and  rec- 
ollection of  old  tent  homes,  appear  in  the  slender  construction  of 
Chinese  houses,  but  even  in  shape  they  assume  a tent-like  form., 
Etiquette  provides  that  in  houses  of  the  better  class  a high  walk* 
shall  surround  the  building,  and  that  no  window  shall  look  out- 
ward. Consequently  streets  in  the  fashionable  parts  of  cities 
have  a dreary  aspect.  The  only  breaks  in  the  long  line  of  dismal 
wall  are  the  front  doors,  which  are  generally  closed,  or  if  not, 
movable  screens  bar  the  sight  of  all  beyond  the  door.  Passing 
around  one  such  screen  one  finds  himself  in  a court-yard  which 
is  laid  out  as  a garden  or  paved  with  stone.  From  this  court- 
yard one  reaches,  on  either  side,  rooms  occupied  by  servants,  or 


160 


FLAX  OF  THE  HOUSES. 


directly  in  front,  another  building.  Through  this  latter  another 
court-yard  is  reached,  in  the  rooms  surrounding  which  the  family 
live,  and  behind  this  again  are  the  women’s  apartments,  which 
not  infrequently  give  exit  to  a garden  at  the  back. 

Wooden  pillars  support  the  roofs  of  the  buildings,  and  the  in- 
tervals between  these  are  filled  up  with  brick  work.  The 
window-frames  are  wooden,  over  wdiich  is  pasted  either  paper  or 
calico,  or  sometimes  pieces  of  talc  to  transmit  the  light.  The 
doors  are  almost  invariably  folding  doors ; the  floors  either  stone 
or  cement ; and  ceilings  are  not  often  used,  the  roof  being  the 
only  covering  to  the  rooms.  Carpets  are  seldom  used,  more 
especially  in  southern  China,  where  also  stoves  for  warming  pur- 
poses are  known.  In  the  north,  where  in  the  winter  the  cold  is 
very  great,  portable  charcoal  stoves  are  employed  and  small  chaf- 
ing dishes  are  carried  about  from  room  to  room.  Delicate  little 
hand-stoves,  which  gentlemen  and  ladies  carry  in  their  sleeves, 
are  very  much  in  vogue.  In^the  colder  latitudes  a raised  plat- 
form or  dais  is  built  in  the  room,  of  brick  and  stone,  under  which 
a fire  is  kindled  with  a chimney  to  carry  off  the  smoke.  The 
whole  substance  of  this  dais  becomes  heated  and  retains  its 
warmth  for  several  hours.  This  is  the  almost  universal  bed  of 
the  north  of  China.  But  the  main  dependence  of  the  Chinese  for 
personal  warmth  is  on  clothes.  As  the  winter  approaches  garment 
is  added  to  garment  and  furs  to  quilted  vestments,  until  the 
wearer  assumes  an  unwieldy  and  exaggerated  shape.  Well-to-do 
Chinamen  seldom  take  strong  exercise,  and  they  are  therefore 
able  to  bear  clothes  which  to  a European  would  be  unendurable. 

Of  the  personal  comfort  obtainable  in  a house,  Chinamen  are 
strangely  ignorant.  Their  furniture  is  of  the  hardest  and  most 
uncompromising  nature.  Chairs  made  of  a hard  black  wood, 
angular  in  shape,  and  equally  unyielding  divans,  are  the  only 
seats  known  to  them.  Their  beds  are  scarcely  more  comfortable, 
and  their  pillows  are  oblong  cubes  of  bamboo  or  other  hard 
material.  For  the  maintenance  of  the  existing  fashions  of  female 
head  dressing,  this  kind  of  pillow  is  essential  to  women  at  least, 
as  their  hair,  which  is  only  dressed  at  intervals  of  days,  and  which 
IS  kept  in  its  shape  by  the  abundant  use  of  bandoline,  w^ould  be 
crushed  and  disfigured  if  lain  upon  for  a moment.  Women, 


FURNISHINGS  OF  THE  HOUSES. 


161 


therefore,  who  make  any  pretension  of  following  the  fashion,  are 
obliged  to  sleep  at  night  on  their  backs,  resting  the  nape  of  the 
neck  on  the  pillow  and  thus  keeping  the  head  and  hair  free  from 
contact  with  anything. 

The  ornaments  in  the  houses  of  the  well-to-do  are  frequently 
elaborate  and  beautiful.  Their  wood  carvings,  cabinets,  and 
ornamental  pieces  of  furniture,  and  the  rare  beauty  of  their 
bronzes  and  porcelain,  are  of  late  years  well  known  and  much 
sought  for  in  our  own  country.  Tables  are  nearly  uniform  in 
size,  furnishing  a seat  for  one  person  on  each  of  the  four  sides, 
and  tables  are  multiplied  sufficiently  to  accommodate  whatever 
number  requires  to  be  served.  When  guests  are  entertained,  the 
two  sexes  eat  separately  in  different  rooms,  but  in  ordinary  meals 
the  members  of  the  family  of  both  sexes  sit  down  together  with 
much  less  formality. 

The  streets  in  the  towns  differ  widely  in  construction  in  the 
northern  and  southern  portions  of  the  empire.  In  the  south  they 
are  narrow  and  paved,  in  the  north  they  are  wide  and  unpaved, 
both  constructions  being  suited  to  the  local  wants  of  the  people. 
The  absence  of  wheel  traffic  in  the  southern  provinces  makes 
wide  streets  unnecessary,  while  by  contracting  their  width  the 
sun’s  rays  have  less  chance  of  beating  down  on  the  heads  of 
passers  and  it  is  possible  to  stretch  awnings  from  roof  to  roof.  It 
is  true  that  this  is  done  at  the  expense  of  fresh  air,  but  even  to 
do  this  is  a gain.  Shops  are  all  open  in  front,  the  counters  form- 
ing the  only  barrier.  The  streets  are  crowded  in  the  extreme, 
and  passage  is  necessarily  slow. 

This  inconvenience  is  avoided  in  the  wide  streets  of  the  cities 
of  the  north,  but  these  streets  are  so  ill  kept  that  in  wet  weather 
they  are  mud  and  in  dry  they  are  covered  inches  deep  in  dust. 
Of  the  larfe  cities  of  the  north  and  south  Peking  and  Canton 
may  be  taken  as  typical  examples  and  certainly,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  palace,  the  walls,  and  certain  imperial  temples,  the 
streets  of  Peking  compare  very  unfavorably  with  those  of  Canton. 
The  walls  surrounding  Peking  are  probably  the  finest  and  best 
kept  in  the  empire.  In  height  they  are  about  forty  feet  and  the 
same  in  width.  The  top,  which  is  defended  by  massive  battle- 
ments, is  well  paved  and  is  kept  in  excellent  order.  Over  each 


162 


HORRORS  OF  INFANTICIDE. 


gate  is  built  a fortified  tower  between  eighty  and  ninety  feet 
high. 

The  power  of  a Chinese  father  over  his  children  is  complete 
except  that  it  stops  short  with  life.  The  practice  of  selling  chil- 
dren is  common,  and  though  the  law  makes  it  a punishable  offense, 
should  the  sale  be  effected  against  the  will  of  the  children,  the 
prohibition  is  practically  ignored.  In  the  same  way  a law  exists 
making  infanticide  a crime,  but  as  a matter  of  fact  it  is  never 
acted  upon ; and  in  some  parts  of  the  country,  more  especially  in 


CHINESE  CART. 


the  provinces  of  Chiang-hsi  and  Fu-chien,  this  most  unnatural 
offense  prevails  among  the  poorer  classes  to  an  alarming  extent. 
Not  only  do  the  people  acknowledge  tlie  existence  of  the  practice, 
but  they  even  go  the  length  of  defending  it.  It  is  only  however 
abject  poverty  which  drives  parents  to  this  dreadful  expedient, 
and  in  the  more  prosperous  and  wealthy  districts  the  crime  is 
almost  unknown.  Periodically  the  mandarins  inveigh  against  the 
inhumanity  of  the  offense  and  appeal  to  the  better  instincts  of 
the  people  to  put  a stop  to  it ; but  a stone  which  stands  near  a 


HORRORS  OF  INFANTICIDE. 


163 


pool  outside  the  city  of  Foochow  bearing  the  inscription,  “ Girls 
may  not  be  drowned  here,”  testifies  with  terrible  emphasis  to  the 
futility  of  their  endeavors. 

The  large  number  of  cast-a-way  bodies  of  dead  infants  seen  in 
many  parts  of  China  is  often  regarded,  though  unjustly,  as  evi- 
dence of  the  prevalence  of  this  crime.  In  most  instances,  however, 
it  really  indicates  only  the  denial  of  burial  to  infants.  This  is 
due,  at  least  in  many  places,  to  the  following  superstition  : When 
they  die  it  is  supposed  that  their  bodies  have  been  inhabited  by 
the  spirit  of  a deceased  creditor  of  a previous  state  of  existence. 
The  child  during  its  sickness 
may  be  cared  for  with  the 
greatest  tenderness,  but  if  it 
dies  parental  love  is  turned 
to  hate  and  resentment.  It 
is  regarded  as  an  enemy  and 
intruder  in  the  family  who 
has  been  exacting  satisfaction 
for  the  old  unpaid  debt ; and 
having  occasioned  a great 
deal  of  anxiety,  trouble,  and 
expease,  has  left  nothing  to 
show  for  it  but  disappoint- 
ment. The  uncared  for  and 
uncoffined  little  body  is  cast 
away  anywhere  ; and  as  it  is 
carried  out  of  the  door  the 
house  is  swept,  crackers  are 
fired,  and  gongs  beaten  to 
frighten  the  spirit  so  that  it  may  never  dare  enter  the  house  again. 
Thus  do  superstitions  dry  up  the  fountains  of  natural  affection. 

The  complete  subjection  of  children  to  their  parents  is  so 
firmly  imbued  in  the  minds  of  every  Chinese  youth,  that  resist- 
ance to  the  infliction  of  cruel  and  even  unmerited  punishment  is 
seldom  if  ever  offered,  and  full-grown  men  submit  meekly  to  be 
flogged  without  raising  their  hands.  The  law  steps  in  on  every 
occasion  in  support  of  parental  authority.  Filial  piety  is  the 
leading  principle  in  Chinese  ethics. 


164 


SCHOOL  LIFE  OF  THE  CHILDREN. 


School  life  begins  at  the  age  of  six,  and  among  the  wealthier 
classes  great  care  is  shown  in  the  choice  of  master.  The  stars 
having  indicated  a propitious  day  for  beginning  work,  the  boy 
presents  himself  at  school,  bringing  with  him  two  small  candles, 
some  sticks  of  incense,  and  some  paper  money,  which  are  burnt 
at  the  shrine  of  Confucius,  before  which  also  the  little  fellow 
prostrates  himself  three  times.  There  being  no  alphabet  in 
Chinese  the  pupil  has  to  plunge  at  once  into  the  middle  of  things 
and  begins  by  learning  to  read.  Having  mastered  two  elementary 
books,  the  next  step  is  to  the  “ Four  Books.”  Then  follow  the 
“Five  Classics,”  the  final  desire  of  Chinese  learning.  A full 


CHINESE  SCHOOL. 

comprehension  of  these  Four  Books  and  Five  Classics,  together 
with  the  commentaries  upon  them,  and  the  power  of  turning  this 
knowledge  to  account  in  the  shape  of  essays  and  poems,  is  all 
that  is  required  at  the  highest  examination  in  the  empire.  This 
course  of  instruction  has  been  exactly  followed  out  in  every 
school  in  the  empire  for  many  centuries. 

The  choice  of  a future  calling,  which  is  often  so  perplexing  in 
our  own  country,  is  simplified  in  China  by  the  fact  of  there  being 
but  two  pursuits  which  a man  of  respectability  and  education 
can  follow,  namely  the  mandarinate  and  trades.  The  liberal 
professions  as  we  understand  them  are  unknown  in  China.  The 


JAPANESE  ENGINEERS  LAYING  A MILITARY  TELEGRAPH. 


CHOICE  OF  A VOCATION. 


167 


judicial  system  forbids  the  existence  of  the  legal  profession  ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  official  secretaries  attached  to  the  mandarins* 
courts ; and  medicine  is  represented  by  charlatans  who  prey  on 
the  follies  of  their  fellowmen  and  dispense  ground  tiger’s  teeth, 
snake’s  skins,  etc.,  in  lieu  of  drugs.  A lad,  or  his  parents  for 
him,  has  therefore  practically  to  consider  whether  he  should 
attempt  to  compete  at  the  general  competitive  examinations  to 
qualify  him  for  office,  or  whether  he  should  embark  in  one  of  the 
numerous  mercantile  concerns  which  abound  among  the  money- 
making and  thrifty  Chinese. 

The  succession  of  examinations  leading  up  to  the  various  hon- 
orary degrees  and  official 
positions,  are  complicated 
and  exacting.  The  suc- 
cessful candidates  have 
great  honor  attached  to 
them,  and  are  the  promi- 
nent and  successful  people 
of  the  empire.  These  ex- 
aminations are  open  to 
every  man  in  the  empire  of 
whatever  grade,  unless  he 
belong  to  one  of  the  fol- 
lowing four  classes,  or  be 
the  descendant  of  one  such 
within  three  generations; 
actors,  prostitutes,  jailers, 
and  executioners  and  ser- 
vants of  mandarins.  The  theory  with  regard  to  these  people  is 
that  actors  and  prostitutes  being  devoid  of  all  shame,  and  execu- 
tioners and  jailers  having  become  hardened  by  the  cruel  n.atnre  of 
their  offices,  are  unfit  in  their  own  persons  or  as  represented  by 
their  sons  to  win  posts  of  honor  by  means  of  tlie  exnininations. 

The  military  examinations  are  held  separntely,  and  though  the 
literary  calibre  of  the  candidates  is  treated  much  in  the  same 
way  as  at  the  civil  examinations,  the  same  high  standard  of 
knowledge  is  not  required ; but  in  addition  skill  in  archery  and 
in  the  use  of  warlike  weapons  is  essential.  It  is  illustrative  of 


168 


TEACHERS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


the  backwardness  of  the  Chinese  in  warlike  methods,  that  though 
they  have  been  acquainted  with  the  use  of  gunpowder  for  some 
centuries,  they  revert  in  the  examination  of  military  candidates 
to  the  weapons  of  the  ancients,  and  that  while  theoretically  they 
are  great  strategists,  strength  and  skill  in  the  use  of  these 
weapons  are  the  only  tests  required  for  commissions. 

Persons  of  almost  every  class  and  in  almost  every  station  of 
life  make  an  effort  to  send  their  boys  to  school,  with  the  hope 
that  they  may  distinguish  themselves,  be  advanced  to  high  posi- 
tions in  the  state,  and 
reflect  honor  upon  their 
families.  Of  those  who 
compete  for  literary 
honors  a very  small 
proportion  are  success- 
ful in  attaining  even  the 
first  degree,  though 
some  strive  for  it  for  a 
lifetime.  These  unsuc- 
cessful candidates  and 
the  graduates  of  the  first 
and  second  degrees, 
form  the  important  class 
of  literary  men  scattered 
throughout  the  empire. 
The  large  proportion  of 
this  class  are  compara- 
tively poor,  and  their 
services  may  be  ob- 
tained for  a very  small 
remuneration.  They  are  employed  to  teach  the  village  schools. 
Rich  families  in  different  neighborhoods  often  assist  in  keeping 
up  the  school  for  the  credit  of  the  village,  and  opportunities  for 
obtaining  an  education  are  thus  brought  within  the  reach  of  all. 
Graduates  of  the  first  and  second  degrees,  generally  have  the 
charge  of  more  advanced  pupils,  and  many  are  engaged  as  tutors 
ill  private  families,  commanding  higher  wages.  They  are  also  em- 
ployed as  scribes  or  copyists,  and  to  write  letters,  family  histories, 


BUSINESS  AND  THE  TRADES. 


169 


genealogies,  etc.  In  the  larger  cities  schools  are  established  by  the 
government,  and  in  many  places  free  schools  are  supported  by 
wealthy  men,  but  these  institutions  do  not  seem  to  be  popular 
and  are  not  flourishing. 

Though  trade  practically  holds  its  place  as  next  in  estimation 
to  the  mandarinate,  in  theory  it  should  follow  both  the  careers  of 
husbandry  and  of 
the  mechanical 
arts.  All  land  is 
held  in  free-hold 
from  the  govern- 
ment, and  princi- 
pally by  clans  or 
families,  who  pay 
an  annual  tax  to 
the  crown,  amount- 
ing to  about  one- 
tenth  of  the  pro- 
duce. As  long  as 
this  tax  is  paid 
regularly  the 
owners  are  never 
dispossessed,  and 
properties  thus  re- 
main in  the  hands 
of  clans  and  fami- 
lies for  many  gen- 
erations. In  order 
that  farming  oper- 
ations shall  be 
properly  conduct- 
ed, there  are  estab- 
lished in  almost  every  district  agricultural  boards,  consisting  of 
old  men  learned  in  husbandry.  By  these  veterans  a careful 
watch  is  kept  over  the  work  done  by  the  neighboring  farmers, 
and  in  the  case  of  any  dereliction  of  duty  or  neglect  of  the  pre- 
scribed modes  of  farming,  the  offender  is  summoned  before  the 
district  magistrate,  who  inflicts  the  punishment  which  he  con- 


CHINESE  BARBER. 


170 


MODES  OF  TRAVEL. 


siders  proportionate  to  tlie  offense.  The  appliances  of  the 
Chinese  for  irrigating  the  fields  and  winnowing  the  grain  are 
excellent,  but  those  for  getting  the  largest  crops  out  of  the  land 
are  of  a rude  and  primitive  kind. 

Among  their  artisans  the  Chinese  number  carpenters,  masons, 
tailors,  shoemakers,  workers  in  iron  and  brass,  and  silversmiths 
and  goldsmiths,  who  can  imitate  almost  any  article  of  foreign 
manufacture ; also  workmen  in  bamboo,  carvers,  idol  makers, 
needle  manufacturers,  barbers,  hair-dressers,  etc.  Business  men 
sell  almost  every  kind  of  goods  and  commodities  wholesale  and 
retail.  Large  fortunes  are  amassed  very  much  in  the  same  way 
and  by  the  same  means  as  are  now  in  our  own  country.  The 
wealth  of  the  rich  is  invested  in  lands  or  houses,  or  employed  as 
capital  in  trade  or  banking,  or  is  lent  out  on  good  security,  and 
often  at  a high  rate  of  interest. 

Traveling  in  China  is  slow  and  leisurely,  and  the  modes  of  it 
vary  greatly  in  different  parts  of  the  empire.  In  many  of  the 
provinces,  especially  along  the  coast  and  in  the  south,  canals  take 
the  place,  for  the  most  part,  of  roads.  In  the  vicinity  of  Ningpo 
the  country  is  supplied  with  a complete  network  of  them,  often 
intersecting  each  other  at  distances  of  one  or  two  miles  or  less. 
Farmers  frequently  have  short  branch  canals  running  off  to  their 
houses,  and  the  farm  boat  takes  the  place  of  the  farm  wagon. 
Heavy  loaded  passage  or  freight  boats  ply  in  every  direction. 
The  ordinary  charge  for  passage  is  less  than  one-half  a cent  per 
mile.  The  boats  are  admirably  adapted  to  the  people  and  circum- 
stances, being  built  for  comfort  rather  than  for  speed.  These 
water  courses  then,  with  the  rivers  which  are  so  numerous,  fur- 
nish the  most  general  way  of  traveling  throughout  the  empire. 

In  the  north,  where  the  country  is  level  and  open,  the  existence 
of  broad  roads  enables  the  people  to  use  rude  carts  for  the  con- 
veyance of  passengers  and  freight.  Mules  are  used  for  riding 
purposes,  and  palanquins  borne  by  two  horses,  or  sedan  chairs 
carried  by  two  coolies,  are  popular  ways  of  traveling.  The  sea- 
going junks  are  very  much  larger  than  the  river  craft,  and  differ- 
ent in  construction.  The  best  ones  are  divided  into  water  tight 
compartments  and  are  capable  of  carrying  several  thousand  tons 


FEMALE  TYPES  AND  COSTUMES 


HOLIDAYS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  171 

of  cargo.  They  are  generally  three-masted  and  carry  huge  sails 
made  of  matting. 

Although  the  Chinese  have  the  compass,  they  are  without  the 
knowledge  necessary  for  taking  nautical  observations,  so  they 
either  hug  the  land  or  steer  straight  by  them  copass  until  they 
reach  some  coast  with  which  they  are  familiar.  In  these  circum- 
stances it  is  easy  to  understand  why  the  loss  of  junks  and  lives  on 
the  Chinese  coast  every  year  is  so  great.  The  immense  number 
of  people  who  live  in  boats  on  the  rivers  in  southern  China, 
render  the  terrible  typhoons  which  sweep  the  sea  and  land  espec- 
ially destructive.  For  the  most  part  these  boat-people  are  not  of 
Chinese  origin  but  are  remnants  of  the  aborigines  of  the  country. 


porter’s  chair. 

That  the  race  has  ever  survived  is  a constant  wonder,  seeing  the 
hourly  and  almost  momentary  danger  of  drowning  in  which  the 
children  live  on  board  their  boats.  The  only  precaution  that  is 
ever  taken,  even  in  the  case  of  infants,  is  to  tie  an  empty  gourd 
between  their  shoulders,  so  that  should  they  fall  into  the  water 
they  may  be  kept  afloat  until  help  comes.  They  are  born  in 
their  boats,  they  marry  in  their  boats,  and  die  in  their  boats. 

The  Chinese  calendar  and  the  festivities  that  accompany  differ- 
ent seasons  and  anniversaries,  are  peculiarly  interesting  and 
different  from  our  own,  but  space  forbids  any  detailed  account  of 
them.  The  four  seasons  correspond  to  ours,  and  in  addition  to 
9 


172 


HOLIDAYS  AND  AMUSEMENTS. 


the  four  seasons  the  year  is  divided  into  eight  parts  called 
“joints,”  or  divisions,  and  these  are  again  subdivided  into  six- 
teen more  called  “ breaths,”  or  sources  of  life.  There  are  forty 
festivals  of  China  which  are  celebrated  with  observances  generally 
throughout  the  empire  and  are  considered  to  be  important.  They 
do  not  occur  at  regular  intervals,  and  there  is  no  periodical  day 
of  rest  and  recreation  corresponding  at  all  to  our  Sunday.  The 
festivities  of  the  new  year  exceed  all  others  in  their  prominence 
and  continuance,  and  in  the  universality  and  enthusiasm  with 
which  they  are  observed.  “ The  Feast  of  Lanterns  ” and  “ The 
Festival  of  the  Tombs  ” are  two  of  the  most  interesting  of  Chinese 
festivals.  The  ninth  day  of  the  ninth  month  is  a great  time  for 
flying  kites.  On  that  day  thousands  of  men  enjoy  the  sport  and 
immense  kites  of  all  grotesque  shapes  fill  the  air.  Theaters  are 
very  common  in  China,  but  the  character  and  associations  of  the 
stage  are  very  different  from  those  of  western  lands  and  are  very 
much  less  respected.  Actors  are  regarded  as  an  inferior  class. 
Females  do  not  appear  upon  the  stage,  but  men  act  the  part  of 
female  characters.  Gambling  is  very  common  in  China  and  is 
practiced  in  a variety  of  ways.  Its  ill  effects  are  acknowledged, 
and  there  are  laws  prohibiting  it,  but  they  are  a dead  letter. 
There  are  many  kinds  of  stringed  and  reed  instruments  used  by 
the  musicians  of  China.  Bells,  also,  are  very  numerous,  and  ex- 
cellent sweet  toned  bells  are  made.  A careful  watch  is  kept  over 
the  efforts  of  composers  by  the  imperial  board  of  music,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  keep  alive  the  music  of  the  ancients  and  to  suppress 
all  compositions  which  are  not  in  harmony  with  it.  It  is  difficult 
for  western  ears  to  find  anything  truly  beautiful  in  Chinese 
music. 

The  medical  art  of  China  is  not  of  a sort  to  win  much  admira- 
tion from  us.  The  Chinese  know  nothing  of  physiology  or  an- 
atomy. The  functions  of  the  heart,  lungs,  liver,  kidneys,  and 
brain  are  sealed  books  to  them  and  they  recognize  no  distinction 
between  veins  and  arteries  and  between  nerves  and  tendons. 
Their  deeply  rooted  repugnance  to  the  use  of  a knife  in  surgery 
or  to  post-mortem  examinations  prevents  the  possibility  of  their 
acquiring  any  accurate  knowledge  of  the  position  of  the  various 
organs.  They  consider  that  from  the  heart  and  pit  of  the  stomach 


MEDICAL  PRACTICE. 


173 


all  ideas  and  delights  proceed,  and  that  the  gall  bladder  is  the 
seat  of  courage.  Man’s  body  is  believed  to  be  composed  of  the 
five  elements,  fire,  water,  metal,  wood,  earth.  The  medical  pro- 
fession in  China  is  an  open  one,  for  there  are  no  medical  colleges 
and  no  examination  tests  to  worry  the  minds  of  would-be  practi- 
tioners. Some  doctors  have  prescriptions  as  valuable  and  of  the 
same  sort  as  those  prepared  from  herbs  and  vegetables  by  many 
Tan  old  woman  in  our  own  country  settlements.  On  the  other 
hand,  some  of  the  most  ridiculous  remedies  are  given,  such  as 
tiger’s  teeth,  gold  and  silver  leaf,  and  shavings  of  rhinoceros 
horns,  or  ivory.  Fortunately  for  the  people  imflammatory 
diseases  are  almost  unknown  in  China,  but  small-pox,  consump- 
tion, and  dysentery  rage  almost  unchecked  by  medical  help;  skin 
diseases  are  very  prevalent,  and  cancer  is  by  no  means  uncommon. 
Of  late  the  practice  of  vaccination  has  begun  to  make  its  way 
among  the  people. 

There  are  hosts  of  superstitions  among  the  Chinese  people,  and 
their  beliefs  regarding  spirits  and  the  influence  of  the  dead,  of 
sorcerers,  and  of  devils,  are  myriad.  These  superstitions  pervade 
every  rank  of  society,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest.  The 
general  term  applied  to  the  whole  system  of  superstition  and  luck 
is  fung-shwuy,  and  the  practitioners  and  learned  men  in  this 
science  are  called  upon  to  determine  what  action  shall  be  taken 
in  all  sorts  of  circumstances. 

There  are  benevolent  societies  in  China  corresponding  in 
variety  and  almost  in  number  to  those  of  Christian  lands.  There 
are  orphan  asylums,  institutions  for  the  relief  of  widows,  and  for 
the  aged  and  infirm,  public  hospitals  and  free  schools,  together 
with  other  kindred  institutions  more  peculiarly  Chinese  in  their 
character.  In  some  parts  of  China  schools  for  girls  exist,  taught 
by  female  teachers.  In  most  places,  however  females  are  seldom 
taught  letters,  and  schools  for  their  benefit  are  not  known. 
Foreigners  in  establishing  them  invariably  give  a small  sum  of 
money  or  some  rice  for  each  day’s  attendance,  and  it  is  thought 
that  these  schools  could  not  be  kept  together  in  any  other  way. 

The  Chinese  describe  themselves  as  possessing  three  religions, 
or  more  accurately  three  sects,  namely,  Joo  keaou,  the  sect  of 
scholars,  Fuh  keaou,  the  sect  of  Buddha;  and  Tao  keaou,  the 


174 


CONFUCIANISM. 


sect  of  Tao.  Both  as  regards  age  and  origin,  the  sect  of  scholars, 
or  as  it  is  generally  called,  Confucianism,  represents  pre-eminently 
the  religion  of  China.  It  has  its  root  in  the  worship  of  Shang-te, 
a deity  associated  with  the  earliest  traditions  of  the  Chinese  race. 
This  deity  was  a personal  god,  who  ruled  the  affairs  of  men,  re- 
warding and  punishing  as  appeared  just.  But  during  the  troub- 
lous times  which  followed  the  first  sovereigns  of  the  Chow 
dynasty,  the  belief  in  a personal  deity  grew  dim,  until  when  Con- 
fucius began  his  career  there  appeared  nothing  strange  in  his 
atheistic  teachings.  His  concern  was  with  man  as  a member  of 
society,  and  the  object  of  his  teaching  was  to  lead  him  into  those 
paths  of  rectitude  which  might  best  contribute  to  the  happiness 
of  the  man,  and  to  the  well-being  of  the  community  of  which  he 
formed  a part.  Man,  he  held,  w^as  born  good  and  was  endowed 
with  qualities,  wdiich  when  cultivated  and  improved  by  watchful- 
ness and  self-restraint,  might  enable  him  to  acquire  godlike 
wisdom.  In  the  system  of  Confucius  there  is  no  place  for  a 
personal  god.  Man  has  his  destiny  in  his  own  hands  to  make  or 
mar.  Neither  had  Confucius  any  inducement  to  offer  to  en- 
courage men  in  the  practice  of  virtue,  except  virtue  itself.  He 
was  a matter-of-fact,  unimaginative  man,  who  was  quite  content 
to  occupy  himself  with  the  study  of  his  fellow  men,  and  was  dis- 
inclined to  grope  into  the  future.  Succeeding  ages,  recognizing 
the  loftiness  of  his  aims,  eliminated  all  that  was  impracticable  and 
unreal  in  his  system,  and  held  fast  to  that  part  of  it  that  was  true 
and  good.  They  clung  to  the  doctrines  of  filial  piety,  brotherly 
love,  and  virtuous  living.  It  was  admiration  for  the  emphasis 
which  he  laid  on  these  and  other  virtues,  which  has  drawn  so 
many  millions  of  men  unto  him  and  has  adorned  every  city  of  the 
empire  with  temples  built  in  his  honor. 

Side  by  side  with  the  revival  of  the  Joo  keaou,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Confucius,  grew  up  a system  of  a totally  different 
nature,  which  when  divested  of  its  esoteric  doctrines  and  reduced 
by  the  practically  minded  Chinamen  to  a code  of  morals,  was 
destined  in  future  ages  to  become  affiliated  with  the  teachings  of 
the  sage.  This  was  Taoism,  which  was  founded  by  Lao-tzu,  who 
was  a contemporary  of  Confucius.  The  object  of  his  teaching 
was  to  induce  men,  by  the  practice  of  self-abnegation,  to  reach 


CHINESE  EMPEROR,  KING  OF  COREA,  AND  CHINESE  OFFICIALS 


TAOISM. 


177 


absorption  in  something  which  he  called  Tao,  and  which  bears  a 
certain  resemblance  to  the  Nirvana  of  the  Buddhists.  The 
primary  meaning  of  Tao  is  “ the  w^ay,”  “ the  path,”  but  in  Lao-tzu 
philosophy  it  was  more  than  the  way,  it  was  the  way-goer  as  well. 
It  was  an  eternal  road ; along  it  all  beings  and  things  walked  ; it 
was  everything  and  nothing,  and  the  cause  and  effect  of  all.  All 
things  originated  from  Tao,  conformed  to  Tao,  and  to  Tao  at  last 
returned.  It  was  absorption  into  this  “mother  of  all  things” 
that  Lao-tzu  aimed  at.  But  these  subtil  ties,  to  the  common 
people  were  foolishness,  and  before  long  the  philosophical  doc- 
trine of  the  identity  of  existence  and  non-existence  assumed  in 
their  eyes  a warrant  for  the  old  Epicurean  motto,  “ Let  us  eat 
and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die.”  The  pleasures  of  sense  were 
substituted  for  the  delights  of  virtue,  and  to  prolong  life  the 
votaries  began  a search  for  elixirs  of  immortality,  and  charms. 
Taoism  quickly  degenerated  into  a system  of  magic.  To-day  the 
monopoly  which  Taoist  priests  enjoy  as  the  exponents  of  the 
mysteries  of  nature,  inherited  from  the  time  when  they  sought 
for  natural  charms,  makes  them  indispensably  necessary  to  all 
classes,  and  the  most  confirmed  Confucianist  does  not  hesitate  to 
consult  the  shaven  followers  of  Lao-tzu  on  the  choice  of  the  site 
for  his  house,  the  position  of  his  family  graveyard,  or  a fortunate 
day  for  undertaking  an  enterprise.  Apart  from  the  practice  of 
these  magical  arts,  Taoism  has  become  assimilated  with  modern 
Confucianism  and  is  scarcely  distinguishable  from  it. 

The  teachings  of  Lao-tzu  bore  a sufficient  resemblance  to  the 
musings  of  Indian  sages,  that  they  served  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  introduction  of  Buddhism.  A deputation  of  Buddhists  ar- 
rived in  China  in  the  year  216  B.  C.,  but  were  harshly  treated, 
and  returned  to  their  homes  without  leaving  any  impress  of  their 
religion.  It  was  not  until  some  sixty  years  after  Christ,  in  the^ 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Ming  Ti,  that  Buddhism  was  actually  in- 
troduced. One  night  the  emperor  dreamed  that  a monster  golden 
image  appeared  and  said,  “ Buddha  bids  you  to  send  to  the  west- 
ern countries  to  search  for  him  and  to  get  books  and  images.” 
The  emperor  obeyed,  and  sent  an  embassy  to  India  which  re- 
turned after  an  absence  of  eleven  years  bringing  back  images,  the 
sacred  writings,  and  missionaries  who  could  translate  these 


178 


BUDDHISM. 


{scriptures  into  Chinese.  Thus  was  introduced  into  China  the 
knowledge  of  that  sj’stem  which  in  purity  and  loftiness  of  aim 
takes  its  place  next  to  Christianity  among  the  religions  of  the 
world.  From  this  time  Buddhism  grew  and  prevailed  in  the 
land. 

The  Buddhism  of  China  is  not,  however,  exactly  that  of  India. 
The  Chinese  believe  in  a material  paradise,  which  is  obviously 


BUDDHIST  TEMPLE. 


inconsistent  with  the  orthodox  belief  in  Nirvana.  Like  the  other 
faiths  of  China,  orthodox  Buddhism  could  not  entirely  satisfy 
the  people.  Like  the  Jews  of  old  they  were  eager  after  signs, 
and  self  interest  made  their  spiritual  rulers  nothiug  loth  to  grant 
them  their  desire.  From  the  mountains  and  monasteries  came 
men  who  claimed  to  possess  the  elixir  of  immortality,  and  pro- 


UNION  OF  THREE  FAITHS. 


179 


claimed  themselves  adepts  in  witchcraft  and  sorcery.  By  magic 
incantations  they  exorcised  evil  spirits,  and  dissipated  famine, 
pestilence,  and  disease.  By  the  exercise  of  their  supernatural 
powers  they  rescued  souls  from  hell,  and  arrested  pain  and  death. 
In  the  services  of  the  church  they  added  ritual  to  ritual.  By 
such  means  they  won  their  way  among  the  people,  and  even 
sternly  orthodox  Confucianists  make  use  of  their  services  to 
chant  the  liturgies  of  the  dead.  But  while  superstition  compels 
even  the  wise  and  the  learned  to  pay  homage  to  this  faith,  there 
is  scarcely  an  educated  man  who  would  not  repudiate  a sugges- 
tion that  he  is  a follower  of  Buddha;  and  though  the  common 
people  throng  the  temples  to  buy  charms  and  consult  astrologers, 
they  yet  despise  both  the  priests  and  the  religion  they  profess. 
But  Buddhism  has  after  all  been  a blessing  rather  than  a curse 
in  China.  It  has  to  a certain  extent  lifted  the  mind  of  the  peo- 
ple from  the  too  exclusive  consideration  of  mundane  affairs,  to 
the  contemplation  of  a future  state.  It  has  taught  them  to  value 
purity  of  life  more  highly ; to  exercise  self-constraint  and  to  for- 
get self ; and  to  practise  charity  towards  their  neighbors. 

It  will  be  seen  that  no  clearly  defined  line  of  demarcation  sep- 
arates the  three  great  sects  of  China.  Each  in  its  turn  has  bor- 
rowed from  the  others,  until  at  the  present  day  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  there  are  to  be  found  any  pure  Confucianists,  pure 
Buddhists,  or  pure  Taoists.  Confucianism  has  provided  the 
moral  basis  on  which  the  national  character  of  the  Chinese  rests, 
and  Buddhism  and  Taoism  have  supplied  the  supernatural  ele- 
ment wanting  in  that  system.  Speaking  generally  then,  the  re- 
ligion of  China  is  a medley  of  the  three  great  sects  which  are 
now  so  closely  interlaced  that  it  is  impossible  either  to  classify 
or  enumerate  the  members  of  each  creed.  The  only  other  relig- 
ion of  importance  in  China  is  Mohammedanism,  which  is  confined 
to  the  south-western  and  north-western  provinces  of  the  empire. 
In  this  faith  also  the  process  of  absorption  in  a national  mixture 
of  beliefs  is  making  headway.  And  since  the  suppression  of  the 
Panthay  rebellion  in  Yun-nan,  there  has  been  a gradual  decline  in 
the  number  of  the  followers  of  the  prophet. 

The  speech  and  the  written  composition  of  the  Chinese  differ 
more  than  those  of  any  other  people.  The  former  addresses  it- 


180 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE. 


self,  like  all  other  languages,  to  the  mind  through  the  ear ; the 
latter  speaks  to  the  mind  through  the  eye,  not  as  words  but  as 
symbols  of  ideas.  All  Chinese  literature  might  be  understood 
and  translated  though  the  student  of  it  could  not  name  a single 
character.  The  colloquial  speech  is  not  difiScult  of  acquisition, 
but  the  written  composition  is  slow  of  learning  by  foreigners. 
“ Pidgin  English  ” is  a mixed  Chinese,  Portuguese  and  English 
language,  which  is  a creation  of  the  necessities  of  communication' 
between  Chinese  and  foreigners  at  the  open  ports,  while  neither^ 
party  had  the  time  or  means  or  wish  to  acquire  an  accurate^ 
knowledge  of  the  language  of  the  other.  “Pidgin  ” is  a Chinese 
attempt  to  pronounce  our  word  business,  and  the  materials  of  the 
lingo  are  nearly  all  English  words  similarly  represented  or  mis- 
represented. The  idiom  on  the  other  hand  is  entirely  that  of 
colloquial  Chinese.  Foreigners  master  it  in  a short  time  so  as  to 
carry  on  long  conversations  by  means  of  it,  and  to  transact  im- 
portant affairs  of  business.  This  jargon  is  passing  away.  Chinese 
who  know  English  and  English  who  know  Chinese  are  increasing 
in  number  from  year  to  year. 

In  the  first  two  chapters,  containing  a sketch  of  Chinese  his- 
tory, mention  has  been  made  of  the  greater  literary  works  pro- 
duced in  the  early  centuries  of  the  empire ; and  the  calamity  of 
the  burning  of  the  books  has  been  described.  Of  the  famous 
classics  which  are  yet  cherished  we  will  not  speak  again  here. 
After  the  revival  of  literature,  and  the  encouragement  given  to 
it  by  the  successors  of  the  emperor  who  destroyed  the  libraries 
of  the  empire,  the  tide  has  flowed  onward  in  an  ever-increasing 
volume,  checked  only  at  times  by  one  of  those  signal  calamities 
often  overtaking  the  imperial  libraries  of  China.  It  is  note- 
worthy tliat  however  ruthlessly  the  libraries  and  intellectual  cen- 
ters have  been  destroyed,  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  successful 
founders  of  succeeding  dynasties  has  been  to  restore  them  to 
their  former  completeness  and  efficiency. 

The  Chinese  divide  their  literature  into  four  departments, 
classical,  philosophical,  historical  and  belles  lettres.  The  “ nine 
classics,”  of  which  we  have  already  spoken  as  being  the  books 
studied  by  every  Chinese  student,  form  but  the  nucleus  of  the 
immense  mass  of  literature  which  has  gathered  around  them. 


POSSIBILITIES  OF  CHINA. 


181 


The  historical  literature  of  China  is  the  most  important  branch 
of  the  national  literature.  There  are  works  which  record  the 
purely  political  events  of  each  reign,  as  well  as  those  on  chronol- 
ogy, rites  and  music,  jurisprudence,  political  economy,  state  sac- 
rifices, astronomy,  geography,  and  records  of  the  neighboring 
countries.  On  drawing,  painting,  and  medicine  much  has  been 
written.  Poems,  novels,  and  romances,  dramas,  and  books 
written  in  the  colloqual  style,  are  frequent  in  the  Chinese  litera- 


TEMPLE  OF  FIVE  HUNDRED  GODS,  AT  CANTON. 

ture.  There  is  no  more  pleasant  reading  than  some  of  their  his- 
torical romances,  and  some  of  the  best  novels  have  been  trans- 
lated into  European  languages.  There  is,  however,  considerable 
poverty  of  imagination,  little  analysis  of  character,  and  no  inter- 
weaving of  plot  in  the  fiction. 

The  glance  that  we  have  taken  at  the  habits  and  customs  of 
life  among  the  Chinese  people,  shows  that  while  they  lack  many 
of  the  things  that  we  have  been  taught  to  believe  essential  to 


182 


POSSIBILITIES  OF  CHINA. 


civilization,  they  nevertheless  are  equipped  with  many  good 
things.  They  have  the  same  human  instincts,  and  are  ready  and 
able  to  absorb  learning  with  great  rapidity,  when  once  they  be- 
come convinced  of  the  value  of  it.  It  is  their  conservatism  and 
their  belief  that  they  are  the  only  truly  civilized  people  in  the 
world,  while  all  others  are  barbarians,  that  has  made  them  so 
slow  to  adopt  any  of  the  better  things  of  W'estern  civilization. 
The  war  which  this  work  records  may  prove  to  be  the  most 
effective  means  that  could  possibly  have  been  devised  to  awaken 
China  from  the  sleep  of  centuries,  and  convince  her  of  the  value 
and  efficacy  of  western  methods.  If  this  prove  true,  a descrip- 
tion of  China  written  a generation  in  the  future  may  have  to  de- 
scribe the  things  here  related  as  existing  conditions,  to  be  histor- 
ical facts  after  twenty  years. 


Japan 


JAPANESE  MUSICIAN. 


! • 


• ■'-.‘»*.W 

‘V 


THE  MIKADO  AND  HIS  PRINCIPAL  OFFICERS. 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH  OF  JAPAN  FROM  THE  EARLI- 
EST TIMES  TO  FIRST  CONTACT  WITH 
EUROPEAN  CIVILIZATION. 


The  Oldest  Dynasty  in  the  World  and  its  Records— The  First  Emperor  of  Japan— Some 
of  the  Famous  Early  Rulers— Invasion  and  Conquest  of  Corea  by  the  Empress  Jingo— How 
Civilization  Came  from  Corea  to  Japan— The  Rise  of  the  Dual  System  of  Government- 
Mikado  and  Shogun— Expulsion  of  the  Hojo  Dynasty  of  Shoguns— The  Invasion  of  the 
Mongol  Tartars— Annihilation  of  the  Armada— Corruption  of  the  Shogun  Rule— Growth  of 
the  Feudal  System— Another  Conquest  of  Corea— Founding  of  the  Last  Dynasty  of  Shoguns 
—Advance  of  Jai>an  in  the  Age  of  Hideyoshi. 

In  a historical  sketch  of  the  life  of  a nation  which  counts 
twenty-five  centuries  of  recorded  history,  but  the  briefest  out- 
line can  be  given.  The  scope  of  such  a work  as  this  does  not 
admit  of  minute  historical  details.  When  it  is  said  that  tradi- 
tions exist  carrying  back  the  history  for  a number  of  years  which 
requires  several  hundred  ciphers  to  measure,  the  effort  to  relate 
even  an  outline  becomes  almost  appalling.  Until  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury of  our  era,  Europe  did  not  know  even  of  the  existence  of 
Japan  ; and  the  reports  which  were  then  brought  by  Marco  Polo, 
who  liad  learned  of  the  island  empire  of  Zipangu  from  the 
Chinese  were  as  vague  as  they  were  enticing.  The  successes  of 
the  Jesuit  missionaries  led  by  Xavier,  and  the  commercial  inter- 
course established  by  the  Portuguese  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
16th  century,  and  by  the  Dutch  somewhat  later,  promised  to  dis- 
close the  mysteries  of  the  far  Pacific  empire  ; but  within  a few 
generations  these  were  more  hopelessly  than  ever  sealed  against 
foreign  intrusion.  Only  forty  years  ago  the  United  States  of 
America  knocked  at  the  door  of  Japan,  met  a welcome  under 
protest,  and  the  country  began  to  open  to  western  civilization. 
Even  yet  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  our  own  country  have 
far  from  a right  conception  of  the  ancient  civilization  which  has 
for  ages  prevailed  in  these  islands  of  the  Pacific. 

The  Japanese  imperial  dynasty  is  the  oldest  in  the  world. 
Two  thousand  five  hundred  and  fifty-four  years  ago  in  660  B.  C., 

(187) 


188 


THE  OLDEST  DYNASTY  IN  THE  WORLD. 


the  sacred  histories  relate  that  Jimmu  Tenno  commenced  to 
reign  as  the  first  Mikado,  or  Emperor  of  Japan.  The  sources  of 
Japanese  history  are  rich  and  solid,  historical  writings  forming 
the  largest  and  most  important  divisions  of  their  voluminous 
literature.  The  period  from  about  the  ninth  century  until  the 
present  time  is  treated  very  fully,  while  the  real  history  of  the 
period  prior  to  the  eighth  century  of  the  Christian  era  is  very 
meagre.  It  is  nearly  certain  that  the  Japanese  possessed  no 
writing  until  the  sixth  century  A.  D.  Their  oldest  extant  com- 
position is  the  “ Kojiki,”  or  “ Book  of  Ancient  Traditions.”  It 
may  be  called  the  Bible  of  the  Japanese.  It  comprises  three 
volumes,  composed  A.  D.  711-712,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
preceded  by  two  similar  works  about  one  hundred  years  earlier, 
but  neither  of  these  have  been  preserved.  The  first  volume 
treats  of  the  creation  of  the  heavens  and  earth,  the  gods  and 
goddesses,  and  the  events  of  the  holy  age  or  mythological  period. 
The  second  and  third  give  the  history  of  the  mikados  from  the 
year  I (660  B.  C.)  to  the  year  1280  of  the  Japanese  era.  It  was 
first  printed  in  the  years  A.  D.  1624-1642.  The  “Nihongi” 
completed  A.  D.  720  also  contains  a Japanese  record  of  the 
mythological  period,  and  brings  down  the  annals  of  the  mikados 
to  A.  D.  699.  These  are  the  oldest  books  in  the  language.  They 
contain  so  much  that  is  fabulous,  mythical  or  exaggerated,  that 
their  statements  especially  in  respect  of  dates  cannot  be  ac- 
cepted as  true  history.  A succession  of  historical  works  of 
apparent  reliability  illustrate  the  period  between  the  eighth  and 
the  eleventh  centuries,  and  still  better  ones  treat  of  the  mediaeval 
period  from  the  eleventh  to  the  sixteenth  century.  The  period 
from  1600  to  1853  is  less  known  than  others  in  earlier  times, 
because  of  mandates  that  existed  forbidding  the  production  of 
contemporary  histories. 

Whatever  may  be  the  actual  fact,  Jimmu  Tenno  is  popularly 
believed  to  have  been  a real  person  and  the  first  emperor  of 
Japan.  He  is  deified  in  the  Shinto  religion,  and  in  thousands  of 
shrines  dedicated  to  him  the  people  worship  his  spirit.  In  one 
official  list  of  mikados  he  is  named  as  the  first.  The  reigning 
Emperor  refers  to  him  as  his  ancestor,  from  whom  he  claims 
unbroken  descent  as  the  123rd  member  of  this  dynasty.  The 


FIRST  EMPEROR  OF  JAPAN. 


189 


seventh  day  of  April  is  fixed  as  the  anniversary  of  his  ascension 
to  the  throne  and  that  day  is  a national  holiday  on  which  the 
birth,  the  accession  and  death  of  this  national  hero  are  still 
annually  celebrated.  Then  one  may  see  flags  flying  from  both 
public  and  private  buildings,  and  hear  the  reverberations  of  a 
royal  salute  fired  by  the  ironclad  navy  of  modern  Japan  from 
Krupp  guns,  and 
by  the  military  in 
French  uniforms 
from  Remington 
rifles.  The  era  of 
Jimmu  is  the  start- 
ing point  of  Jap- 
anese chronology, 
and  the  year  I of 
the  Japanese  era  is 
that  upon  which 
he  ascended  the 
throne  at  Kashiwa- 
vara. 

In  the  beginning 
there  existed,  ac- 
cording to  one  in- 
terpretation of  the 
somewhat  perplex- 
ing Shinto  mythol- 
ogy, chaos,  which 
contained  the 
*germs  of  all  things. 

From  this  was 
evolved  a race  of  Japanese  god  of  thunder. 

heavenly  beings  and  celestial  “Kami”  of  whom  Tzanagi,  a male, 
and  Izanami,  a female,  were  the  last  individuals.  Other  authori- 
ties on  Shinto  maintain  that  infinite  space  and  not  chaos  existed 
in  the  beginning ; others  again  that  in  the  beginning  there  was 
one  god.  However,  all  agree  as  to  the  appearance  on  the  scene 
of  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  and  it  is  with  these  we  are  here  con- 
cerned; for  by  their  union  were  produced  the  islands  of  Japan, 


190 


JAPANESE  ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  CREATION. 


and  among  their  children  were  Amaterasu,  the  sun  goddess,  and 
her  younger  brother,  Susanoo,  afterward  appointed  god  of  the 
sea.  On  account  of  her  bright  beauty  the  former  was  made 
queen  of  the  sun,  and  had  given  to  her  a share  on  the  govern- 
ment of  the  earth.  To  Ninigi-no-mikoto,  her  grandson,  she 

afterward  consign- 
ed absolute  rule 
over  the  earth, 
sending  him  down 
by  the  floating 
bridge  of  heaven 
upon  the  summit 
of  the  mountain 
K i r i s h i m a-y  am  a . 
He  took  with  him 
the  three  Japanese 
regalia,  the  sacred 
mirror,  now  in  one 
of  the  Shinto 
shrines  of  Ise ; the 
sword,  now  treas- 
ured in  the  temple 
of  Atsuta,  near 
Nagoya;  and  the 
ball  of  rock  crys- 
tal in  possession 
of  the  emperor. 
On  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  de- 
scent, the  sun  and 
the  earth  receded 
from  one  another, 

JAPANESE  GOD  OF  BIDING.  COmnUIIlica- 

tion  by  means  of 

the  floating  bridge  ceased.  Jimmu  Tenno,  the  first  historic 
emperor  of  Japan,  was  the  great  grandson  of  Ninigi-no-mikoto. 

According  to  the  indigenous  religion  of  Japan,  therefore, 
religion  wliicii  even  since  the  adoption  of  western  civilization  ha?* 


JAPANESE  PEASANTRY, 


SACREDNESS  OF  THE  MIKADO. 


193 


been  patronized  by  the  state,  the  mikados  are  directly  descended 
from  the  sun  goddess,  the  principal  Shinto  divinity.  Having  re- 
ceived from  her  the  three  sacred  treasures,  they  are  invested  with 
authority  to  rule  over  Japan  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  shall 
endure.  Their  minds  are  in  perfect  harmony  with  hers;  there- 
fore they  cannot  err  and  must  receive  implicit  obedience.  Such 
is  the  traditional  theory  as  to  the  position  of  the  Japanese  emperors, 
]a  theory  which  was  advanced  in  its  most  elaborate  form,  as 
recently  as  the  last  century,  by  Motoori,  a writer  on  Shinto,  which 
of  late  years  has  no  doubt  been  much  modified  or  even  utterly 
discarded  by  many  of  the  more  enlightened  among  the  people. 
Even  yet,  however,  it  is  far  from  having  been  abandoned  by  the 
masses. 

The  mikados  being  thus  regarded  as  semi-divinities,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  very  excess  of  veneration  showed  them  tended 
more  and  more  to  weaken  their  actual  power.  They  were  too 
sacred  to  be  brought  much  into  contact  with  ordinary  mortals, 
too  sacred  even  to  have  their  divine  countenances  looked  upon  by 
any  but  a select  few.  Latterly  it  was  only  the  nobles  immediately 
around  him  that  ever  saw  the  mikado’s  face ; others  might  be 
admitted  to  the  imperial  presence,  but  it  was  only  to  get  a glimpse 
from  behind  a curtain  of  a portion  of  the  imperial  form,  less  or 
more  according  to  their  rank.  When  the  mikado  went  out  into 
the  grounds  of  his  palace  in  Kioto,  matting  was  spread  for  him 
to  walk  upon ; when  he  left  the  palace  precincts  he  was  borne  in 
a sedan  chair,  the  blinds  of  which  were  carefully  drawn  down. 
The  populace  prostrated  themselves  as  the  procession  passed,  but 
none  of  them  ever  saw  the  imperial  form.  In  short,  the  mikados 
ultimately  became  virtual  prisoners.  Theoretically  gifted  with 
all  political  knowledge  and  power,  they  were  less  the  masters 
of  their  own  actions  than  many  of  the  humblest  of  their  subjects. 
Although  nominally  the  repositories  of  all  authority,  they  had 
practically  no  share  in  the  management  of  the  national  affairs. 
The  isolation  in  which  it  was  deemed  proper  that  they  should  be 
kept,  prevented  them  from  acquiring  the  knowledge  requisite  for 
governing,  and  even  had  that  knowledge  been  obtained,  gave  no 
opportunity  for  its  manifestation. 

From  the  death  of  Jimmu  Tenno  to  that  of  Kimmei,  in  whose 
10 


194 


THE  REIGN  OF  THE  GOOD  SUJIN. 


reign  Buddhism  was  introduced,  A.  D.  571,  there  were  thirty 
mikados.  During  this  period  of  one  thousand  three  hundred  and 
thirty -six  years,  believed  to  be  historic  by  most  Japanese,  the  most 
interesting  subjects  are  the  reforms  of  Sujin  Tenno,  the  military 
expeditions  to  eastern  Japan  by  Yamato-Dake,  the  invasion  of 
Corea  by  the  Empress  Jingo  Kogo,  and  the  introduction  of 
Chinese  civilization  and  Buddhism. 

Sujin-or  Shujin,  B.  C.  97-30,  was  a man  of  intense  earnestness 
and  piety.  His  prayers  to  the  gods  for  the  abatement  of  a plague 
were  answered,  and  a revival  of  religious  feeling  and  worship 
ensued.  He  introduced  many  forms  in  the  practices  of  religion 
and  the  manners  of  life.  He  appointed  his  own  daughter  priestess 
of  the  shrine  and  custodian  of  the  symbols  of  the  three  holy 
regalia,  which  had  hitherto  been  kept  in  the  palace  of  the  mikado. 
This  custom  lias  continued  to  the  present  time,  and  the  shrines  of 
Uji  in  Ise,  which  now  hold  the  sacred  mirror,  are  always  in  charge 
of  a virgin  princess  of  imperial  blood. 

The  whole  life  of  Sujin  was  one  long  effort  to  civilize  his  half 
savage  subjects.  He  regulated  taxes,  established  a periodical 
census,  and  encouraged  the  building  of  boats.  He  may  also  be 
called  the  father  of  Japanese  agriculture,  since  he  encouraged  it 
by  edict  and  example,  ordering  canals  to  be  dug,  water  courses 
provided,  and  irrigation  to  be  extensively  carried  on. 

The  energies  of  this  pious  mikado  were  further  exerted  in  de- 
vising a national  military  system  whereby  his  peacably  disposed 
subjects  could  be  protected,  and  the  extremities  of  his  realm 
extended.  The  eastern  and  northern  frontiers  were  exposed  to 
the  assaults  of  the  wild  tribes  of  Ainos,  who  were  yet  unsubdued. 
Between  the  peaceful  agricultural  inhabitants  and  the  untamed 
savages  a continual  border  war  existed.  A military  division  of 
the  empire  into  four  departments  was  made,  and  a shogun  or 
general  appointed  over  each.  The  half  subdued  inhabitants  in 
the  extremes  of  the  realm  needed  constant  watching,  and  seem  to 
have  been  as  restless  and  treacherous  as  the  Indians  on  our  own 
frontiers.  The  whole  history  of  the  extension  and  development 
of  the  mikado’s  empire  is  one  of  war  and  blood,  rivalling  that  of 
our  own  country  in  its  early  struggles  with  the  Indians.  This 
constant  military  action  and  life  in  a camp  resulted,  in  the  course 


THE  GREAT  EMPRESS  JINGO. 


195 


of  time,  in  the  creation  of  a powerful  and  numerous  military  class, 
who  made  war  professional  and  hereditary.  It  developed  that 
military  genius  and  character  which  so  distinguish  the  modern 
Japanese  and  mark  them  in  such  strong  contrast  with  other  na- 
tions of  eastern  Asia. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  first  century  A.  D.,  Yamato-Dake,  son 
of  the  emperor  Keiko,  reduced  most  of  the  Ainos  of  the  north  to 
submission.  These  savages  fought  much  after  the  manner  of  the 
North  American  Indian,  using  their  knowledge  of  woodcraft  most 
effectually,  but  the  young  prince  with  a well  equipped  army  em- 
barked on  a fleet  of  ships  and  reaching  their  portion  of  the  island, 
fought  them  until  they  were  glad  to  surrender. 

It  was  in  the  third  century  that  the  Empress  Jingo  invaded  and 
conquered  Corea.  In  all  Japanese  tradition  or  history,  there  is 
no  greater  female  character  than  this  empress.  She  was  equally 
renowned  for  her  beauty,  piety,  intelligence,  energy  and  martial 
valor.  To  this  woman  belongs  the  glory  of  the  conquest  of 
Corea,  whence  came  letters,  religion  and  civilization  to  Japan. 
Tradition  is  that  it  was  directly  commanded  her  by  the  gods  to 
cross  the  water  and  attack  Corea.  Her  husband,  the  emperor, 
doubting  the  veracity  of  this  message  from  the  gods,  was  forbid- 
den by  them  any  share  in  the  enterprise. 

Jingo  ordered  her  generals  and  captains  to  collect  troops,  build 
ships,  and  be  ready  to  embark.  She  disguised  herself  as  a man, 
proceeded  with  the  recruiting  of  soldiers  and  the  building  of 
ships,  and  in  the  year  201  A.  D.  was  ready  to  start.  Before 
starting.  Jingo  issued  these  orders  for  her  soldiers : “ No  loot. 

Neither  despise  a few  enemies  nor  fear  many.  Give  mercy  to 
those  who  yield  but  no  quarter  to  the  stubborn.  Rewards  shall 
be  apportioned  to  the  victors,  punishments  shall  be  meted  to  the 
deserters.” 

It  was  not  very  clear  in  the  minds  of  these  ancient  filibusters 
where  Corea  was,  or  for  what  particular  point  of  their  horizon 
they  were  to  steer.  They  had  no  chart  or  compass.  The  sun, 
stars  and  the  flight  of  birds  were  their  guide.  None  of  them  be- 
fore had  ever  known  of  the  existence  of  such  a country  as  Corea, 
but  the  same  gods  that  had  commanded  the  invasion  protected 
the  invaders,  and  in  due  time  they  landed  in  southern  Corea. 


196 


INVASION  AND  CONQUEST  OF  COREA. 


The  king  of  this  part  of  the  country  had  heard  from  his  messen- 
gers of  the  coming  of  a strange  fleet  from  the  east,  and  terrified 
exclaimed,  “We  never  knew  there  was  any  country  outside  of 
us.  Have  our  gods  forsaken  us  ? ” 

It  was  a bloodless  invasion,  for  there  was  no  fighting  to  do. 
The  Coreans  came  holding  white  flags  and  surrendered,  offering 

to  give  up  their  treas- 
ures. The}^  took  an 
oath  to  become  hostages 
and  be  tributary  to 
Japan.  Eighty  ships 
well  laden  with  gold 
and  silver,  articles  of 
wealth,  silks  and  pre- 
cious goods  of  all  kinds, 
and  eighty  hostages, 
men  of  high  families, 
were  given  to  the  con- 
querors. The  stay  of 
the  Japanese  army  in 
Corea  was  very  brief, 
and  the  troops  returned 
in  two  months.  Jingo 
was,  on  her  arrival,  de- 
livered of  a son,  who  in 
the  popular  estimation 
of  gods  and  mortals 
holds  even  a higher 
place  of  honor  than  his 
mother,  who  is  believed 
to  have  conquered 
southern  Corea  through 
the  power  of  her  yet 
unborn  illustrious  offspring.  The  motive  which  induced  the 
invasion  into  Corea  seems  to  have  been  mere  love  of  war  and 
conquest,  and  the  Japanese  still  refer  with  great  pride  to  this, 
their  initial  exploit  on  foreign  soil. 

The  son  Ojin.  who  became  the  emperor,  was,  after  his  death. 


JAPANESE  GOD  OF  WAR. 


TOKIO— TYPES  AND  COSTUMES, 


CONTINENTAL  CIYILTZATION  REACHES  JAPAN.  199 


deified  and  worshipped,  as  the  god  of  war,  Hachiman,  and  down 
through  the  centuries  he  has  been  worshiped  hy  all  classes  of 
people,  especially  by  soldiers,  who  offer  their  prayers  and  pay 
their  vows  to  him.  Ojin  was  also  a man  of  literary  tastes,  and  it 


JAPANESE  MUSICIAN. 

was  during  his  reign  that  Japan  began  to  profit  from  the  learning 
of  the  Coreans,  who  introduced  the  study  of  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage, and  indeed  the  art  of  writing  itself.  During  the  immedi- 
ately succeeding  centuries  various  emperors  and  empresses  were 


200  CONTIXEXTAL  CIVILIZATIOX  REACHES  JAP  AX. 


eminent  for  their  zeal  in  encouraging  the  arts  of  peace.  Archi- 
tects, painters,  phj^sicians,  musicians,  dancers,  chronologists,  arti- 
sans and  fortune  tellers  were  brought  over  from  Corea  to  instruct 
the  people,  but  not  all  of  these  came  at  once.  Immigration  was 
gradual,  but  the  coming  of  so  many  immigrants  brought  new 
blood,  ideas,  methods  and  improvements.  Japan  received  from 
China,  through  Corea,  what  she  has  been  receiving  from  America 
and  Europe  for  the  last  forty  years — a new  civilization.  The 
records  report  the  arrival  of  tailors  in  283  and  horses  in  284  from 
Corea  to  Japan.  In  285  a Corean  scholar  came  to  Japan,  and  re- 
siding at  the  court,  instructed  the  mikado’s  son  in  writing.  In 

462  mulberry  trees 
were  planted,  to- 
gether with  the  silk 
worm,  for  whose  sus- 
tenance they  were 
implanted,  from 
j China  or  Corea.  And 
I this  marks  the  begin- 
j ning  of  silk  culture 
in  Japan.  When  in 
552  the  company  of 
doctors,  astronomers 
and  mathematicians 
came  from  Corea  to 
live  at  the  Japanese 
court,  they  brought 
with  them  Buddhist  missionaries,  and  this  maybe  called  the  intro- 
duction of  continental  civilization.  Beginning  with  Jingo,  there 
seems  to  have  poured  into  the  island  empire  a stream  of  immi- 
grants, skilled  artisans,  scholars  and  teachers,  bringing  arts,  litera- 
ture and  religion.  This  was  the  first  of  three  great  waves  of 
foreign  civilization  in  Japan.  The  first  was  from  Chinn,  through 
Corea,  in  the  sixth ; the  second  from  western  Europe  in  the  fif- 
teenth century;  the  third  was  from  America,  Europe  and  the 
world,  in  the  decade  following  the  advent  of  Commodore  Perry. 

In  the  eighth  century,  during  the  greater  part  of  which  the 
capital  of  the  country  was  the  city  of  Nara,  about  thirty  miles 


JAPANESE  SILK  SPINNER. 


NOBLE  FAMILIES  BEGIN  TO  RISE. 


201 


from  Kioto,  Japan  had  largely  under  the  government  of  empresses 
reached  a most  creditable  stage  of  progress  in  the  arts  of  peace. 
Near  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  the  emperor  Kuwammu  took 
up  his  residence  at  Kioto,  which  until  1868  remained  the  capital 
of  the  country,  and  is  even  now  dignified  with  the  name  of  Saikiyo, 
or  “ Western  Capital.”  Here  he  built  a palace  very  unlike  the 
simple  dwelling  in  which  his  predecessors  had  been  content  to 
live.  It  had  a dozen  gates,  and  around  it  was  reared  a city  with 
twelve  hundred  streets.  The  palace  he  named  “ the  Castle  of 
Peace,”  but  for  years  it  proved  the  very  centre  of  the  feuds  which 
soon  began  to  distract  the  country.  This  did  not  happen  however 
until  some  centuries  after  the  death  of  Kuwammu.  But  even 
after  his  time  there  were  not  wanting  indications  that  the  control 
of  affairs  was  destined  to  slip  into  the  hands  of  certain  powerful 
families  at  the  imperial  court. 

The  first  family  to  rise  into  eminence  was  that  of  Fujiwara,  a 
member  of  which  it  was  that  got  Kuwammu  placed  upon  the 
throne.  For  centuries  the  Fujiwaras  controlled  the  civil  affairs 
of  the  empire,  but  a more  important  factor  in  bringing  about  the 
reduction  of  the  mikado’s  power  and  the  establishment  of  that 
strange  system  of  government  which  was  destined  to  be  so  char- 
acteristic of  Japan,  was  the  rise  into  power  of  the  rival  houses  of 
Taira  and  Minamoto,  otherwise  called  respectfully  Hei  and  Gen. 
This  system  of  government  has  almost  always  been  misunderstood 
in  America  and  Europe.  Two  rulers  in  two  capitals  gave  to  for- 
eigners the  impression  that  there  were  two  emperors  in  Japan,  an 
idea  that  has  been  incorporated  into  most  of  the  text  books,  and 
encyclopedias  of  Christendom.  Let  it  be  clearly  understood  how- 
ever that  there  never  was  but  one  emperor  in  Japan,  the  mikado, 
who  is  and  always  was  the  only  sovereign,  though  his  measure  of- 
power  has  been  very  different  at  different  times.  Until  the  rise' 
and  domination  of  the  military  classes,  he  was  in  fact,  as  well  as 
by  law,  supreme. 

With  the  feuds  of  Hei  and  Gen  commences  an  entirely  new  era 
in  the  history  of  the  country,  an  era  replete  with  tales  alike  of 
bloodshed,  intrigue  and  chivalry.  We  see  the  growth  of  a feudal 
system  at  least  as  elaborate  as  that  of  Europe,  and  strangely 


202 


BIRTH  OF  FAMILY  FEUDS. 


enough,  assuming  almost  identical  forms,  and  that  during  the  same 
period. 

The  respective  founders  of  the  Taira  and  Minamoto  families 
were  Taira  Takamochi  and  Minamoto  Tsunemoto,  two  warriors 
of  the  tenth  century.  Their  descendants  were  for  generations 
military  vassals  of  the  mikado,  and  were  distinguished  by  red  and 
white  flags,  colors  which  suggest  the  red  and  white  roses  of  the 
rival  English  houses  of  Lancaster  and  York.  For  years  the  two 
houses  served  the  emperor  faithfully;  but  even  before  any 
quarrel  had  arisen  between  them,  the  popularity  of  the  head  of 
the  Minamoto  clan,  with  the  soldiers  with  whom  he  had  been 
placed,  so  alarmed  the  emperor  Toba  (1108-1124,  A.  D.)  that  he 
issued  an  edict  forbidding  the  Samurai,  the  military  class,  of  any 
of  the  provinces,  from  constituting  themselves  the  retainers  of 
either  of  these  two  families. 

It  was  in  the  year  1156  that  the  feuds  between  the  two  houses 
broke  out,  and  it  arose  in  this  way.  At  the  accession  of  Go-Shir- 
akawa  to  the  throne  in  that  year,  there  were  living  two  ex-em- 
perors who  would  seem  to  have  voluntarily  abdicated ; one  of  them, 
however,  Shutoku,  was  averse  to  the  accession  of  the  heir,  being 
himself  anxious  to  resume  the  imperial  poAver.  His  cause  was  es- 
poused by  Tameyoshi,  the  head  of  the  Minamoto  house,  while 
among  the  supporters  of  Go-Shirakawa  was  Kiyomori,  of  the  house 
of  Taira.  In  the  conflict  which  followed,  Go-Shirakawa  was  success- 
ful, and  immediately  thereafter  we  find  Taira  Kiyomori  appointed 
Daijo-Daijin,  of  prime  minister,  Avith  practically  all  political  power 
in  his  hands.  On  the  abdication  within  a few  years  of  the  mikado, 
the  prime  minister  was  able  to  put  whatever  member  of  the  im- 
perial house  he  willed  upon  the  throne ; and  being  himself  allied 
by  marriage  to  the  imperial  family,  he  at  length  saw  the  accession 
of  his  own  grandson,  a mere  babe.  Thus,  to  use  the  term  con- 
nected with  European  feudalism  of  the  same  period,  the  mayor  of 
the  palace  virtually,  though  not  nominally,  usurped  the  imperial 
functions.  The  emperor  had  the  name  of  power  but  Kiyomori 
liad  the  reality. 

But  this  state  of  matters  was  not  destined  to  last  long.  The 
Minamotos  were  far  from  being  finally  quieted.  The  story  of 
the  revival  of  their  poAver  is  a romantic  one,  but  we  cannot  dwell 


ROMANCE  AND  HISTORY  COMBINED. 


203 


iip:)ii  it.  It  was  in  the  battle  of  Atiji  that  Kiyomori  seemed  at 
leiigtli  to  have  quelled  his  rivals.  Yoshitomo,  the  head  of  the 
Miiiamoto  clan  was  slain  in  the  fight,  but  his  beautiful  wife 
Tokiwa  succeeded  in  escaping  with  her  three  little  sons. 
Tokiwa’s  mother,  however,  was  arrested.  This  roused  the 
(laughter  to  make  an  appeal  to  Kiyomori  for  pardon.  She  did 
so,  presenting  herself  and  children  to  the  conqueror,  upon  whom 
her  beauty  so  wrouglit  that  he  granted  her  petition.  He  made 
her  his  concubine,  and  not  withstanding  the  remonstrances  of  his 
retainers,  also  spared  the  children  who  were  sent  to  a monastery, 
there  to  be  trained  for  the  priesthood.  Two  of  these  children 
became  famous  in  the  history  of  Japan.  The  eldest  was 
Yoritomo  the  founder  of  the  Kamakura  dynasty  of  shoguns,  and 
the  babe  at  the  mother’s  breast  was  Yoshitsune,  one  of  the 
flowers  of  Japanese  chivalry,  a hero  whose  name  even  yet 
awakens  the  enthusiasm  of  the  youth  of  Japan  and  who  so  im- 
pressed the  Ainos  of  the  north  whom  he  had  been  sent  to  subdue, 
that  to  this  day  he  is  worshiped  as  their  chief  god.  A Ja})anese 
has  even  lately  written  a book  in  which  he  seeks  to  identify 
Yoshitsune  with  Genghis  Khan. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  on  the  circumstances  which  brought 
Yoritomo  and  Yoshitsune  into  note  ; how  the  two  brothers  raised 
the  men  of  the  eastern  provinces,  and  after  a temporary  check  at 
the  pass  of  Hakone,  succeeded  in  utterly  routing  the  Taira 
forces  in  a dreadful  battle,  half  by  land  and  half  by  sea,  at  the 
straits  of  Shimonoseki.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  Y^oshitsune  haviiig 
been  slain  soon  after  a famous  victory,  througli  tlie  treachery  of 
his  brother  Yoritomo,  who  was  jealous  of  his  fame  and  popu- 
larity, that  warrior  was  left  without  a rival.  Y^oritomo  received 
from  the  emperor  the  highest  title  which  could  be  conferred 
upon  him,  that  of  Sei-i-tai-shogun,  literally  “ Barbarian-subjuga- 
ting great  general.”  This  title  is  generally  contracted  to  shogun, 
which  means  simply  general.  Thus  appointed  generalissimo  of 
all  the  imperial  forces,  he  looked  about  for  a cit}^  which  he  might 
make  the  center  of  his  power.  This  he  found  in  Kamakura  about 
fifteen  miles  westward  of  the  site  of  the  modern  Y^okoliama. 

Thus  before  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  was  founded  that 
system  of  dual  government  which  lasted  with  little  change  until 


204  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SYSTEM  OF  DUAL  GOVERNMENT. 


the  year  1868.  The  Mikado  reigned  in  Kioto  with  the  authority 
of  his  sacred  person  undisputed;  but  the  shogun  in  his  eastern 
city  had  really  all  the  public  business  of  the  country  in  his  own 
hands.  It  was  he  who  appointed  governors  over  the  different 
provinces  and  was  the  real  master  of  the  country  ; but  every  act 
was  done  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  whose  nominal  power  thus 
remained  intact. 

Yoritorao  virtually  founded  an  independent  dynasty  at 
Kamakura,  but  it  was  not  destined  to  be  a lasting  one.  His  son 
Yoriye  succeeded  him  in  1199,  but  was  shortly  afterwards 
deposed  and  assassinated ; and  the  power  though  not  the  title  of^ 
shogun  passed  to  the  family  of  Yoritomo’s  wife,  that  of  Hojo, 
different  members  of  which  swayed  the  state  for  more  than  a 
century. 

After  a checkered  career  of  various  shoguns  of  the  Hojo 
family,  their  tyranny  became  supreme.  None  of  the  family  ever 
seized  the  office  of  shogun,  but  in  reality  they  wielded  all  and 
more  of  the  power  attaching  to  the  office.  The  political  history 
of  these  years  is  but  that  of  a monotonous  recurrence  of  the 
exaltation  of  boys  and  babies  of  noble  blood  to  whom  was  given 
the  semblance  of  power,  who  were  sprinkled  with  titles  and 
deposed  as  soon  as  they  were  old  enough  to  be  troublesome.  In 
an  effort  made  by  the  ex-emperor  Gotoba  to  drive  the  usurping 
Hojo  from  power  the  chains  were  riveted  tighter  than  ever. 
The  imperial  troops  were  massacred  by  the  conquering  Hojo. 
The  estates  of  all  who  fought  on  the  emperor’s  side  were  con- 
fiscated and  distributed  among  the  minions  of  the  usurpers.  The 
exiled  emperor  died  of  a broken  heart.  The  nominal  Mikado  of 
Kioto  and  the  nominal  shogun  at  Kamakura  were  set  up,  but  the 
Hojo  were  the  keepers  of  both.  The  oppression,  the  neglect  of 
public  business  and  the  carousals  of  the  usurpers  became  intoler- 
able. Armies  were  raised  spontaneously  to  support  the  emperor 
and  the  Ashikaga  leader  in  their  revolt  against  the  existing  evils. 
All  over  the  empire  the  people  rose  against  their  oppressors  and 
massacred  them.  The  Hojo  domination  which  had  been  par- 
amount for  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  was  utterly 
broken. 

The  Hojo  have  never  been  forgiven  for  their  arbitrary  treatment 


OPPRESSIONS  OF  THE  USURPING  HOJOS. 


205 


of  the  Mikados.  Ev^ry  obloquy  is  cast  upon  them  by  Japanese 
liistorians,  dramatists,  poets  and  novelists,  and  yet  there  is  an- 
other side  to  the  story.  It  must  be  conceded  that  the  Hojos  were 
able  rulers  and  kept  order  and  peace  in  the  empire  for  more  than 
a century.  They  encouraged  literature  and  the  cultivation  of  the 
arts  and  sciences.  During  their  period  the  resources  of  the 
country  were  developed,  and  some  branches  of  useful  handicraft 
and  fine  arts  were  brought  to  a perfection  never  since  surpassed. 
To  this  time  belongs  the  fa- 
mous image  carver,  sculptor 
and  architect,  Unkei,  and  the 
lacquer  artists  who  are  the 
“old  masters”  in  this  branch 
of  art.  The  military  spirit 
of  the  people  was  kept  alive, 
tactics  were  improved,  and 
the  methods  of  governmental 
administration  simplified. 

During  this  period  of  splen- 
did temples,  monasteries, 
pagodas,  colossal  images  and 
other  monuments  of  holy 
zeal,  Hojo  Sadatoki  erected  a 
monument  over  the  grave  of 
Kiyomori  at  Hiogo.  Hojo 
Tokimune  raised  and  kept  in 
readiness  a permanent  war 
fund  so  that  the  military  ex- 
penses might  not  interfere 
with  the  revenue  reserved 
for  ordinary  government  expenses.  To  his  invincible  courage, 
patriotic  pride,  and  indomitable  energy  are  due  the  vindication  of 
the  national  honor  and  the  repulse  of  the  Tartar  invasion. 

During  the  early  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  Japan  and 
China  kept  up  friendly  intercourse,  exchanging  embassies  on  vari- 
ous missions,  but  chiefly  with  the  mutual  object  of  bearing  con- 
gratulations to  an  emperor  upon  his  accession  to  the  throne.  The 
civil  disorders  in  both  countries  interrupted  these  friendly  rela- 


COLOSSAL  JAPANESE  IMAGE  FIFTY  FEET 
HIGH. 


206 


FRIENDSHIP  OF  CHINA  AND  JAPAN. 


tioiis  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  communication  ceased.  When 
the  acquaintance  was  renewed  in  the  time  of  the  Hojo  it  was  not 
on  so  friendly  a footing. 

In  China  the  Mongol  Tartars  had  overthrown  the  Sung  dynasty 
and  had  conquered  the  adjacent  country.  Through  the  Coreans 
the  Mongol  emperor,  Kublai  Khan,  at  whose  court  Marco  Polo 
and  his  uncles  were  then  visiting,  sent  letters  demanding  tribute 
and  homage  from  Japan.  Chinese  envoys  came  to  Kamakura, 
but  Hojo  Tokimune,  enraged  at  the  insolent  demands,  dismissed 
them  in  disgrace.  Six  embassies  were  sent,  and  six  times  re- 
jected. An  expedition  from  China  consisting  of  ten  thousand 
men  was  then  sent  against  Japan.  They  landed,  were  attacked, 
their  commander  was  slain,  and  they  returned,  having  accom- 
plished nothing.  The  Chinese  emperor  now  sent  nine  envoys  to 
announce  their  purpose  to  remain  until  a definite  answer  was  re- 
turned to  their  master.  They  were  called  to  Kamakura,  and  the 
Japanese  reply  was  given  by  cutting  off  their  heads.  The  Jap- 
anese now  began  to  prepare  for  w’ar  on  land  and  sea.  Once  more 
Chinese  envoys  came  to  demand  tribute.  These  were  decapi- 
tated. Meanwhile  the  armada  was  preparing.  Great  China  was 
coming  to  crush  the  little  strip  of  land  that  refused  homage  to  the 
invincible  conqueror.  The  army  numbered  one  hundred  thousand 
Chinese  and  Tartars,  and  seven  thousand  Coreans  in  ships  that 
whitened  the  sea.  They  numbered  three  thousand  five  hundred 
in  all.  It  was  in  July,  1281,  that  the  sight  of  the  Chinese  junks 
greeted  the  watchers  on  the  hills  of  Daizaifu.  Many  of  the  junks 
were  of  immense  proportion,  larger  than  the  natives  of  Japan  had 
ever  seen,  and  armed  with  the  engines  of  European  warfare  which 
their  Venetian  guests  had  taught  the  Mongols  to  construct  and 
work.  The  naval  battle  that  ensued  was  a terrible  one.  The 
Japanese  had  small  chance  of  success  in  the  water,  owing  to  the 
smallness  of  their  boats,  but  in  personal  valor  they  were  much 
superior,  and  some  of  their  deeds  of  bravery  are  inspiringly  inter- 
esting. Nevertheless  the  Chinese  were  unable  to  effect  a landing, 
owing  to  the  heavy  fortifications  along  the  shore. 

The  whole  nation  was  now  roused.  Re-enforcements  poured  in 
from  all  quarters  to  swell  the  hosts  of  defenders.  From  the  mon- 
asteries and  temples  all  over  the  country  went  up  unceasing 


JAl’ANKSK  FEMALE  TYPES. 


J 


JAPAN  REFUSES  TRIBUTE  TO  CHINA.  209 

prayer  to  the  gods  to  ruin  their  enemies  and  save  the  land  of 
Japan.  The  emperor  and  ex-emperor  went  in  solemn  state  to  the 


SHINTO  TEMPLE. 


chief  priest  of  Shinto,  and  writing  out  their  petitions  to  the  gods 
sent  him  as  a messenger  to  the  shrines  of  Ise.  It  is  recorded  as  a 


210 


INVASION  AND  DEFEAT  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


miraculous  fact  that  at  the  hour  of  noon  as  the  sacred  envoy 
arrived  at  the  shrine  and  offered  a prayer,  the  day  being  perfectly 
clear,  a streak  of  cloud  appeared  in  the  sky  that  soon  overspread 
the  heavens,  until  the  dense  masses  portended  a storm  of  awful 
violence.  One  of  4hose  cyclones  called  by  the  Japanese  tai-fu,  of 
appalling  velocity  and  resistless  force,  such  as  whirl  along  the 
coast  of  Japan  and  China  during  late  summer  and  earl}^  fall  of 
every  year,  burst  upon  the  Chinese  fleet.  Nothing  can  withstand 
these  maelstorms  of  the  air.  We  call  them  typhoons.  Iron  steam- 
ships of  thousands  of  horse  power  are  almost  unmanageable  in 
them.  The  helpless  Chinese  junks  were  crushed  together,  impaled 
on  the  rocks,  dashed  against  the  cliffs  or  tossed  on  land  like  corks 
on  the  spray.  Hundreds  of  the  vessels  sank.  The  corpses  were 
piled  on  the  shore  or  floating  on  the  water  so  thickly  that  it 
seemed  almost  possible  to  walk  thereon.  The  vessels  of  the  sur- 
vivors in  large  numbers  drifted  or  were  wrecked  upon  Taka 
island,  where  they  established  themselves  and  cutting  down  trees 
began  building  boats  to  reach  Corea.  Here  they  were  attacked 
by  the  Japanese,  and  after  a bloody  struggle,  all  the  fiercer  for  the 
despair  on  the  one  side  and  the  exultation  on  the  other,  were  all 
slain  or  driven  to  the  sea  to  be  drowned  except  three,  who  were 
sent  back  to  tell  their  emperor  how  the  gods  of  Japan  had  de- 
stroyed their  armada. 

This  was  the  last  time  that  China  ever  attempted  to  conquer 
Japan,  whose  people  boast  that  their  land  has  never  been  defiled 
by  an  invading  army.  They  have  ever  ascribed  the  glory  of  the 
destruction  of  the  Tartar  fleet  to  the  interposition  of  the  gods  of 
Ise,  who  thereafter  received  special  and  grateful  adoration  as  the 
guardian  of  the  seas  and  the  winds.  Great  credit  and  praise  were 
given  to  the  Lord  of  Kamakura,  Hojo  Tokimune,  for  his  energy, 
ability  and  valor.  The  author  of  one  native  history  says,  “ J'he 
repulse  of  the  Tartar  barbarians  by  Tokimune  and  his  preserving 
the  dominions  of  our  Son  of  Heaven  were  sufficient  to  atone  for 
the  crimes  of  his  ancestors.” 

Nearly  six  centuries  afterward  when  “ the  barbarian  ” Perry 
anchored  his  fleet  in  the  bay  of  Yeddo,  in  the  words  of  the  native 
annalist,  ‘^Orders  were  sent  by  the  imperial  court  to  the  Shinto 
priest  at  Ise  to  offer  up  prayers  for  the  sweeping  away  of  the  bar- 


RULE  OF  THE  ASHIKAGA  FAMILY. 


211 


barians.”  Millions  of  earnest  hearts  put  up  the  same  prayers  theii 
fathers  had  offered  full}^  expecting  the  same  result. 

To  this  day  the  Japanese  mother  hushes  her  fretful  infant  by 
the  question,  “Do  you  think  the  Mongols  are  coming?”  This  is 
the  only  serious  attempt  at  invasion  ever  made  by  any  nation  upon 
the  shores  of  Japan. 

The  internal  his- 
! tory  of  Japan  dur- 
ing the  period  of 
time  covered  by 
the  actual  or  nom- 
inal rule  of  the 
Ashikaga  family, 
from  1336  until 
1573,  except  the 
very  last  years  of 
it,  is  not  very  at- 
tractive to  a for- 
eign reader.  It  is 
a confused  picture 
of  intestinal  war. 

It  was  by  foul 
means  that  Ashi-. 
kaga  Takugi,  one 
of  the  generals  who 
overthrew  the 
Hojos,  attained  the 
dignity  of  shogun, 
and  a period  of 
more  than  two 
centuries,  during 
which  his  descend- 
ants held  sway  at  Kamakura,  was  characterized  by  treachery, 
bloodshed  and  almost  perpetual  warfare.  The  founder  of  this 
line  secured  the  favor  of  the  mikado  Go-Daigo,  after  he  was  re- 
called from  exile,  upon  the  overthrow  of  the  military  usurpation. 
Ashikaga  soon  seized  the  reins  in  his  own  hands.  The  mikado 
fled  in  terror,  and  a new  mikado  was  declared  in  the  person  of 


JAPANESE  GOD  OF  THE  WIND. 


212  RISE  AND  PERFECTION  OF  THE  FEUDAL  SYSTEM. 


another  of  the  royal  family.  Of  course  this  man  was  willing  to 
confer  upon  Ashikaga,  his  supporter  the  title  of  shogun.  Kama- 
kura again  became  a military  capital.  The  duarchy  was  restored, 
and  the  war  of  the  northern  and  southern  dynasties  began,  to  last 
fifty-six  years. 

The  act  by  which  more  than  any  other  the  Ashikagas  earned 
the  curses  of  posterity,  was  the  sending  of  an  embassy  to  China  in 
1401,  bearing  presents,  acknowledging  in  a measure  the  authority 

of  China,  and  accepting  in  return 
the  title  of  Nippon  O,  or  king  of 
Japan.  This  which  was  done  by 
Ashikaga  Y’oshimitsu,  the  third  of 
the  line,  was  an  insult  to  the 
national  dignity  for  which  he  has 
never  been  forgiven.  It  was  a 
needless  humiliation  of  Japan  to 
her  arrogant  neighbor  and  done 
only  to  exalt  the  vanity  and  glory 
of  the  usurper,  who,  not  content 
with  adopting  the  style  and  equip- 
age of  the  mikado,  wished  to  be 
called  a king  and  yet  dared  not 
usurp  the  imperial  throne. 

Japan  of  all  the  Asiatic  nations 
^'7v<  .seems  to  have  brought  the  feudal 
system  to  the  highest  state  of  per- 
fection. While  in  Europe  the  na- 
tions were  engaged  in  throwing 
off  the  feudal  yoke  and  inaugurat- 
ing modern  government,  Japan 
was  riveting  the  fetters  which  stood  intact  until  1871.  The 
daimios  were  practically  independent  chieftains,  who  ruled  their 
own  provinces  as  they  willed;  and  the  more  ambitious  and  power- 
ful did  not  hesitate  to  make  war  upon  the  neighboring  clans. 
TJiere  were  on  all  sides  struggles  for  pre-eminence  in  which  the 
fittest  survived,  annexing  to  their  own  territories  those  of  the 
weaker  class  which  they  had  subdued.  Nor  was  it  merely  riv'al 
clans  that  were  disturbing  the  country.  The  Buddhist  clergy 


DAIMIOS  OF  JAPAN. 


SKETCH  SHOWING  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  JAPANESE  ARMY 
FROM  1S67  TO  THE  PRESENT. 


» J 

r 

t ■ 

> ■ 


RISE  AND  PERFECTION  OF  THE  FEUDAL  SYSTEM.  215 

had  acquired  immense. political  influence,  which  tliey  were  far 
from  scrupulous  in  using.  Their  monasteries  were  in  many  cases 
castles,  from  which  themselves  living  amid  every  kind  of  luxury. 


BUDDHIST  PRIESTS. 

tliey  tyrannized  over  the  surrounding  country.  The  history  of 
these  often  reads  strikingly  like  that  of  the  corresponding  insti- 
tutions in  Europe  during  the  middle  ages ; indeed  the  hierarchical 

11 


216 


THREE  GREAT  MEN  AND  THEIR  CAREERS. 


as  well  as  the  feudal  development  of  Europe  and  Japan  have 
been  wonderfully  alike. 

Probably  the  three  names  most  renowned  in  Japan  are  No- 
bunaga,  Hideyoshi  and  lyeyasu.  The  second  and  third  of  these 
were  generals  subordinate  to  the  first,  who  deposed  the  Ashikaga 
shoguns,  persecuted  the  Buddhists^  encouraged  the  Jesuits,  and 
restored  to  a great  extent  the  supremacy  of  the  mikado.  The 
Buddhists  look  on  this  leader  as  an  incarnate  demon  sent  to  de- 
stroy their  faith.  He  was  a Shintoist,  with  bitter  hatred  for  the 
Buddhists,  and  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  burn  property  of  his 
enemies  or  butcher  priests,  women,  and  children  of  that  faith. 
These  who  have  just  been  named,  by  their  prowess  and  the 
strength  of  their  armies,  rose  to  highest  positions  among  the  clai- 
mios. 

When  these  three  great  men  appeared,  the  country  was  in  a 
most  critical  state.  The  later  Ashikaga  shoguns  had  become  as 
powerless  as  the  mikado  himself  in  the  management  of  affairs. 
Nobunaga  first  rose  into  note.  By  successive  victories,  he  became 
ruler  of  additional  provinces,  and  his  fame  became  so  great  that 
the  emperor  committed  to  him  the  task  of  tranquilizing  the 
country.  He  deposed  first  one  usurping  shogun  and  then  another, 
and  thus  came  an  end  to  the  domination  of  the  Ashikagas.  No- 
bunaga was  now  the  most  powerful  man  in  the  country,  and  was 
virtually  discharging  the  duties  of  shogun  though  he  never  ob- 
tained the  title.  Hideyoshi  became  virtual  lord  of  the  empire, 
after  the  assassination  of  Nobunaga.  He  rose  from  the  ranks  of 
the  peasants  to  the  highest  position  in  Japan  under  the  emperor. 
Having  in  connection  with  Nobunaga  and  lyeyasu  reduced  all  the 
Japanese  clans  into  subjection,  he  looked  abroad  for  some  foreign 
power  to  subdue. 

The  immoderate  ambition  of  Hideyoshi’s  life  was  to  conquer 
Corea,  and  even  China.  Under  the  declining  power  of  Ashikaga, 
all  tribute  from  Corea  had  ceased  and  the  pirates  who  ranged  the 
coasts  scarcely  allowed  any  trade  to  exist.  We  have  seen  how  it 
was  from  Corea  that  Japan  received  Chinese  learning  and  the  arts 
of  civilization,  and  Coreans  swelled  the  number  of  Mongol  Tar- 
tars who  invaded  Japan  with  the  armada.  On  the  other  hand 
Corea  was  more  than  once  overrun  by  Japanese  armies,  even 


CONQUEST  OF  COREA  BY  HIDEYOSHL 


21T 


partly  governed  by  Japanese  officials,  and  on  different  occasions 
had  to  pay  tribute  to  Japan  in  token  of  submission.  Japanese 
pirates  too  were  for  six  hundred  years  as  much  the  terror  of  the 
Chinese  and  Corean  costs  as  were  the  Danes  and  Norsemen  of  the 
shores  of  the  North  Sea.  The  discontinuance  of  the  embassies 
and  tribute  from  Corea,  thus  afforded  the  ambitious  general  a pre- 
text for  disturbing  the  friendly  relations  with  Corea,  by  the  dis- 
patch of  an  embassador  to  complain  of  this  neglect.  The  behav- 
ior of  this  embassador  only  too  clearly  reflected  the  swagger  of 
]his  overbearing  lord,  and  the  consequence  was  an  invasion  of 
Corea. 

Hideyoshi  promised  to  march  his  generals  and  army  to  Peking, 
and  divide  the  soil  of  China  among  them.  He  also  scorned  the 
suggestion  that  scholars  versed  in  Chinese  should  accompany  the 
expedition.  Said  he,  “This  expedition  will  make  the  Chinese  use 
our  literature.”  Corea  was  completely  overrun  by  Hideyoshi’s 
forces,  although  the  commander  himself  was  unable  to  accompany 
the  expedition,  owing  to  his  age  and  the  grief  of  his  mother. 
Further  details  of  this  invasion  will  be  found  later  in  the  histori- 
cal sketch  of  Corea.  It  may  be  said  here  however,  that  the  con- 
quest terminated  ingloriously,  and  reflects  no  honor  on  Japan. 
The  responsibility  of  the  outrage  upon  a peaceful  nation  rests 
wholly  upon  Hideyoshi.  The  Coreans  were  a mild  and  peaceable 
people,  wholly  unprepared  for  war.  There  was  scarcely  a shadow 
of  provocation  for  the  invasion,  which  was  nothing  less  than  a 
huge  filibustering  scheme.  It  was  not  popular  with  the  people  or 
the  rulers,  and  was  only  carried  through  by  the  will  of  the  mili- 
tary leader.  The  sacrifice  of  life  on  either  side  must  have  been 
great,  and  all  for  the  ambition  of  one  man.  Nevertheless,  a party 
in  Japan  has  long  held  that  Corea  was  by  the  conquests  of  the 
third  and  sixteenth  centuries  a part  of  the  Japanese  empire,  and 
the  reader  will  see  how  1772  and  again  in  1775  the  cry  of  “ On  to 
Corea  ” shook  the  nation  like  an  earthquake. 

After  the  deaths  of  Nobun aga  and  Hideyoshi,  Tokugawa  lyey- 
asu  was  left  the  virtual  ruler  of  Japan.  At  first  he  governed  the 
country  as  regent,  but  his  increasing  popularity  awoke  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  partisans  of  Hideyori,  the  son  of  Hideyoshi,  who  was 
nominated  as  his  successor,  as  well  as  of  Nobunaga’s  family. 


218  YEDDO  BECOMES  THE  SEAT  OF  THE  SHOGUN. 


These  combined  to  overthrow  him,  and  the  consequence  was  the 
great  battle  of  Sekigahara,  fought  in  1600,  in  which  lyeyasu  came 
off  completely  victorious.  Three  years  later,  he  was  appointed 
by  the  emperor  shogun.  Like  Yorotomo  he  resolved  to  select  a 
city  as  the  center  of  his  power,  and  that  which  seemed  to  him 
most  suitable  was  not  Kamakura,  which  ere  this  had  lost  much  of 
its  glory,  but  the  little  castle  town  of  Yeddo,  about  thirty-five 
miles  farther  north.  Here  he  and  his  successors,  and  the  dynasty 
he  founded,  swayed  the  destinies  of  Japan  from  1603  until  the 
restoration  in  1868. 

I 


It  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  the  tone  of  admiration  and 
pride  with  which  a modern  Japanese  speaks  of  “The  age  of 
Taiko.”  There  are  many  who  hold  that  Hideyoshi,  or  Taiko, 
was  the  real  unifier  of  the  empire.  Certain  it  is  that  he  origi- 
nated many  of  the  most  striking  forms  of  national  administra- 
tion. In  his  time  the  arts  and  sciences  were  not  only  in  a very 
flourishing  condition,  but  gave  promise  of  ricli  development.  The 
spirit  of  military  enterprise  and  internal  national  improvement 
was  at  its  height.  Contact  with  the  foreigners  of  many  nations 
awoke  a spirit  of  inquiry  and  intellectual  activity ; but  it  was  on 


OLD  TIME  JAPANESE  FERRY. 


POSITION  OF  JAPAN  AT  THIS  PERIOD. 


221 


the  seas  that  genius  and  restless  activity  found  their  most  con- 
genial field. 

This  era  is  marked  by  the  highest  production  in  marine  archi- 
tecture, and  the  extent  and  variety  of  commercial  enterprise. 
The  ships  built  in  this  century  were  twice  the  size  and  vastly  the 
superior  in  model  of  the  junks  that  now  hug  the  Japanese  shores 
or  ply  between  China  and  Japan.  The  pictures  of  them  pre- 


scENEs  OF  INDUSTRIAL  LIFE.  {From  a Japanese  Album.) 


served  to  the  present  day,  show  that  they  were  superior  in  size  to 
the  vessels  of  Columbus,  and  nearly  equal  in  sailing  qualities  to 
the  contemporary  Dutch  and  Portuguese  galleons.  They  were 
provided  with  ordnance,  and  a model  of  a Japanese  breech-load- 
ing cannon  is  still  preserved  in  Kioto.  Ever  a brave  and  adven- 
turous people,  the  Japanese  then  roamed  the  seas  with  a freedom 


222 


POSITION  OF  JAPAN  AT  THIS  PERIOD. 


that  one  who  knows  only  of  the  modern  bound  people  would 
scarce!}"  credit.  Voyages  of  trade,  discovery  or  piracy  have  been 
made  to  India,  Siam,  Birmah,  the  Philippine  Islands,  Southern 
China,  the  Malay  Archipelago  and  the  Kuriles,  even  in  the  fif- 
teenth century,  but  were  more  numerous  in  the  sixteenth.  The 
Japanese  literature  contains  many  references  to  these  adventur- 
ous sailors,  and  when  the  records  of  the  far  east  are  thoroughly 
investigated,  and  this  subject  fully  studied,  very  interesting  re- 
sults are  apt  to  be  obtained  showing  the  widespread  influence  of 
Japan  at  a time  when  she  was  scarcely  known  by  the  European 
world  to  have  existence. 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH  FROM  THE  COMING  OF  THE 
FIRST  EUROPEAN  TRAVELERS  TO  THE 
PRESENT  TIME. 


A New  Dynasty  of  Shoguns— Mendez  Pinto’s  Visit— Arrival  of  the  Jesuit  Missionaries— 
Kind  Receidion  of  Cliristianity— Quarrels  Between  the  Sects— Beginning  of  Christian  Per- 
secution-Expulsion of  the  Missionaries— Torture  and  Martyrdom— The  Massacre  of  Shim, 
abara— Expulsion  of  all  Foreigners— Closing  the  Door  of  Japan— History  of  the  Last  Sho- 
gunate— Arrival  of  Commodore  Perry’s  Fleet— The  Knock  at  the  Door  of  Japan— An  Era  of 
Treaty  Making— Rapid  Advance  of  Western  Manners  and  Ideas  in  Japan— Attacks  on  For- 
eigners—The  Abolition  of  the  Shogunate— Japan’s  Last  Quarter  Century. 

Hitherto  we  have  seen  two  readily  distinguishable  periods  in 
the  history  of  Japan,  the  period  during  which  the  mikados  were 
the  actual  as  well  as  the  nominal  rulers  of  the  empire  ; and  the 
period  during  which  the  imperial  power  more  and  more  passed 
into  the  hands  of  usurping  mayors  of  the  palace,  and  the  country 
was  kept  in  an  almost  constant  ferment  with  the  feuds  of  rival 
noble  families  which  coveted  this  honor.  Successively  the 
power,  although  not  always  the  title,  of  shogun,  had  been  held 
by  members  of  the  Minamoto,  Hojo,  Ashikaga,  Ota  and  Toyo- 
tomi  families.  With  lyeyasu  we  pass  into  a third  period,  like  the 
second  in  that  the  dual  system  of  feudal  government  still  pre- 
vailed, but  unlike  it  in  that  it  was  a period  of  peace.  Much 
strife  had  accompanied  the  erection  of  the  fabric  of  feudalism, 
but  it  now  stood  complete.  The  mikado  in  Kioto  and  the 
daimios  in  their  different  provinces,  alike  ceased  to  protest 
against  the  dual  administration.  Within  certain  limits  they  had 
the  regulation  of  their  own  affairs;  the  mikado  was  ever  rec- 
ognized as  the  source  of  all  authority,  and  the  daimios  in  their 
own  provinces  were  petty  kings;  but  it  was  the  shogun  in  Yeddo 
who,  undisputed,  at  least  in  practice,  whatever  some  of  the  more 
powerful  daimios  may  have  said,  swayed  the  destinies  of  the  em- 
pire. 

Let  us  now  note  the  policy  which  the  Shoguns  adopted  towards 
the  foreigners  who  as  missionaries  or  merchants  had  found  their 

(223) 


224 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  EXPLORATION. 


way  to  Japan,  and  the  course  of  settlement  and  trade  of 
foreigners. 

It  seems  now  certain  that  when  Columbus  set  sail  from  Spain 
to  discover  a new  continent,  it  was  not  America  he  was  seeking, 
but  the  land  of  Japan.  Marco  Polo,  the  Venetian  traveler,  had 
spent  seventeen  years,  1275-1292,  at  the  court  of  the  Tartar 
emperor  Kublai  Khan,  and  while  in  Peking  had  heard  of  a land 
lying  to  the  eastward,  called  in  the  language  of  the  Chinese,  Zip- 
angu,  from  which  our  modern  name  Japan  has  been  corrupted. 
Columbus  was  an  ardent  student  of  Polo’s  book,  which  had  been 
published  in  1298.  He  sailed  westward  across  the  Atlantic  to 
find  this  kingdom.  He  discovered  not  Japan,  but  an  archipelago 
in  America  on  whose  shores  he  eagerly  inquired  concerning  Zip- 
angu.  Following  this  voyage,  Vasco  de  Gama  and  a host  of 
other  brave  Portuguese  navigators  sailed  into  the  Orient  and 
came  back  to  tell  of  densely  populated  empires  enriched  with  the 
wealth  that  makes  civilization  possible,  and  of  which  Europe  had 
scarcely  heard.  Their  accounts  fired  the  hearts  of  the  zealous 
who  longed  to  convert  the  heathen,  aroused  the  cupidity  of 
traders  who  thirsted  for  gold,  and  kindled  the  desire  of  monarchs 
to  found  empires  in  Asia. 

Mendez  Pinto,  a Portuguese  adventurer,  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  European  who  landed  on  Japanese  soil.  On  his  return 
to  Europe  he  told  so  many  wonderful  stories  that  by  a pun  on 
his  Christian  name  he  was  dubbed  “the  mendacious.”  His  nar- 
rative was,  however,  as  we  now  know,  substantially  correct. 
Pinto  while  in  China  had  got  on  board  a Chinese  junk,  com- 
manded by  a pirate.  They  were  attacked  by  another  corsair,  their 
pilot  was  killed,  and  the  vessel  was  driven  off  the  coast  by  a 
storm.  They  made  for  the  Liu  Kiu  Islands,  but  unable  to  find  a 
harbor,  put  to  sea  again.  After  twenty-three  days’  beating 
about,  they  sighted  the  islands  of  Tanegashima  and  landed.  The 
name  of  the  island,  “ island  of  the  seed,”  was  significant.  The 
arrival  of  these  foreigners  was  a seed  of  troubles  innumerable. 
The  crop  was  priestcraft  of  tlie  worst  type,  political  intrigue,  re- 
ligious persecution,  the  inquisition,  the  slave  trade,  the  propaga- 
tion of  Christianity  by  the  sword,  sedition,  rebellion,  and  civil  war. 
Its  harvest  was  garnered  in  the  blood  of  sixty-thousand  Japanese. 


FIRST  ARRIVAL  OF  FXTROPEANS  IN  JAPAN. 


225 


The  native  histories  recount  tlie  first  arrival  of  Europeans  in 
1542,  and  note  that  year  as  the  one  in  which  fire-arms  were  first 
introduced.  The  pirate  trader  who  brought  Pinto  to  Japan 
cleared  twelve  hundred  per  cent,  on  his  cargo,  and  the  three  Por- 
tuguese returned  to  China  loaded  with  presents.  The  new 
market  attracted  hundreds  of  Portuguese  adventurers  to  Japan, 
who  found  a ready  welcome.  The  missionary  followed  the  mer- 
chant. Already  the  Portuguese  priests  and  Franciscan  friars 
were  numerous  in  India.  Two  Jesuits  and  two  Japanese  who 
had  been  converted  at  Goa,  headed  by  Xavier,  landed  at 
Kagoshima  in  1549.  Xavier  did  not  have  great  success,  and  in  a 
short  time  left  Japan  disheartened.  Pie  had,  however,  inspired 
others  who  followed  him,  and  their  success  was  amazingly  great. 

The  success  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  soon  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  authorities.  Organ  tin,  a Jesuit  missionary  in 
Kioto,  writing  of  his  experiences,  says  that  he  was  asked  his  name 
and  why  he  had  come  to  Japan.  He  replied  that  he  was  the 
Padre  Organtin  and  had  come  to  spread  religion.  He  was  told 
that  he  could  not  be  allowed  at  once  to  spread  his  religion,  but 
would  be  informed  later  on.  Nobunaga  accordingly  took  counsel 
with  his  retainers  as  to  whether  he  would  allow  Christianity  to  be 
preached  or  not.  One  of  these  strongly  advised  not  to  do  so,  on 
the  ground  that  there  were  already  enough  religions  in  the  coun- 
try, but  Nobunaga  replied  that  Buddhism  had  been  introduced 
from  abroad  and  had  done  good  in  the  country,  and  he  therefore 
did  not  see  why  Christianity  should  not  be  granted  a trial. 
Organtin  was  consequently  allowed  to  erect  a church  and  to 
send  for  others  of  his  order,  who,  when  they  came,  were  found 
to  be  like  him  in  appearance.  Their  plan  of  action  was  to  care 
for  the  sick,  and  so  prepare  the  way  for  the  reception  of  Christi- 
anity, and  then  to  convert  every  one  and  make  the  thirty-six  pro- 
vinces of  Japan  subject  to  Portugal.  In  this  last  clause  we  have 
an  explanation  of  the  policy  which  the  Japanese  government 
ultimately  adopted  towards  Christianity  and  all  foreign  innova- 
tions. Within  five  years  after  Xavier  visited  Kioto,  seven 
churches  were  established  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city  itself,  while 
scores  of  Christian  communities  had  sprung  up  in  the  south-west. 


226 


RAPID  PROGRESS  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 


In  1581  there  were  two  hundred  churches  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  native  Christians. 

In  1583  an  embassy  of  four  young  noblemen  was  dispatched  by 
the  Christian  daimios  to  the  pope  to  declare  themselves  vassals 
of  the  Holy  See.  They  returned  after  eight  years,  having  had  au- 
dience of  Phillip  II.  of  Spain,  and  kissed  the  feet  of  the  pope  at 
Rome.  They  brought  with  them  seventeen  Jesuit  missionaries, 
an  important  addition  to  the  list  of  religious  instructors.  Spanish 
mendicant  friars  from  the  Philippine  Islands,  with  Dominicans 
and  Augustinians,  also  flocked  into  the  country,  teaching  and 
zealously  proselyting.  The  number  of  “ Christians  ” at  the  time 
of  the  highest  success  of  the  missionaries  in  Japan  was,  according 
to  their  own  figures  six  hundred  thousand,  a number  that  seems 
to  be  no  exaggeration  if  quantity  and  not  quality  are  considered. 
The  Japanese  less  accurately  set  down  a total  of  two  million 
nominal  adherents  to  the  Christian  sects.  Among  the  converts 
were  several  princes,  large  numbers  of  lords,  and  gentlemen  in 
high  official  positions,  and  beside  generals  of  the  army  and 
admirals  of  the  navy.  Churches  and  chapels  were  numbered  by 
the  thousand,  and  in  some  provinces  crosses  and  Christian  shrines 
were  as  numerous  as  the  kindred  evidences  of  Buddhism  had 
been  before.  The  methods  of  the  Jesuits  appealed  to  the 
Japanese,  as  did  the  forms  and  symbols  of  the  faith,  but  the 
Jesuits  began  to  attack  most  violently  the  character  of  the  native 
priests,  and  to  incite  their  converts  to  insult  their  gods,  burn  the 
idols  and  desecrate  the  old  shrines. 

As  the  different  orders,  Jesuits,  Franciscans  and  Augustinians 
increased,  they  began  to  clash.  Political  and  religious  war  was 
almost  universal  in  Europe  at  the  same  time,  and  the  quarrels  of 
the  various  nationalities  followed  the  buccaneers,  pirates,  traders 
and  missionaries  to  the  distant  seas  of  Japan.  All  the  foreigners, 
but  especially  Portuguese,  then  were  slave  traders,  and  thousands 
of  Japanese  were  bought  and  sold  and  shipped  to  China  and  the 
Philippines.  The  sea  ports  of  Hirado  and  Nagasaki  were  the 
resorts  of  the  lowest  class  of  adventurers  of  all  European  nations^ 
and  the  result  was  a continuous  series  of  uproars,  broils  and 
murders  among  the  foreigners.  Such  a picture  of  foreign  influ- 
ence and  of  Christianity  as  the  Japanese  saw  it  was  not  calcu- 


FRIGHTFUL  PERSECUTION  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS.  227 


lated  to  make  a permanently  favorable  impression  on  the  Japanese 
mind. 

Latterly  Nobunaga  had  somewhat  repented  of  the  favor  he  had 
shown  to  the  new  religion,  though  his  death  occurred  before  his 
dissatisfaction  had  manifested  itself  in  any  active  repression- 
Hideyoshi  had  never  been  well  disposed  to  Christianity,  but  other 
matters  prevented  him  from  at  once  meddling  with  the  policy  of 
his  predecessors.  In  1588  he  ventured  to  issue  an  edict  com- 
manding the  missionaries  to  assemble  at  Hirado,  an  island  off  the 
west  coast  of  Kiushiu  and  prepared  to  leave  Japan,  and  the 
missionaries  obeyed,  but  as  the  edict  was  not  enforced  they  again 
returned  to  the  work  of  evangelization  in  private  as  vigorously  as 
ever,  averaging  ten  thousand  converts  a year.  The  Spanish 
mendicant  friars  pouring  in  from  the  Philippines,  openly  defied 
Japanese  laws.  This  aroused  Hideyoshi’s  attention  and  his  decree 
of  expulsion  was  renewed.  Some  of  the  churches  were  burned. 
In  1596  six  Franciscan  and  three  Jesuit  priests  with  seventeen 
Japanese  converts  were  taken  to  Nagasaki  and  there  burned. 

When  Hideyoshi  died,  affairs  seemed  to  take  a more  favorable 
turn,  but  only  for  a few  years.  lyeyasu  was  as  much  opposed 
to  Christianity  as  Hideyoshi,  and  his  hatred  of  the  new  religion 
was  intensified  by  his  partiality  for  Buddhism.  The  new 
daimios,  carrying  the  policy  of  their  predecessors  as  taught  them 
by  the  Jesuits,  but  reversing  its  direction,  began  to  persecute  their 
Christian  subjects,  and  to  compel  them  to  renounce  their  faith. 
The  native  converts  resisted,  even  to  blood  and  the  taking  up  of 
arms.  The  idea  of  armed  rebellion  among  the  farmers  was  some- 
thing so  wholly  new  that  lyeyasu  suspected  foreign  instigation.. 
He  became  more  vigilant  as  his  suspicions  increased,  and  resolvingj 
to  crush  this  spirit  of  independence  and  intimidate  the  foreignj 
emissaries,  met  every  outbreak  with  bloody  reprisals.  [ 

lyeyasu  issued  a decree  of  expulsion  against  the  missionaries  in 
1600,  but  the  decree  was  not  at  once  carried  into  effect.  The 
date  of  the  first  arrival  in  Japan  of  Dutch  merchants  was  also 
1600.  They  settled  in  the  island  of  Hirado.  In  1606  an  edict 
from  Yeddo  forbade  the  exercise  of  the  Christian  religion,  but  an 
outward  show  of  obedience  warded  off  active  persecution.  Four 
years  later  the  Spanish  friars  again  aroused  the  wrath  of  the 


228 


HORRORS  OF  THE  PERSECUTION. 


government  by  defying  its  commands  and  exhorting  the  native  con- 
verts to  do  likewise.  In  1611  lyeyasu  obtained  documentary  proof 
of  what  he  had  long  suspected,  the  existence  of  a plot  on  the  part 
of  the  native  converts  and  the  foreign  emissaries  to  reduce  Japan  to 
the  position  of  a subject  state.  Fresh  edicts  were  issued,  and  in 
1614  twenty-two  Franciscan,  Dominican  and  Augustinian  friars, 
one  hundred  and  seventeen  Jesuits  and  hundreds  of  native  priests 
were  embarked  by  force  on  board  junks  and  sent  out  of  the 
country.  The  next  year  the  shogun  pushed  matters  to  an  ex- 
treme with  Hideyori,  who  was  entertaining  some  Jesuit  priests, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  castle  of  Ozaka.  A battle  of  unusual 
ferocity  and  bloody  slaughter  raged,  ending  in  the  burning  of  the 
citadel  and  the  total  defeat  and  death  of  Hideyori  and  thou- 
sands of  his  followers.  The  Jesuit  fathers  say  that  one  hundred 
thousand  men  perished  in  this  brief  war. 

The  exiled  foreign  friars  kept  secretly  returning,  and  the  shogun 
pronounced  sentence  of  death  against  any  foreign  priest  found 
in  the  country.  lyemitsu,  the  next  shogun,  restricted  all  foreign 
commerce  in  Nagasaki  and  Hirado  ; all  Japanese  were  forbidden 
to  leave  the  country  on  pain  of  death.  Any  European  vessel 
approaching  the  coast  was  at  once  to  be  referred  to  Nagasaki, 
whence  it  was  to  be  sent  home ; the  whole  crew  of  any  junk  in 
which  a missionary  should  reach  Japanese  shores  were  to  be  pat 
to  death ; and  the  better  to  remove  all  temptation  to  go  abroad, 
it  was  decreed  that  no  ships  should  be  constructed  above  a cer- 
tain size  and  with  other  than  the  open  sterns  of  coasting  vessels. 

Fire  and  sword  were  used  to  extirpate  Christianity  and  to 
paganize  the  same  people  who  in  their  youth  were  Christianized 
by  the  same  means.  Thousands  of  the  native  converts  fled  to 
China,  Formosa  and  the  Philippines.  The  Christians  suffered  all 
sorts  of  persecutions  and  tortures  that  savage  ingenuit}^  could  devise. 
Yet  few  of  the  natives  quailed  or  renounced  their  faith.  They 
calmly  let  the  fire  of  wood,  cleft  from  the  crosses  before  which 
they  once  prayed  consume,  them.  Mothers  carried  their  babes  to 
the  fire  or  the  edge  of  the  precipice  rather  than  leave  them  behind 
to  be  educated  in  pagan  faith.  If  any  one  doubt  the  sincerity 
and  fervor  of  the  Christian  converts  of  to-da}q  or  the  ability  of 
the  Japanese  to  accept  a higher  form  of  faith,  or  their  willingness 


THE  SIEGE  AND  MASSACRE  OF  SHIMABARA. 


231 


to  suffer  for  what  they  believe,  he  has  but  to  read  the  accounts  of 
various  witnesses  to  the  fortitude  of  the  Japanese  Christians  of 
the  seventeenth  century. 

The  persecution  reached  its  climax  in  the  tragedy  of  Shima- 
bara  in  1637.  The  Christians  arose  in  arms  by  tens  of  thousands, 
seized  an  old  castle,  repaired  it  and  fortified  it,  and  raised  the  flag 
of  rebellion.  The  armies  of  veterans  sent  to  besiege  it  expected 
an  easy  victory,  and  sneered  at  the  idea  of  having  any  difficulty  in 
subduing  these  farmers  and  peasants.  It  took  two  months  by 
land  and  water,  however,  of  constant  attack  before  the  fort  was 
reduced,  and  the  victory  was  finally  gained  only  with  the  aid  of 
Dutch  cannon  furnished  under  compulsion  by  the  traders  of 
Deshima.  After  great  slaughter  the  intrepid  garrison  surrend- 
ered, and  then  began  the  massacre  of  thirty-seven  thousand 
Christians.  Many  of  them  were  hurled  into  the  sea  from  the  top 
of  the  island  rock  of  Takaboko-shima,  by  the  Dutch  named 
Pappenberg,  in  the  harbor  of  Nagasaki. 

The  result  of  this  series  of  events  was  that  the  favorable  policy 
adopted  by  lyeyasu  in  regard  to  foreign  trade  was  completely 
reversed.  No  foreigners  were  allowed  to  set  foot  on  the  soil  of 
Japan,  except  Chinese  and  a few  Dutcli  merchants.  The  Dutch 
gained  the  privilege  of  residing  in  confinement  on  the  little  island 
of  Deshima,  a piece  of  made  land  in  the  harbor  of  Nagasaki. 
Here  under  degrading  restrictions  and  constant  surveillance  lived 
less  than  a score  of  Hollanders,  who  were  required  every  year 
to  send  a representative  to  Yeddo  to  do  homage  to  the  shogun. 
They  were  allowed  one  ship  per  annum  to  come  from  the  Dutch 
East  Indies  for  the  exchange  of  the  commodities  of  Japan  for 
those  of  Holland. 

Says  Doctor  Griffis  in  his  study  of  this  era  of  Japanese  history, 
“After  nearly  a hundred  years  of  Christianity  and  foreign  inter- 
course, the  only  apparent  results  of  this  contact  with  another , 
religion  and  civilization  were  the  adoption  of  gunpowder  and 
fire-arms  as  weapons,  the  use  of  tobacco  and  the  habit  of  smok- 
ing, the  making  of  sponge  cake,  the  naturalization  into  the  lan- 
guage of  a few  foreign  words,  the  introduction  of  new  and 
strange  forms  of  disease,  among  which  the  Japanese  count  the 
scourge  of  the  venereal  virus,  and  the  permanent  addition  to 


232  A CENTURY  OF  CHRISTIANITY  AND  ITS  EFFECTS. 


that  catalogue  of  terrors  which  priest  and  magistrate  in  Asiatic 
countries  ever  hold  as  welcome,  to  overawe  the  herd.  For  cen- 
turies the  mention  of  that  name  would  bate  the  breath,  blanch 
the  cheek  and  smite  with  fear  as  with  an  earthquake  shock.  It 
was  the  synomyn  of  sorcery,  sedition,  and  all  that  was  hostile  to 
the  purity  of  the  home  and  the  peace  of  society.  All  over  the 
empire,  in  every  city,  town,  village  and  hamlet ; by  the  roadside, 
ferry  or  mountain  pass ; at  every  entrance  to  the  capitol,  stood  the 


IMAGE  OF  BUDDHA. 


public  notice  boards  on  which  with  prohibitions  against  the  great 
crimes  that  disturbed  the  relations  of  society’s  government  was 
one  tablet  written  with  a deeper  brand  of  guilt,  with  a more  hid- 
eous memory  of  blood,  with  a more  awful  terror  of  torture,  than 
when  the  like  superscription  was  affixed  at  the  top  of  a cross  tliat 
stood  between  two  thieves  on  a little  hill  outside  Jerusalem.  Its 
daily  and  familiar  sight  startled  ever  and  anon  the  peasants  who 
clasped  hands  and  uttered  a fresh  prayer  ; the  Bonze,  or  Buddhist 
priest,  to  add  new  venom  to  his  maledictions  ; the  magistrate  to 


ENGLISH  EFFORTS  TO  OPEN  TRADE. 


233 


shake  his  head ; and  to  the  mother  a ready  word  to  hush  the 
crying  of  her  fretful  babe.  That  name  was  Christ.  So  thor- 
oughly was  Christianity  or  the  “ corrupt  sect  ” supposed  to  be 
eradicated  before  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  that  its 
existence  was  historical,  remembered  only  as  an  awful  scar  on  the 
national  memory.  No  vestiges  were  supposed  to  be  left  of  it,  and 
no  knowledge  of  its  tenets  was  held  save  by  a very  few  scholars 
|in  Yeddo,  trained  experts  who  were  kept  as  a sort  of  spiritual 
I blood  hounds  to  scent  out  the 
adherents  of  the  accursed 
creed.  It  was  left  to  our  day 
since  the  recent  opening  of 
Japan,  for  them  to  discover 
that  a mighty  fire  had  been 
smoldering  for  over  two  cen- 
turies beneath  the  ashes  of 
persecutions.  As  late  as  1829 
seven  persons,  six  men  and  an 
old  woman,  were  crucified  in 
Ozaka  on  suspicion  of  being 
Christians  and  communica- 
ting with  foreigners.  When 
the  French  brethren  of  the 
Mission  Apostolique  of  Paris 
came  to  Nagasaki  in  1860, 
they  found  in  the  villages 
around  them  over  ten  thou- 
sand people  who  held  the 
faith  of  their  fathers  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  Portuguese  were  not  the  only  race  to  attempt  to  open  a 
permanent  trade  with  Japan.  Captain  John  Saris,  with  three 
ships,  left  England  in  April,  1611,  with  letters  from  King  James 
I.  to  the  “Emperor  ” (shogun)  of  Japan.  Landing  at  Hirado  he 
was  well  received,  and  established  a factory  in  charge  of  Richard 
Cocks.  The  captain  and  a number  of  the  party  visited  Yeddo 
and  other  cities  and  obtained  from  the  shogun  a treaty  defining 
the  privileges  of  trade,  and  signed  Minamoto  lyeyasu.  After  a 
tour  of  three  months  Saris  arrived  at  Hirado  again,  having 


JAPANESE  SAMURAI  OR  WARRIOR  OF  THE 
OLD  TIME. 


234 


PERIOD  OF  THE  LAST  SHOGUNATE. 


visited  Kioto,  where  he  saw  the  splendid  Christian  churches  and 
Jesuit  palaces.  After  discouraging  attempts  to  open  a trade  with 
Siam,  Corea  and  China,  and  hostilities  having  broken  out  between 
them  and  the  Dutch,  the  English  abandoned  the  project  of  per- 
manent trade  with  Japan,  and  all  subsequent  attempts  to  reopen 
it  failed. 

Will  Adams,  who  was  an  English  pilot,  and  the  first  of  his 

nation  in  Japan,  arrived  in  1607 
and  lived  in  Yeddo  till  he  died 
thirteen  years  later.  He  rose 
into  favor  with  the  shoguns  and 
the  people  by  the  sheer  force  of 
a manly,  honest  character.  His 
knowledge  of  shipbuilding, 
mathematics,  and  foreign  affairs 
made  him  a very  useful  man. 
Although  treated  with  kindness 
and  honor,  he  was  not  allowed 
to  leave  Japan.  He  had  a wife 
and  daughter  in  England. 
Adams  had  a son  and  daughter 
born  to  him  in  Japan,  and  there 
are  still  living  Japanese  who 
claim  descent  from  him.  One  of 
the  streets  of  Yeddo  was  named 
after  him,  and  the  people  of  that 
street  still  hold  an  annual  cele- 
bration on  the  fifteenth  of  June 
in  his  honor. 

The  history  of  the  two  centuries  and  a half  that  followed  the 
triumphs  of  lyeyasu  is  that  of  profound  peace  and  stern  isolation. 
We  must  pass  rapidly  in  review  of  them.  This  great  shogun 
took  pains  to  arrange  the  empire  after  the  appointment  to  the 
office,  in  such  a way  that  the  shoguns  of  the  Tokngawa  family? 
the  dynasty  which  he  founded,  should  have  strictest  power  and 
most  certain  descent.  His  sons  and  daughters  were  married 
where  they  would  be  most  powerful  in  influence  with  the  great 
families  of  daimios.  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  lyeyasu  and 


.JAPANESE  GENERAL  OF  THE  OLD  TIME. 

(AVom  a Native  Drawing.) 


GREAT  IMPROVEMENTS  IN  THE  EMPIRE, 


235 


his  successor  were  both  in  theory  and  in  reality  vassals  of  the 
emperor,  though  they  assumed  protection  of  the  imperial  person. 
Neither  the  shogun  nor  the  daimios  were  acknowledged  at 
Kioto  as  nobles  of  the  empire.  The  lowest  kuge,  or  noble,  was 
above  the  shogun  in  rank.  The  shogun  could  obtain  his 
appointment  only  from  the  mikado.  He  was  simply  the  most 
powerful  among  the  daimios,  who  had  w'on  that  pre-eminence  by 


JAPANESE  BRIDGE. 

the  sword,  and  who  by  wealth  and  power  and  a skillfully  wrought 
plan  of  division  of  land  among  the  other  daimios  was  able  to 
ride. 

In  1600  and  the  years  following,  lyeyasu  employed  an  army  of 
three  hundred  thousand  laborers  in  Yeddo  improving  and  building 
the  city.  Before  the  end  of  the  century,  Yeddo  had  a population  of 
more  than  half  a million,  but  it  never  did  have,  as  the  Hollanders 
guessed  and  the  old  text  books  told  us,  two  million  five  hundred 
12 


236 


GREAT  IMPROVEMENTS  IN  THE  EMPIRE. 


thousand  souls.  Outside  of  Yeddo  the  strength  of  the  great 
unifier  was  spent  on  public  roads  and  highways,  post  stations, 
bridges,  castles  and  mines.  He  spent  the  last  years  of  his  life 
engnged  in  erasing  the  scars  of  war  by  his  policy  of  conciliation, 
securing  the  triumphs  of  peace,  perfecting  his  plans  for  fixing  in 
stability  a system  of  government,  and  in  collecting  books  and 
manuscripts.  He  bequeathed  his  code  of  laws  to  his  chief 
retainers,  and  advised  his  sons  to  govern  in  the  spirit  of  kindness. 
He  died  on  the  eighth  of  March,  1616. 

The  grandson  of  lyeyasu,  lyemitsu,  was  another  great  shogun, 
and  it  was  he  who  established  the  rule  that  all  the  daimios  should 
visit  and  reside  in  Yeddo  during  half  the  year.  Gradually  these 
rules  became  more  and  more  restrictive,  until  the  guests  became 
mere  vassals.  Their  wives  and  children  were  kept  as  hostages  in 
Yeddo.  During  his  rule  the  Christian  insurrection  and  massacre 
at  Shimabara  took  place.  Yeddo  was  vastly  improved,  with 
aqueducts,  fire  watch  towers,  the  establishment  of  mints,  weights 
and  measures.  A general  survey  of  the  empire  was  executed ; 
maps  of  various  provinces  and  plans  of  the  daimios’  castles  were 
made  ; the  councils  called  Hiojo-sho  (discussion  and  decision),  and 
Wakadoshiyori  (assembly  of  elders),  were  established  and  Corean 
envoys  received.  The  height  of  pride  and  ambition  which  this 
shogun  had  already  reached,  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  in  a letter  of 
reply  to  Corea  he  is  referred  to  as  Tai  Kun,  (“  Tycoon  ”),  a title 
never  conferred  by  the  mikado  on  any  one,  nor  had  lyemitsu  any 
legal  right  to  it.  It  was  assumed  in  a sense  honorary  or  meaning- 
less to  any  Japanese,  unless  highly  jealous  of  the  mikado’s  sover- 
eignty, and  was  intended  to  overawe  the  Coreans.  The  approxi- 
mate interpretation  of  it  is  “ great  ruler.” 

Under  the  strong  rule  of  the  Tokugawa  shoguns,  therefore,  the 
long  distracted  Japanese  empire  at  length  enjoyed  two-and-a-half 
centuries  of  peace  and  prosperity.  The  innate  love  of  art,  litera- 
ture, and  education,  which  almost  constant  warfare  had  prevented 
from  duly  developing  among  the  people,  had  now  an  opportunity 
of  producing  fruit.  And  as  it  had  shown  itself  in  former  inter- 
vals of  rest,  so  was  it  now.  Under  the  patronage  of  lyeyasu  was 
composed  the  Dai  Nihon  Shi,  the  first  detailed  history  of  Japan. 
Tsunayoshi,  his  successor,  1681  to  1709,  founded  at  Seido  a Con- 


UNDER  THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNS. 


287 


fuciaii  university,  and  was  such  an  enthusiast  for  literature  that 
he  used  to  assemble  the  princes  and  high  officials  about  him  and 
expound  to  them  passages  from  the  Chinese  classics.  Yoshimune, 
another  shogun,  was  much  interested  in  astronomy  and  other 
branches  of  science,  beside  doing  much  to  improve  agriculture. 
Legal  matters  also  engaged  his  attention  ; he  altered  lyeyasu’s 
policy  so  far  as  to  publish  a revised  criminal  code,  and  improved 
^ the  administration  of  the  law,  forbidding  the  use  of  torture  except 
in  cases  where  there  was  flagrant  proof  of  guilt.  He  built  an  astro- 
nomical observatory  at  Kanda  and  established  at  his  court  a pro- 
fessorship of  Chinese  literature. 

lyenori,  shogun  from  1787  to  1838,  threw  the  classes  of  the 
Confucian  university  open  to  the  public.  Every  body  from  the 
nobility  down  to  the  masses  of  the  people  began  to  appreciate 
literary  studies.  Maritime  commerce  within  the  limits  of  the 
four  seas  was  encouraged  by  the  shogun’s  government,  regular 
service  of  junks  being  established  between  the  principal  ports. 
Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  to  the  Tokugawas  is  due  the 
foundation  of  the  great  modern  city  of  Yeddo  with  its  vast  fortifi- 
cations and  its  triumphs  of  art  in  the  shrines  of  Shiba  and  Uyeno. 
It  was  at  this  period  too  that  the  matchless  shrines  of  Nikko  were 
reared  in  memory  of  the  greatness  of  lyeyasu  and  lyemitsu.  The 
successors  of  the  former,  the  shoguns  of  the  Tokugawa  dynastjs 
fourteen  in  all,  were  with  one  exception  buried  alternately  in  the 
cemeteries  of  Zozoji  and  Toyeizan,  in  the  city  districts  of  Shiba 
and  Uyeno. 

But  throughout  all  this  period  of  peace  and  progress  the  light 
of  the  outer  world  was  excluded.  The  people  made  the  best  use 
of  the  light  they  had,  but  after  all  it  was  but  dim.  The  learning 
by  rote  of  thousands  of  Chinese  characters,  and  the  acquisition  of 
skill  in  the  composition  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  verse,  were 
little  worthy  to  be  the  highest  literary  attainments  possible  to  the 
most  aspiring  of  the  youth  of  Japan.  In  the  domain  of  art  there 
was  more  that  was  inviting,  but  scientific  knowledge  was  tantaliz- 
ingly  meagre  and  that  little  was  overlaid  with  Chinese  absurdities. 
When  we  consider  that  the  isolation  of  the  country  was  due  to 
no  spirit  of  exclusiveness  in  the  national  character,  that  indeed  it 
was  the  result  of  a policy  that  actually  went  against  the  grain  of 


238 


AMERICA  KNOCKS  AT  THE  DOOR. 


the  people,  how  many  restless  spirits  must  there  have  been  during 
these  long  years,  who  kept  longing  for  more  light.  Fortunately 
there  was  one  little  chink  at  Deshima,  in  the  harbor  at  Nagasaki, 
and  of  this  some  of  the  more  earnest  were  able  to  take  advantage. 
iMany  instances  are  recorded  and  there  must  be  many  more  of 
which  we  can  know  nothing,  of  Japanese  students  displaying  the 
truest  heroism  in  surmounting  the  difficulties  that  lay  in  the  way 
of  their  acquiring  foreign  knowledge.  Let  us  now  see  how  there 
came  at  length  an  unsettled  dawn,  and  after  the  clouds  of  this 
had  cleared,  a dazzling  inpouring  of  the  light. 

It  was  the  American  Union  which  opened  the  door  of  Japan  to 
western  civilization.  It  had  been  desired  by  all  of  the  European 
nations,  as  well  as  by  the  United  States,  to  obtain  access  to 
Japanese  ports.  Supplies  were  frequently  needed,  particularly 
water  and  coal,  but  no  distress  was  ever  considered  a sufficient 
excuse  for  the  Japanese  to  permit  the  landing  of  a foreign  vessel’s 
crew.  Shipwrecked  sailors  frequently  passed  through  seasons  of 
great  trial  and  danger,  before  they  were  restored  to  their  own 
people.  Even  Japanese  sailors  who  were  shipwrecked  on  other 
shores,  or  carried  out  to  sea,  were  refused  re-admission  to  their 
own  country  when  rescued  by  foreigners. 

Commodore  Matthew  Galbraith  Perry  of  the  American  navy, 
urged  upon  President  Millard  Fillmore  the  necessity  and  possi- 
bility of  making  some  sort  of  a treaty  with  the  exclusive  empire. 
It  was  decided  that  the  most  effective  way  to  advance  this  desire 
was  to  sail  into  the  bay  of  Yeddo  with  a squadron  sufficient  to 
command  respect.  A fleet  was  assigned  to  the  undertaking, 
under  the  command  of  Perry,  and  the  American  vessels  sailed 
away  to  the  Orient  to  rendezvous  at  the  chief  city  of  the  Liu  Kiu 
islands,  Napha.  From  Napha  the  fleet  sailed  for  Japan,  the 
Susquehanna,  the  flagship,  the  advance  of  the  line  of  the  ships  of 
seventeen  nations. 

It  was  on  the  seventh  clay  of  July,  1853,  under  a sky  and  over 
a sea  of  perfect  calm,  that  the  four  American  warships  appeared 
off  Uraga  in  the  Bay  of  Yeddo.  Without  delay  the  officials  of 
Uraga  emphatically  notified  the  “barbarian”  envoy  that  he  must 
go  to  Nagasaki,  where  all  business  with  foreigners  had  to  be 
done.  The  barbarian  refused  to  go.  He  informed  the  messengers 


BAPTISM  OF  BUDDHA, 


JAPAN’S  DOOR  HALF  AJAR. 


241 


that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a letter  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Emperor  of  Japan;  that  he  had  sailed  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  destination  of  the  letter  and  would  now  deliver  it 
and  continue  it  on  its  way  by  land,  but  he  would  not  retrace  his 
path  until  the  letter  was  delivered.  The  shogun  lyeyoshi  on  re- 
ceiving information  of  such  decision,  was  exceedingly  troubled 
and  called  his  officials  to  a council.  Alarm  was  wide  spread,  and 
it  was  ordered  that  strict  watch  should  be  kept  along  the  shore  to 
prevent  the  barbarian  vessels  from  committing  acts  of  violence. 
During  the  eight  days  while  Commodore  Perry’s  fleet  was  wait- 
ing in  the  Bay  of  Yeddo,  the  boats  of  his  ships  were  busily  engaged 
in  taking  soundings  and  surveying  the  shores  and  the  anchorage. 
No  sailors  were  permitted  to  land,  and  no  natives  were  molested. 
Every  effort  was  made  to  indicate  to  the  Japanese  the  desire  for 
a peaceful  friendship. 

A learned  Chinese  scholar  was  sent  by  the  shogun  to  Uraga, 
who  acted  as  an  official  and  eminent  interpreter  in  an  interview 
with  the  American  envoy.  Continued  councils  were  called  by 
the  shogun,  not  only  of  his  chief  officers  but  of  the  daimios,  the 
nobles,  and  the  retired  nobles  of  Yeddo.  The  citizens  of  Yeddo 
and  the  surrounding  villages  were  in  great  tumult,  fearing  that 
there  would  be  a war,  for  which  the  country  was  totally  unpre- 
pared. Meanwhile  the  envoy  was  impatiently  demanding  an 
answer.  At  last,  after  eight  days,  the  patience  and  the  impa- 
tience, combined  with  the  demonstrations  made  by  the  vessels  of 
the  fleet,  which  were  highly  impressive  to  the  Japanese  who  had 
never  seen  a steamboat,  won  success  for  Commodore  Perry’s 
message.  A high  Japanese  commissioner  came  to  Uraga,  pre- 
pared a magnificent  pavilion  for  the  ceremonies,  and  announced 
himself  ready  to  receive  the  letter  to  the  emperor.  With  great 
pomp  and  ceremony  the  Americans  landed  and  in  this  pavilion 
with  proper  formalities,  delivered  the  letter  and  presents  from  the 
president.  Then  having,  for  the  first  time  in  history,  gained 
several  important  points  of  etiquette  in  a country  where  etiquette 
was  more  than  law  or  morals,  the  splendid  diplomat  and  warrior 
Perry  sailed  away  with  his  fleet  July  17,  1853. 

It  was  in  response  to  a temporizing  policy  on  the  part  of  Japan, 
and  to  the  good  judgment  and  careful  decision  of  Commodore 


242 


JAPAN  TAKES  TIME  TO  THINK. 


Perry,  that  the  fleet  sailed  away  without  demanding  an  immediate 
reply  to  his  letter.  The  American  envoy  was  informed  that  in  a 
matter  of  so  much  importance  a decision  could  not  be  at  once 
reached,  and  that  if  he  now  left,  he  would  on  his  return  get  a 
definite  answer.  No  wonder  there  was  commotion.  The  nine- 
teenth century  had  come  suddenly  into  contact  with  the  four- 
teenth. The  spirit  of  commerce  and  the  spirit  of  feudalism,  two 
great  but  conflicting  forces,  met  in  their  full  development,  and 
the  result  was  necessarily  a convulsion.  We  are  hardly  surprised 
to  hear  that  the  shogun  died  before  Commodore  Perry’s  return, 
or  that  during  the  next  few  years  the  land  was  harassed  by  earth- 
quakes and  pestilences. 

Perry’s  second  appearance  was  in  February,  1854,  this  time 
with  a much  larger  fleet.  A hot  debate  took  place  in  the 
shogun’s  council  as  to  the  answer  that  should  be  given.  The  old 
daimio  of  Mito,  the  head  of  one  of  the  three  families,  which, 
forming  the  Tokugawa  clan,  furnished  the  occupants  of  the 
shogunate,  wanted  to  fight  and  settle  the  question  once  for  all. 
“ At  first,”  he  said,  “ they  will  give  us  philosophical  instruments, 
machinery  and  other  curiosities ; will  take  ignorant  people  in ; 
and  trade  being  their  chief  object  they  will  manage  to  impoverish 
the  country,  after  which  they  will  treat  us  just  as  they  like,  per- 
haps behave  with  the  greatest  rudeness  and  insult  us,  and  end  by 
swallowing  up  Japan.  If  we  do  not  drive  them  away  now  we 
shall  never  have  another  opportunity.” 

Others  gave  contrary  advice,  saying,  “ If  we  try  to  drive  them 
away  they  will  immediately  commence  hostilities,  and  then  we 
shall  be  obliged  to  fight.  If  we  once  get  into  a dispute  we  shall 
have  an  enemy  to  fight  who  will  not  be  easily  disposed  of.  He 
does  not  care  how  long  he  will  have  to  spend  over  it,  but  he  will 
come  with  myriads  of  men-of-war  and  surround  our  shores  com- 
pletely; however  large  a number  of  ships  we  might  destroy,  he  is 
so  accustomed  to  that  sort  of  thing  that  he  would  not  care  in  the 
least.  In  time  the  country  would  be  put  to  an  immense  expense 
and  the  people  plunged  into  misery.  Rather  than  allow  this,  as 
we  are  not  the  equals  of  foreigners  in  the  mechanical  arts,  let  us 
have  intercourse  with  foreign  countries,  learn  their  drill  and 
tactics,  and  when  we  have  made  the  nation  as  united  as  one 


SIGNING  OF  THE  FIRST  TREATY. 


243 


family,  we  shall  be  able  to  go  abroad  and  give  lands  in  foreign 
countries  to  those  who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  battle.” 

The  latter  view  carried  and  a treaty  with  the  United  States 
was  signed  on  the  thirty-first  of  March,  1854.  Now  be  it  ob- 
served that  the  shogun  did  this  without  the  sanction  of  the 
mikado,  whom  indeed  he  had  never  yet  consulted  on  the  matter, 
and  that  he  subscribed  himself  Tai  Kun,  (‘‘Tycoon,”)  or  great 
ruler,  a title  to  which  he  had  no  right  and  which  if  it  meant  any- 
thing at  all  involved  an  assumption  of  the  authority  of  supreme 
ruler  in  the  empire.  This  was  the  view  naturally  taken  by 
Perry  and  by  the  ambassadors  from  European  countries  who  a 
few  years  later  obtained  treaties  with  Japan.  They  were  under 
the  impression  that  they  were  dealing  with  the  emperor ; and 
hearing  of  the  existence  of  another  potentate  living  in  an  inland 
city,  surrounded  with  a halo  of  national  veneration,  they  con- 
ceived the  plausible  but  erroneous  theory  that  the  tycoon  was 
the  temporal  sovereign,  and  this  mysterious  mikado  the  spiritual 
sovereign  of  the  country.  They  little  dreamed  that  the  so-called 
tycoon  was  no  sovereign  at  all,  and  that  consequently  the  treaties 
which  he  signed  had  no  legal  validity. 

The  shogun  could  ill  afford  thus  to  lay  himself  open  to  the 
charge  of  treason.  From  the  first  there  had  been  a certain  class 
of  daimios  who  had  never  heartily  submitted  to  the  Tokugawa 
administration.  The  principal  clans  which  thus  submitted  to  the 
regime  under  protest  against  what  they  considered  a usurpation, 
an  encroachment  on  the  authority  of  the  mikado,  whom  alone 
they  recognized  as  the  divinely  appointed  ruler  of  Japan,  were 
those  of  Satsuma,  Choshiu,  and  Tosa.  As  the  years  of  peace  cast 
their  spell  over  the  nation,  making  the  people  forgetful  of  war 
and  transforming  the  descendants  of  lyeyasu  into  luxurious 
idlers,  much  more  like  impotent  mikados  than  successors  of  the 
energetic  soldier  and  law-giver,  their  hopes  more  and  more  arose 
that  an  opportunity  would  be  given  them  to  overthrow  the 
shogunate  and  bring  about  the  unification  of  the  empire  at  the 
hands  of  the  mikado.  Their  time  had  now  come.  The  shogun 
was  enervated  and  he  had  so  far  forgotten  himself  as  to  open  the 
country  to  foreign  trade,  without  the  sanction  of  the  “ Son  of 
Heaven.”  It  was  this  illegal  act  of  the  shogun  that  precipitated 


244 


THE  TREATY  WAS  TREASON. 


the  confusion,  violence  and  disaster  of  the  next  few  years,  reach- 
ing ultimately  in  1868  to  the  complete  overthrow  of  his  own 
power  and  the  restoration  of  the  mikado  to  his  rightful  position 
as  actual  as  well  as  nominal  ruler  of  the  empire. 

Fearing  the  consequences  of  the  illegal  act  into  which  he  had 
been  driven,  the  shogun  lost  no  time  in  sending  messengers  to 
Kioto  to  inform  the  mikado  of  what  had  happened  and  seek  his 
sanction  to  the  policy  adopted.  It  was  plead  in  excuse  for  the 
course  of  conduct,  that  affairs  had  reached  such  a condition  that 
the  shogun  was  driven  to  sign  the  treaty.  The  emperor  in  great 
agitation  summoned  a council.  The  decision  was  unanimous 
against  the  shogun’s  action,  and  the  messengers  were  informed 
that  no  sanction  could  be  given  to  the  treaty.  The  next  import- 
ant step  was  not  taken  until  July,  1858,  when  Lord  Elgin  arrived 
with  propositions  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  for  a treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce.  He  was  unaccompanied  by  any  armed 
force,  and  brought  a steam  yacht  as  a present  from  Queen  Vic- 
toria to  the  tycoon  of  Japan. 

A few  months  later  treaties  were  entered  into  with  all  the 
leading  powers  of  Europe,  but  if  there  was  a political  lull  be- 
tween 1854  and  1858,  the  poor  Japanese  had  distractions  of  a 
very  different  kind.  From  a violent  earthquake  and  consequent 
conflagration,  one  hundred  and  four  thousand  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Yeddo  lost  their  lives.  A terrific  storm  swept  away  one  hun- 
dred thousand  more,  and  in  a visitation  of  cholera  thirty  thou- 
sand persons  perished  in  Yeddo  alone.  Moreover,  just  when  the 
treaties  were  being  signed,  the  shogun  lyesada  died,  “ as  if,”  says 
Sir  R.  Alcock,  “ a further  victim  was  required  for  immolation  on 
the  altar  of  the  outraged  gods  of  Japan.” 

The  political  tempest  that  had  been  gathering  now  swept  over 
the  nation.  For  the  next  ten  years  there  was  so  much  disorder, 
intrigue,  and  bloodshed,  that  Japan  became  among  the  western 
nations  a byword  for  treachery  and  assassination.  Defenseless 
foreigners  were  cut  down  in  the  streets  of  Yeddo  and  Yokohama 
and  even  in  the  legations.  Twice  was  the  British  legation 
attacked,  on  one  of  the  occasions  being  taken  by  storm  and  held 
for  a time  by  a band  of  free-lances.  No  foreigner’s  life  was  safe. 
Even  when  out  on  the  most  trivial  errand,  every  foreign  resident 


YEARS  OF  VIOLENCE  AND  DISASTER. 


245 


was  accompanied  by  an  armed  escort  furnished  by  the  shogun’s 
government.  It  is  heedless  to  give  an  account  of  all  the  different 
assassinations,  successful  or  attempted,  which  darkened  the 
period.  The  secretary  to  the  American  legation  was  cut  down 
near  Shiba,  Yeddo,  when  returning  from  the  Prussian  legation 
with  an  armed  escort ; a Japanese  interpreter  attached  to  the 
British  legation  was  fatally  stabbed  in  broad  daylight  while 
standing  at  the  legation  flagstaff ; one  of  the  guard  at  the  same 
legation  murdered  two  Englishmen  in  the  garden  and  then  com- 
mitted suicide ; an  Englishman  was  cut  down  on  the  highway 
between  Yokohama  and  Yeddo  by  certain  retainers  of  the  daimio^ 
of  Satsuma,  whose  procession  he  had  unwittingly  crossed  on 
horseback ; and  these  were  not  all. 

It  is  not  a satisfactory  answer  to  say  that  hatred  of  foreigners 
was  the  leading  motive  that  inspired  all  these  acts  of  violence. 
This  was  no  doubt  more  or  less  involved,  but  the  true  explana- 
tion is  to  be  found  in  the  hostility  of  the  mikado’s  partisans  to 
the  shogun’s  government.  All  possible  means  were  taken  to 
thwart  the  shogun  and  bring  him  into  complications  with  the 
ambassadors  at  his  court.  Every  attack  on  a foreigner  brought 
fresh  trouble  upon  the  Yeddo  government  and  hastened  its  col- 
lapse. Long  before  foreigners  arrived,  the-  seeds  of  revolution 
had  sprouted  and  their  growth  was  showing  above  the  soil.  It  is 
to  the  state  of  political  parties  and  of  feudalism  at  this  epoch  in 
Japanese  history,  and  not  to  mere  ill  will  against  foreigners,  that 
this  policy  of  intrigue  and  assassination  must  be  ascribed. 

It  would  take  too  long  to  discuss  all  tlie  complications  of  this 
period  and  to  inquire,  for  instance,  how  far  when  the  Japanese 
government  failed  to  arrest  and  execute  the  murderer  of  Mr. 
Richardson,  the  British  were  justified  in  demanding  an  indemnity 
of  $500,000  from  the  shogun  and  $125,000  from  the  dairnio  of 
Satsuma,  or  in  enforcing  their  demands  with  a threatened  bom- 
bardment of  Yeddo  and  an  actual  bombardment  of  Kagoshima, 
It  is  out  of  our  scope  here  to  inquire  into  the  shelling  of  the 
batteries  of  the  dairnio  of  Choshiu,  at  Shimonoseki,  in  turn  by 
the  Americans,  British,  French  and  Dutch,  the  men  of  Choshiu 
having  fired  upon  some  Dutch,  American,  and  French  vessels  that 
had  entered  the  straits  against  the  prohibition  of  the  Japanese. 


246 


HARD  TIMES  FOR  THE  SHOGUX. 


An  indemnity  of  13,000,000  was  also  exacted  and  distributed 
among  these  nations. 

Such  stern  measures  doubtless  appeared  to  the  foreign  ambas- 
sadors necessary  to  prevent  the  expulsion  or  even  the  utter  ex- 
termination of  foreigners.  Whether  their  polic}^  was  mistaken 
or  not,  certain  it  is  that  they  can  have  had  no  adequate  concep- 
tion of  the  difficulties  with  which  the  shogun  had  to  contend. 
The  position  of  that  ruler  was  one  of  such  distraction  as  might 
well  evoke  for  him  the  pity  of  every  disinterested  onlooker.  Do 
as  he  would,  he  could  not  escape  trouble ; on  the  one  side  were 
the  mikado’s  partisans  ever  growing  in  power  and  in  determina- 
tion to  crush  him,  and  on  the  other  were  the  equally  irresistible 
foreigners  with  their  impatient  demands  and  their  alarming 
threats.  He  was  as  helpless  as  a man  between  a wall  of  rock 
and  an  advancing  tide. 

The  internal  difficulties  of  the  country  were  increased  by  dis- 
sensions which  broke  out  in  the  imperial  court.  The  clans  of 
Satsuma  and  Choshiu  had  been  summoned  to  Kioto  to  preserve 
order.  For  some  reason  the  former  were  relieved  of  this  duty, 
or  rather  privilege,  and  it  therefore  devolved  exclusively  upon  the 
Choshiu  men.  Taking  advantage  of  their  position,  the  Choshiu 
men  persuaded  the  mikado  to  undertake  a progress  to  the  province 
of  Yamato,  there  to  proclaim  his  intention  of  taking  the  field 
against  foreigners ; but  this  proposal  roused  the  jealousy  of  the 
other  clans  at  the  imperial  court,  as  they  feared  that  the  men  of 
Choshiu  were  planning  to  obtain  possession  of  the  mikado's  per- 
son and  thus  acquire  pre-eminence.  The  intended  expedition 
was  abandoned,  and  the  men  of  Choshiu,  accompanied  by  Sanjo, 
afterward  prime  minister  of  the  reformed  government,  and  six 
other  nobles  who  had  supported  them,  were  banished  from  Kioto. 

The  ill  feeling  thus  occasioned  between  Choshiu  and  Satsuma, 
was  fomented  by  an  unfortunate  incident  which  occurred  at 
Shimonoseki  early  in  1864.  The  former  clan  recklessly  fired 
upon  a vessel,  which  being  of  European  build  they  mistook  for  a 
foreign  one,  but  which  really  belonged  to  Satsuma.  Thus 
Choshiu  was  in  disfavor  both  with  the  shogun  and  with  the 
mikado,  and  in  this  year  we  have  the  strange  spectacle  of  these 
two  rulers  leaguing  their  forces  together  for  its  punishment 


ABOLITION  OF  THE  SHOGUNATES. 


247 


August  20,  1864,  the  Choshiu  men  advanced  upon  Kioto,  but 
were  repulsed  with  much  slaughter,  only  however  after  the 
greater  part  of  the  city  had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  The  rebell- 
ion was  not  at  once  quelled  ; indeed  the  Choshiu  samurai  were 
proving  themselves  more  than  a match  for  the  troops  which  the 
shogun  had  sent  against  them,  when  at  length  the  imperial  court 
ordered  the  fighting  to  be  abandoned.  Simultaneously  with  the 
Choshiu  rebellion  the  shogun  had  to  meet  an  insurrection  by  the 
daimio  of  Mito,  in  the  east.  His  troubles  no  doubt  hastened  his 
death,  which  took  place  at  Osaka  in  September,  1866,  shortly  be- 
fore the  war  against  Choshiu  terminated.  Then  there  succeeded 
Keiki,  the  last  of  the  shoguns. 

it  should  be  noted,  however,  that  before  this  the  mikado’s 
sanction  had  been  obtained  to  the  foreign  treaties.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1865,  British,  French,  and  Dutch  squadrons  came  to  anchor 
off  Hiogo,  of  which  the  foreign  settlement  of  Kobe  is  now  a 
suburb,  and  sent  letters  to  Kioto  demanding  the  imperial  con- 
sent. The  nearness  of  such  an  armed  force  was  too  great  an 
argument  to  be  withstood,  and  the  demand  was  granted.  Little 
more  than  a year  after  his  accession  to  the  shogunate  Keiki  re- 
signed. In  doing  so  he  proved  himself  capable  of  duly  apprecia- 
ting the  national  situation.  Now  that  foreigners  had  been  ad- 
mitted, it  was  more  necessary  than  ever  that  the  government 
should  be  strong,  and  this,  it  was  seen,  was  impossible  without 
the  abolition  of  the  old  dual  system.  He  had  secured  the 
mikado’s  consent  to  the  treaties,  on  the  condition  that  they 
should  be  revised,  and  that  Hiogo  should  never  be  opened  as  a 
port  of  foreign  commerce. 

But  the  end  had  not  yet  come.  On  the  same  day  when  the 
shogunate  was  abolished,  January  3,  1868,  the  forces  friendly  to 
the  Tokagawas  were  dismissed  from  Kioto,  and  the  guardianship 
of  the  imperial  palace  was  committed  to  the  clans  of  Satsuma, 
Tosa,  and  Geishiu.  This  measure  gave  Keiki  great  offense,  and 
availing  himself  of  a former  order  of  the  court  which  directed 
him  to  continue  the  conduct  of  affairs,  he  marched  with  his  re- 
tainers and  friends  to  Ozaka  and  sent  a request  to  the  mikado 
that  all  Satsuma  men  who  had  any  share  in  the  government 
should  be  dismissed.  To  this  the  court  would  not  consent,  and 


248 


IMPERIALISM  IN  THE  ASCENDANT. 


Keiki  marched  against  Kioto  with  a force  of  thirty  thousand  men, 
his  declared  object  being  to  remove  from  the  mikado  his  bad 
counselors.  A desperate  engagement  took  place  at  Fushimi,  in 
which  the  victory  was  with  the  loyalists.  But  this  was  only  the 
beginning  of  a short  but  sharp  civil  Avar,  of  which  the  principal 
fighting  was  in  the  regions  between  Yeddo  and  Nikko. 

The  restoration  was  at  last  complete.  Proclamation  was  made 
“ to  soA^ereigns  of  all  foreign  nations  and  their  subjects,  that  per- 
mission had  been  granted  to  the  shogun  Yoshinobu,  or  Keiki,  to 
return  the  governing  power  in  accordance  with  his  own  request;  ” 
and  the  manifesto  continued:  “henceforward  \ve  shall  exercise 
supreme  authority  both  in  the  internal  and  external  affairs  of  the 
country.  Consequently  the  title  of  emperor  should  be  substituted 
for  that  of  tycoon  which  had  been  hitherto  employed  in  the 
treaties.”  Appended  Avere  the  seal  of  Dai  Nippon,  and  the  signa* 
ture  of  Mutsuhito,  this  being  the  first  occasion  in  Japanese  history 
on  which  the  name  of  an  emperor  had  appeared  during  his  life- 
time. 

With  the  triumph  of  the  imperial  party  one  might  have  ex- 
pected a return  to  the  old  policy  of  isolation.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Avhen  the  Satsuma,  Choshiu,  and  other  southern  clans 
commenced  their  agitation  for  the  abolition  of  the  shogunate, 
their  ideas  Avith  regard  to  foreign  intercourse  were  decidedly 
retrogressive.  But  after  all,  the  leading  motive  which  inspired 
them  Avas  dissatisfaction  with  the  semi-imperial  position  occupied 
by  the  upstart  TokugaAvas ; to  this  their  opposition  to  foreigners 
Avas  quite  secondary.  It  so  happened  that  the  Tokugawa  shoguns 
got  involved  with  foreigners,  and  it  was  so  much  the  Avorse  for 
the  foreigners.  To  go  deeper,  Avhat  was  at  the  bottom  of  this 
desire  was  the  overthrow  of  the  shogunate.  Doubtless  their 
patriotism,  what  they  had  at  heart,  was  the  highest  welfare  of 
their  country,  and  this  they  believed  impossible  without  its  unifi- 
cation. Their  primary  motive  then,  being  patriotism,  Ave  need 
not  be  surprised  that  they  Avere  Avilling  to  entertain  the  notion 
that  perhaps  after  all  the  prosperity  of  their  country  might  best 
be  insured  by  the  adoption  of  a policy  of  free  foreign  intercourse. 
This  idea  more  and  more  commended  itself,  until  it  became  a 
conviction ; and  when  they  got  into  power  they  astonished  the 


WOMAN  OF  COURT  OF  KIOTO. 


f 


RADICAL  CHANGES  BY  THE  MIKADO. 


251 


world  by  the  thoroughness  with  which  they  broke  loose  from  the 
old  traditions  and  entered  upon  a policy  of  enlightened  reforma- 
tion. To  the  political  and  social  revolution  which  accompanied 
the  restoration  of  the  mikado  in  1868,  there  has  been  no  parallel 
in  the  history  of  mankind. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  mikado  after  the  restoration,  was 
to  assemble  the  kuges  and  daimios  and  make  oath  before  them 
“ that  a deliberative  assembly  should  be  formed,  and  all  measures 
be  decided  upon  by  public  opinion ; that  impartiality  and  justice 
should  form  the  basis  of  his  action ; and  that  intellect  and  learn- 
ing should  be  sought  for  throughout  the  world  in  order  to  estab- 
lish the  foundations  of  the  empire.”  In  the  mid-summer  of  1868, 
the  mikado,  recognizing  Yeddo  as  really  the  center  of  the  nation’s 
life,  made  it  the  captial  of  the  empire  and  transferred  his  court 
thither;  but  the  name  Yeddo,  being  distasteful  on  account  of  its 
associations  with  the  shogunate,  was  abolished,  and  the  city  re- 
named Tokio,  or  “ Eastern  Capital.”  At  the  same  time  the  an- 
cient capital  Kioto,  received  the  new  name  of  Saikio  or  “West- 
ern Capital.”  For  the  creation  of  a central  administration,  how- 
ever, more  was  necessary  than  the  abolition  of  the  shogunate  and 
the  establishment  of  the  mikado’s  authority.  The  great  fabric 
of  feudalism  still  remained  intact.  Within  his  own  territory 
each  daimio  was  practically  an  independent  sovereign,  taxing  his 
subjects  as  he  saw  fit,  often  issuing  his  own  currency,  and  some- 
times even  granting  passports  so  as  to  control  intercourse  with 
neighboring  provinces.  Here  was  a formidable  barrier  to  the 
consolidation  of  the  empire.  But  the  reformers  had  the  courage 
and  the  tact  necessary  to  remove  it. 

The  first  step  towards  the  above  revolution  was  taken  in  1869, 
when  the  daimios  of  Satsuma,  Choshiu,  Hizen,  and  Tosa  ad- 
dressed a memorial  to  the  mikado  requesting  his  authorization 
for  the  resignation  of  their  fiefs  into  his  hands.  Other  nobles 
followed  their  example,  and  the  consequence  was  the  acceptance 
by  the  mikado  of  control  over  the  land  and  revenues  of  the  dif- 
ferent provinces,  the  names  of  the  clans  however  being  still  pre- 
served, and  the  daimios  allowed  to  remain  over  them  as  governors, 
each  with  one-tenth  of  the  former  assessment  of  his  territory  as 
rental.  By  this  arrangement  the  evil  of  too  suddenly  termina- 


252 


ANNIHILATING  FEUDALISM. 


ting  the  relation  between  the  clans  and  their  lords  was  sought  to 
be  avoided,  but  it  was  only  temporary;  in  1871  the  clan  system 
was  totally  abolislied,  and  the  country  redivided  for  administra- 
tive purposes,  with  officers  chosen  irrespectively  of  hereditary 
rank  or  clan  connection 

But  the  payment  of  hereditarj^  pensions  and  allowances  of  the 
ex-daimios  and  ex-samurai  proved  such  a drain  upon  the  national 
resources  that  in  1876  the  reformed  government  found  it  neces- 
sary to  compulsorily  convert  them  into  capital  sums.  The  rate 
of  commutation  varied  from  five  years’  purchase  in  the  case  of 
the  largest  pensions,  to  fourteen  years’  in  that  of  the  smallest. 
The  number  of  the  pensioners  with  whom  they  had  thus  to  deal 
was  three  hundred  and  eighteen  thousand  four  hundred  and 
twenty-eight.  The  act  of  the  daimios  in  thus  suppressing  them- 
selves looks  at  first  sight  like  a grand  act  of  self-sacrifice,  as  we 
are  not  accustomed  to  see  landed  proprietors  manifesting  such 
disinterestedness  for  the  patriotic  object  of  advancing  their  coun- 
try’s good.  But  the  vast  majority  of  daimios  had  come  to  be 
mere  idlers,  as  the  greater  mikado  had  been.  Their  territories 
were  governed  by  the  more  able  and  energetic  of  their  retainers, 
and  it  was  a number  of  these  men  that  had  most  influence  in 
bringing  about  the  restoration  of  the  mikado’s  authority.  Intense 
patriots,  they  saw  that  the  advancement  of  their  country  could 
not  be  realized  without  its  unification,  and  at  the  same  time  they 
cannot  but  have  preferred  a larger  scope  for  tlieir  talents,  which 
service  immediately  under  the  mikado  would  give  them.  From 
being  ministers  of  their  provincial  governments,  they  aspired  to 
be  ministers  of  the  imperial  government.  They  were  successful ; 
and  their  lords,  who  had  all  along  been  accustomed  to  yield  to 
their  advice  quite  cheerfully,  acquiesced  when  asked  for  the  good 
of  the  empire  to  give  up  their  fiefs  to  the  mikado.  One  result 
'of  this  is  that  while  most  of  the  ex-daimios  have  retired  into 
private  life,  the  country  is  now  governed  almost  exclusively  by 
ex-samurai.  Such  sweeping  changes  were  not  to  be  accomplished 
without  rousing  opposition  and  even  rebellion.  The  government 
incurred  much  risk  in  interfering  with  the  ancient  privileges  of 
the  samurai.  It  is  not  surprising  that  several  rebellions  had  to 
be  put  down  during  the  years  immediately  succeeding  1868. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  MODERN  JAPAN. 


253 


Dr.  William  Elliot  Griffis,  in  his  exhaustive  and  interesting 
work,  “ The  Mikado’s  Empire,”  discusses  at  length  the  change  of 
Japan  from  feudalism  to  its  present  condition,  the  abolition  of 
the  shogunate,  and  the  rebellions  that  followed  that  event.  He 
declares  that  popular  impression  to  be  wrong  which  suggests 
that  the  immediate  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  shogun’s  government, 
the  restoration  of  the  mikado  to  supreme  power,  and  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  dual  and  feudal  systems,  was  the  presence  of  foreign- 
ers on  the  soil  of  Japan.  The  foreigners  and  their  ideas  were 
the  occasion,  not  the  cause,  of  the  destruction  of  the  dual  system 
of  government.  Their  presence  served  merely  to  hasten  what 
was  already  inevitable. 

The  history  of  Japan  from  the  abolition  of  feudalism  in  1871 
up  to  the  present  time,  is  a record  of  advance  in  all  the  arts  of 
western  civilization.  The  mikado,  Mutsuhito,  has  shown  himself 
to  be  much  more  than  a petty  divinity,  a real  man.  He  has 
taken  a firm  stand  in  advocacy  of  the  introduction  of  western 
customs,  wherever  they  were  improvements.  The  imperial  navy, 
dockyards,  and  machine  shops  have  been  a pride  to  him.  He  has 
withdrawn  himself  from  mediaeval  seclusion  and  assumed  divinity, 
and  has  made  himself  accessible  and  visible  to  his  subjects.  He 
has  placed  the  empress  in  a position  like  to  that  occupied  by  the 
consorts  of  European  monarchs,  and  with  her  he  has  adopted 
European  attire.  In  the  latter  part  of  June,  1872,  the  mikado 
left  Tokio  in  the  flagship  of  Admiral  Akamatsu,  and  made  a tour 
throughout  the  south  and  west  of  his  empire.  For  the  first  time 
in  twelve  centuries  the  emperor  of  Japan  moved  freely  and  un- 
veiled among  his  subjects. 

Again  in  the  same  year  Japan  challenged  the  admiration  of 
Christendom.  The  coolie  trade,  carried  on  by  Portuguese  at 
Macao,  in  China,  between  the  local  kidnappers  and  Peru  and 
Cuba,  had  long  existed  in  defiance  of  the  Chinese  government. 
Thousands  of  ignorant  Chinese  were  yearly  decoyed  from  Macao 
and  shipped  in  sweltering  shipholds,  under  the  name  of  “ passen- 
gers.” In  Cuba  and  Peru  their  contracts  were  often  broken, 
they  were  cruelly  treated,  and  only  a small  portion  of  them  re- 
turned alive  to  tell  their  wrongs.  The  Japanese  government 
had  with  a fierce  jealousy  watched  the  beginning  of  such  a 


254 


DESTROYING  THE  COOLIE  TRADE. 


traffic  on  their  own  shores.  In  the  last  days  of  the  shogiinate, 
coolie  traders  came  to  Japan  to  ship  irresponsible  hordes  of 
Japanese  coolies  and  women  to  the  United  States.  To  their 
everlasting  shame,  be  it  said  some  were  Americans.  Among  the 
first  things  done  by  the  mikado’s  government  after  the  restora- 
tion, was  the  sending  of  an 
official  who  effected  the  joyful 
delivery  of  these  people  and 
their  return  to  their  homes. 

^ So  the  Japanese  set  to  work 
to  destroy  this  nefarious  traffic. 
The  Peruvian  ship  Maria  Luz, 
loaded  with  Chinese,  entered 
the  port  of  Yokohama.  Two 
fugitive  coolies  in  succession 
swam  to  the  English  war  ship 
Iron  Duke.  Hearing  the  pite- 
ous story  of  their  wrongs,  Mr. 
Watson,  the  British  charg6 
d’affaires,  called  the  attention 
of  the  Japanese  authorities  to 
these  illegal  acts  in  their  waters. 
A protracted  enquiry  was  in- 
stituted and  the  coolies  landed. 
The  Japanese  refused  to  force 
them  on  board  against  their 
will,  and  later  shipped  them  to 
China,  a favor  which  was.grate- 
fully  acknowledged  by  the 
Chinese  government.  This  act 
of  a pagan  nation  achieved  a 
grand  moral  victory  for  the 
CHINESE  COOLIE.  woi'ld  aiid  humanity.  Within 

four  years  the  coolie  traffic, 
which  was  but  another  name  for  the  slave  trade,  was  abolished  from 
the  face  of  the  earth,  and  the  coolie  prisons  of  Macao  were  in  ruins. 
Yet  the  act  of  freeing  the  Chinese  coolies  in  1872  was  done  in 
the  face  of  clamor  and  opposition,  and  a rain  of  protests  from 


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J A PA  N I-:  S K ( ; \'  M N A S'fS—  K I OTO. 


IX  CONTACT  WITH  WESTERN  NATIONS. 


the  foreign  consuls,  ministers,  and  a part  of  the  press.  Abuse 
and  threats  and  diplomatic  pressure  were  in  vain.  The  Japanese 
never  wavered,  but  marched  straight  to  the  duty  before  them,  the 
liberation  of  the  slaves.  The  British  chargd  and  the  American 
consul,  Colonel  Charles  O.  Shepherd,  alone  gave  hearty  support 
and  unwavering  sympathy  to  the  right  side. 

During  the  same  year,  1872,  two  legations  and  three  consulates 
were  established  abroad,  and  from  that  time  forward  the  number 
has  been  increasing  until  the  representatives  of  Japan’s  govern- 
ment are  found  all  over  the  world.  Scores  of  daily  newspapers 
and  hundreds  of  weeklies  have  been  furnishing  the  country  with 
infonnation  and  awakening  thought.  The  editors  are  often  men 
of  culture  or  students  returned  from  abroad. 

The  Corean  war  project  had,  in  1872,  become  popular  in  the 
cabinet  and  was  the  absorbing  theme  of  the  army  and  navy. 
During  the  Tokugawa  period  Corea  had  regularly  sent  embassies 
of  homage  and  congratulation  to  Japan;  but  not  relishing  the 
change  of  affairs  in  1868,  disgusted  at  the  foreignizing  tendencies 
of  the  mikado’s  government,  incensed  at  Japan’s  departure  from 
Turanian  ideals,  and  emboldened  by  the  failure  of  the  French 
and  American  expeditions,  Corea  sent  insulting  letters  taunting 
Japan  with  slavish  truckling  to  the  foreign  barbarians,  declared 
herself  an  enemy,  and  challenged  Japan  to  fight.  About  this 
time  a Liu  Kin  junk  was  wrecked  on  eastern  Formosa.  The 
crew  was  killed  by  the  savages,  and,  it  is  said,  eaten.  The  Liu 
Kiuans  appealed  to  their  tributary  lords  at  Satsuma,  who  referred 
the  matter  to  Tokio.  English,  Dutch,  American,  German,  and 
Chinese  ships  have  from  time  to  time  been  wrecked  on  this  can- 
nibal coast,  the  terror  of  the  commerce  of  Christendom.  Their 
war  ships  vainly  attempted  to  chastise  the  savages.  Soyejima, 
with  others,  conceived  the  idea  of  occupying  the  coast,  to  rule 
the  wild  tribes,  and  of  erecting  light  houses  in  the  interests  of 
commerce.  China  laid  no  claim  to  eastern  Formosa,  all  trace  of 
which  was  omitted  from  the  maps  of  the  “ Middle  Kingdom.” 
In  the  spring  of  1873,  Soyejima  went  to  Peking  and  there,  among 
other  things  granted  him,  was  an  audience  with  the  Chinese  em- 
peror. He  thus  reaped  the  results  of  the  diplomatic  labors  of 
half  a century.  The  Japanese  ambassador  stood  upright  before 
13 


258 


AN  EXPEDITION  TO  FORMOSA. 


the  “Dragon  Face”  and  the  “Dragon  Throne,”  robed  in  the 
tight  black  dress-coat,  trousers,  and  linen  of  western  civilization, 
bearing  the  congratulations  of  the  young  mikado  of  the  “Sun- 
rise Kingdom  ” to  the  youthful  emperor  of  the  “ Middle  King- 
dom.” In  the  Tsung-li  Yamen,  Chinese  responsibility  over 
eastern  Formosa  was  disavowed,  and  the  right  of  Japan  to  chas- 
tise the  savages  granted.  A 
Japanese  junk  was  wrecked 
on  Formosa,  and  its  crew 
stripped  and  plundered  while 
Soyejima  was  absent  in  China. 
This  event  piled  fresh  fuel  on 
the  flames  of  the  war  feeling 
now  popular  even  among  the 
unarmed  classes. 

Japan  at  this  time  had 
to  struggle  with  opposition 
within  and  without,  to  every 
move  in  the  direction  of  ad- 
vancement in  civilization. 
Says  Griffis,  “At  home  were 
the  stolidly  conservative 
peasantry  backed  by  ignor- 
ance, superstition,  priest- 
craft, and  political  hostility. 
On  their  own  soil  they  were 
fronted  by  aggressive  foreign- 
ers who  studied  all  Japanese 
questions  through  the  spec- 
tacles of  dollars  and  cents 
and  trade,  and  whose  diplo- 
matists too  often  made  the 
principles  of  Shylock  their  system.  Outside  the  Asiatic  nations 
beheld  with  contempt,  jealousy  and  alarm  the  departure  of  one  of 
their  number  from  Turanian  ideas,  principles,  and  civilization. 
China  with  ill-concealed  anger,  Corea  with  open  defiance  taunted 
Japan  with  servile  submission  to  the  ‘ foreign  devils.’ 

“ For  the  first  time  the  nation  was  represented  to  the  world  by 


FORMOSAN  TYPE. 


WHAT  THE  EMBASSY  ACCOMPLISHED. 


259 


an  embassy  at  once  august  and  plenipotentiary.  It  was  not  a 
squad  of  petty  officials  or  local  nobles  going  forth  to  kiss  a toe, 
to  play  the  part  of  figure-heads,  or  stool-pigeons,  to  beg  the 
aliens  to  get  out  of  Japan,  to  keep  the  scales  on  foreign  eyes,  to 
buy  gun-boats,  or  to  hire  employees.  A noble  of  highest  rank, 
and  blood  of  immemorial  antiquity,  with  four  cabinet  ministers, 
set  out  to  visit  the  courts  of  the  fifteen  nations  having  treaties 
with  Dai  Nippon.  They  were  accompanied  by  commissioners 
representing  every  government  department,  sent  to  study  and  re- 
port upon  the  methods  and  resources  of  foreign  civilizations. 
They  arrived  in  Washington  February  29,  1872,  and  for  the  first 
time  in  history  a letter  signed  by  the  mikado  was  seen  outside  of 
Asia.  It  was  presented  by  the  ambassadors,  robed  in  their  an- 
cient Yamato  costume,  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  on 
the  4th  of  March,  Mr.  Arinori  Mori  acting  as  interpreter.  The 
first  president  of  the  free  republic,  and  the  men  who  had  elevated 
the  eta  to  citizenship  stood  face  to  face  in  fraternal  accord.  The 
one  hundred  and  twenty-third  sovereign  of  an  empire  in  its 
twenty-sixth  centennial  saluted  the  citizen  ruler  of  a nation 
whose  century  aloe  had  not  yet  bloomed.  On  the  6th  of  March 
they  were  welcomed  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  This  day  marked 
the  formal  entrance  of  Japan  upon  the  theater  of  universal  his- 
tory.” 

In  its  subordinate  objects  the  embassy  was  a signal  success. 
Much  was  learned  of  Christendom.  The  results  at  home  were 
the  splendid  series  of  reforms  which  mark  the  year  1872  as 
epochal.  But  in  its  prime  object  the  embassy  was  an  entire 
failure.  One  constant  and  supreme  object  was  ever  present,  be- 
yond amusement  or  thirst  for  knowledge.  It  was  to  ask  that  in 
the  revision  of  the  treaties  the  extra-territoriality  clause  be 
stricken  out,  that  foreigners  be  made  subject  to  the  laws  of 
Japan.  The  failure  of  the  mission  was  predicted  by  all  who 
knew  the  facts.  From  Washington  to  St.  Petersburg  point-blank- 
refusal  was  made.  No  Christian  governments  would  for  a mo- 
ment trust  their  people  to  pagan  edicts  and  prisons.  While 
Japan  slandered  Christianity  by  proclamations,  imprisoned  men 
for  their  beliefs,  knew  nothing  of  trial  by  jury,  of  the  habeas 
corpus  writ,  or  of  modern  jurisprudence;  in  short  while  Japan 


260 


REBELLION  STAMPED  OUT. 


maintained  the  institutions  of  barbarism,  they  refused  to  recog- 
nize her  as  a peer  among  nations. 

At  home  the  watchword  was  progress.  Public  persecution  for 
conscience’  sake  vanished.  All  the  Christians  torn  from  their 
homes  and  exiled  and  imprisoned  in  1868  were  set  free  and  re- 
stored to  their  native  villages.  Education  advanced  rapidly,  pub- 
lic decency  was  improved,  and  the  standards  of  Christendom 
attempted. 

While  in  Europe  Iwakura  and  his  companions  in  the  embassy 
kept  cognizant  of  home  affairs.  With  eyes  opened  by  all  that 
they  had  seen  abroad,  mighty  results,  but  of  slow  growth,  they 
saw  tlieir  country  going  too  fast.  Behind  the  war  project  lay  an 
abyss  of  ruin.  On  their  return  the  war  scheme  brought  up  in  a 
cabinet  meeting  was  rejected.  The  disappointment  of  the  army 
was  keen  and  that  of  expectant  foreign  contractors  pitiable.  The 
advocates  of  war  among  the  cabinet  ministers  resigned  and  re- 
tired to  private  life.  Assassins  attacked  Iwakura,  but  his  injuries 
did  not  result  fatally.  The  spirit  of  feudalism  was  against  him. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  the  ministers  who  had  resigned  sent 
in  a memorial  praying  for  the  establishment  of  a representative 
assembly  in  which  the  popular  wish  might  be  discussed.  Their 
request  was  declined.  It  was  officially  declared  that  Japan  was 
not  ready  for  such  institutions.  Hizen,  the  home  of  one  of  the 
great  clans  of  the  coalition  of  1868,  was  the  chief  seat  of  dis- 
affection. With  perhaps  no  evil  intent,  Eto,  who  had  been  the 
head  of  the  department  of  justice,  had  returned  to  his  home 
there  and  was  followed  by  many  of  his  clansmen.  Scores  of 
officials  and  men  assembled  with  traitorous  intent,  and  raised  the 
cr}^  of  “ On  to  Corea.”  The  rebellion  was  annihilated  in  ten 
days.  A dozen  ringleaders  were  sent  to  kneel  before  the  blood 
pit.  The  national  government  was  vindicated  and  sectionalism 
crushed. 

The  Formosan  affair  was  also  brought  to  a conclusion.  Thir- 
teen hundred  Japanese  soldiers  occupied  the  island  for  six 
months,  conquering  the  savages  wherever  they  met,  building 
roads  and  fortifications.  At  last  the  Chinese  government  in 
shame  began  to  urge  their  claims  on  Formosa  and  to  declare  the 
Japanese  intruders.  For  a time  war  seemed  inevitable.  The 


ENTRANCE  TO  NAGASAKI  HARBOR. 


t 


• ■ 


THE  SATSUMA  REBELLION. 


263 


man  for  the  crisis  was  Okubo,  a leader  in  the  cabinet,  the  master 
spirit  in  crushing  the  rebellion,  and  now  an  ambassador  at  Peking. 
The  result  was  that  the  Chinese  paid  in  solid  silver  an  indemnity 
of  $700,000  and  the  Japanese  disembarked.  Japan  single-handed, 
with  no  foreign  sympathy,  but  with  positive  opposition,  had  in 
the  interests  of  humanity  rescued  a coast  from  terror  and  placed 
it  in  a condition  of  safety.  In  the  face  of  threatened  war  a nation 
liaving  but  one  tenth  the  population,  area,  or  resources  of  China, 
had  abated  not  a jot  of  its  just  demands  nor  flinched  from  battle. 
The  rigliteousness  of  her  cause  was  vindicated. 

The  Corean  affair  ended  happily.  In  1875  Kuroda  Kiyotaka 
with  men  of  war  entered  Corean  waters.  Patience,  skill,  and 
tact  were  crowned  with  success.  On  behalf  of  Japan  a treaty  of 
peace,  friendship,  and  commerce  was  made  between  the  two  coun- 
tries February  27,  1876.  Japan  thus  peacefully  opened  this  last 
of  the  hermit  nations  to  the  world. 

The  rebellions  which  we  have  mentioned  were  of  a mild  type 
compared  with  that  which  in  1877  shook  the  government  to  its 
foundations.  In  the  limits  of  our  space  it  is  impossible  to  enter 
deeply  into  the  causes  of  the  Satsuma  rebellion.  Its  leader,  Saigo 
Takamori,  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  members  of  the  reformed 
government  until  1873  when  he  resigned  as  some  of  his  prede- 
cessors had  done,  indignant  at  the  peace  policy  which  was  pur- 
sued. A veritable  Cincinnatus,  he  seems  to  have  won  the  hearts 
of  all  classes  around  him  by  the  Spartan  simplicity  of  his  life  and 
the  affability  of  his  manner,  and  there  was  none  more  able  or 
more  willing  to  come  to  the  front  when  duty  to  his  country  called 
him.  It  is  a thousand  pities  that  such  a genuine  patriot  should 
have  sacrificed  himself  through  a mistaken  notion  of  duty. 
Ambition  to  maintain  and  extend  the  military  fame  of  his  coun- 
try seems  to  have  blinded  him  to  all  other  more  practical  consid- 
erations. The  policy  of  Okubo  and  the  rest  of  the  majority  in  the 
cabinet,  with  its  regard  for  peace  and  material  prosperity,  was  in 
his  eyes  unworthy  of  the  warlike  traditions  of  old  Japan.  But 
we  cannot  follow  out  the  story  of  this  famous  rebellion — how 
Saigo  established  a private  school  in  his  native  city  of  Kagoshima 
for  the  training  of  young  Shizoku  in  military  tactics,  how  the  re- 
ports of  the  policy  of  the  government  more  and  more  dissatisfied 


264 


THE  SATSUMA  REBELLION. 


him,  until  a rumor  that  Okubo  had  sent  policemen  to  Kagoshima 
to  assassinate  him  precipitated  the  storm  that  had  been  brewing. 
This  report  was  not  supported  by  satisfactory  evidence,  although . 
the  Kagoshima  authorities  extorted  a so-called  confession  from  a 
policeman.  Okubo  was  too  noble  to  be  guilty  of  such  an  act.  It 
was  only  after  eight  months  of  hard  fighting,  during  which 
victory  swayed  from  one  side  to  another,  and  the  death  of  Saigo 
and  his  leading  generals  when  surrounded  at  last  like  rats  in  a 
trap,  and  the  expenditure  of  over  forty  million  yen,  that  the 
much  tried  government  could  freely  draw  breath  again.  The 
people  of  Satsuma  believe  that  Saigo’s  spirit  has  taken  up  its 
abode  in  the  planet  Mars,  and  that  his  figure  may  be  seen  there 
when  that  star  is  in  the  ascendant. 

By  this  time  railways,  telegraphs,  lighthouse  service,  and  a 
navy  were  well  under  construction  in  native  works.  Two 
national  exhibitions  were  held,  one  in  1877  and  the  second  in 
1881;  the  latter  particularly  was  a pretentious  one  and  a great 
success.  In  1879  Japan  annexed  the  Liu  Kiu  islands,  bringing 
their  king  to  Tokio,  there  to  live  as  a vassal,  and  reducing  the 
islands  to  the  position  of  a prefecture  in  spite  of  the  warlike 
threats  of  China.  In  the  same  year  occurred  the  visit  to  Japan 
of  General  Grant  while  he  was  on  his  tour  around  the  world. 
The  famous  American  was  entertained  most  enthusiastically  by 
the  citizens  of  Tokio  for  some  two  weeks  in  July.  The  enthusiasm 
awakened  by  his  visit  among  the  citizens  was  remarkable.  Arches 
and  illuminations  were  on  ever}^  hand  for  miles.  The  entertain- 
ment provided  by  the  Japancoc  for  their  distinguished  guests  at 
any  time  is  so  unique  when  seen  by  western  eyes  that  it  is  always 
impressive  and  delightful.  [ 


LIMITS  AND  POSSESSIONS  OF  THE  JAPANESE  EM- 
PIRE- 


The  Islands  and  their  Situation— The  Famous  Mountain  Fuji-yama— Rivers  and  Canals 
—Ocean  Currents  and  Their  Effect  on  the  Japanese  Climate— Japan  not  a Tropical  Country 
—Flora  and  Fauna— The  Important  Cities— Strange  History  of  Yokohama— Commerce— Min- 
ing—Agricultural  Products— Ceramic  Art— Government  of  the  Realm. 

The  empire  of  Japan  is  a collection  of  islands  of  various  dimen- 
sions, numbering  nearly  four  thousand,  and  situated  to  the  east 
of  the  Asiatic  continent.  Only  four  of  these  however,  are  of  size 
sufficient  to  entitle  them  to  considerable  fame,  and  around  these 
a sort  of  belt  of  defense  is  formed  by  the  thousands  of  islets. 
Dai  Nippon  is  the  name  given  by  the  natives  to  their  beautiful 
land,  and  from  this  expression,  which  means  Great  Japan,  our 
own  name  for  the  empire  has  been  taken.  Foreign  writers  have 
very  often  blundered  in  calling  the  largest  island  Nippon  or 
Niphon.  This  more  properly  applies  to  the  entire  empire,  while 
the  main  island  is  named  in  the  military  geography  of  Japan, 
Hondo.  This  word  itself  means  main  land.  The  other  three  im- 
portant islands  are  Kiushiu,  the  most  southeasterly  of  all ; 
Shikoku,  which  lies  between  the  latter  and  Hondo;  and  Yesso, 
which  is  the  most  northerly  of  the  chain. 

Japan  occupies  an  important  position  on  the  surface  of  the 
globe,  measured  by  political  and  commercial  possibilities.  Its 
position  is  such  that  its  people  may  not  unreasonably  hope  to 
form  a natural  link  between  the  Occident  and  the  Orient.  Lying 
in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  the  temperate  zone  and  not  in  the  torrid, 
as  many  have  the  thought,  it  bends  like  a crescent  off  the  conti- 
nent of  Asia.  In  the  extreme  north,  near  the  island  of  Saghalien, 
the  distance  from  the  main  land  of  Asia  is  so  short  that  it  is  little 
more  than  a day’s  sail  in  a junk.  At  the  southern  extremity, 
where  Kiushiu  draws  nearest  to  the  Corean  peninsula,  the  distance 
to  the  main  land  is  even  less.  Between  this  crescent  of  islands 
and  the  Asiatic  main  land  is  enclosed  the  Sea  of  Japan.  For 
more  than  four  thousand  miles  eastward  stretches  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  with  no  stopping  point  for  steamers  voyaging  to  San 

(265) 


266 


ISLANDS  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


Francisco  unless  they  diverge  far  from  their  course  for  a call  at 
Honolulu. 

The  island  connections  of  Japan  are  numerous.  To  the  south 
are  the  Liu  Kiu  islands,  which  have  been  annexed  to  Japan,  and 
still  fartlier  the  great  island  of  Formosa.  To  the  north  are  the 
Kurile  islands,  which  extend  far  above  Yesso  and  were  ceded  to 
Japan  by  Russia  in  return  for  Saghalien,  over  which  rule  was 
formerly  disputed.  The  chain  is  almost  continuous,  although 
broken  and  irregular,  to  Kamtchatka,  and  thence  prolonged  by 
the  Aleutian  islands  in  an  enormous  semicircle  to  Alaska  and  our 
own  continent. 

The  configuration  of  the  land  is  that  resulting  from  the  com- 
bined effects  of  volcanic  action  and  wave  erosion.  The  area  of 
the  Japanese  islands  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
square  miles,  or  nearly  as  great  as  the  New  England  and  Middle 
States.  But  of  this  surface  nearly  two-thirds  consists  of  mountain 
land,  much  of  it  still  lying  waste  and  uncultivated  though  appar- 
ently capable  of  tillage.  On  the  main  island  a solid  backbone  of 
mountainous  elevations  runs  through  a great  portion  of  its  length, 
with  subordinate  chains  extending  at  right  angles  and  rising  again 
in  the  other  islands.  The  mountains  decrease  in  height  towards 
the  south  and  there  are  few  highlands  along  the  sea  coast.  The 
range  is  reached  by  a gradual  rise  from  the  sea,  until  the  back- 
bone of  the  great  island  chain  is  reached.  Japan  rises  abruptly 
from  the  sea,  and  deep  water  begins  very  close  to  the  shore,  in 
dicating  that  the  entire  range  of  islands  may  be  properly  char- 
acterized as  an  immense  mountain  chain  thrown  up  from  the 
bottom  of  the  ocean.  The  highest  peak  is  Fuji-yama,  which  rises 
to  a height  of  more  than  twelve  thousand  feet  above  the  sea.  It 
is  a wonderfully  beautiful  mountain,  and  is  the  first  glimpse  that 
one  has  of  land  in  approaching  Yokohama  from  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
Of  the  position  which  this  mountain  occupies  in  the  affections  and 
traditions  of  the  Japanese,  mention  will  be  made  in  a later 
chapter. 

The  islands  forming  the  empire  of  Japan  are  comprehended  in 
these  limits ; between  twenty-four  degrees  and  fifty-one  degrees 
north  latitude,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  degrees  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty-seven  degrees  east  longitude.  That  is,  speaking 


FUJI-YAMA. 


267 


roughly,  it  lies  diagonally  in  and  north  of  the  subtropical  belt, 
and  has  northern  points  corresponding  with  Paris  and  Newfound- 
land, and  soutliern  ones  corresponding  with  Cairo  and  the 
Bermuda  islands ; or  coming  nearer  home,  it  corresponds  pretty 
nearly  in  latitude  with  the  eastern  coast  line  of  tlie  United  States, 
added  to  Nova  Scotia  and  Newfoundland,  and  the  contrasts  of 
climate  in  the  latter  island  and  in  Florida  are  probably  not  more 
remarkable  than  those*  which  are  observed  in  the  extreme  northern 
and  southern  regions  of  Japan. 

The  most  striking  geographical  feature  of  Japan  is  the  Inland 


Sea,  which  is  one  of  the  beauties  of  the  world.  It  is  a long, 
irregularly  shaped  arm  of  the  sea,  with  tides  and  rapid  currents, 
of  variable  width  and  no  great  depth,  studded  with  innumerable 
thickly  wooded  islands.  It  is  the  water  area  which  separates 
Hondo  from  Shikoku  and  Kiushiu,  and  is  often  spoken  of  as  the 
Japanese  Mediterranean. 

One  or  two  of  the  rivers  of  Japan,  such  as  the  Sumida,  on  the 
banks  of  which  Tokio,  the  capital,  lies,  and  which  is  about  as 
broad  as  the  East  River  between  New  York  and  Brooklyn,  are 


268 


RIVERS. 


worthy  of  note.  Here  at  the  present  time  are  situated  several 
ship  yards,  and  many  modern  craft  built  in  the  American  fashion 
may  be  seen  along  the  shore.  Here  it  may  be  mentioned  that  any 
particular  appellation  given  to  a river  in  Japan  holds  good  only 
for  a limited  part  of  its  course,  so  tliat  it  changes  its  name  per- 
haps four  or  five  times  in  flowing  a few  hundred  miles.  Indeed 
the  river  which  passes  through  the  city  of  Ozaka  changes  its  name 
four  times  within  the  city  limits.  Most  of  the  larger  rivers  in 
the  main  land  run  a course  tending  almost  north  and  south.  The 
general ‘contour  of  the  land  is  such  that  they  must  be  short,  but 
this  direction  gives  them  the  greatest  length  possible.  There  are 
brief  periods  of  excessively  heavy  rain,  and  they  are  often  then  in 
fierce  flood,  carrying  everything  before  them  and  leaving  great 
plains  of  water- worn  stones  and  gravel  around  their  mouths. 
There  are  many  picturesque  waterfalls  which  attract  travelers 
and  command  the  admiration  of  native  artists  and  poets.  The 
rivers  at  a short  distance  from  their  outlets  are  rendered  navigable 
chiefly  by  the  courage  and  expertness  of  the  boatmen, — who  are 
among  the  most  daring  and  skillful  in  the  world. 

Till  recently  little  has  been  done  to  deepen  river  channels  or 
protect  their  banks,  except  in  the  interest  of  agriculture.  In  the 
lower  courses,  where  broad  alluvial  plains  of  great  fertility  have 
been  formed,  they  are  frequently  intersected  by  numerous  shallow 
canals,  for  the  most  part  of  comparatively  recent  excavation,  but 
some  of  them  are  many  centuries  old  and  these  have  been  of  im- 
mense service  in  keeping  up  communication  throughout  the 
country.  In  spite  of  their  shallowness  and  rapid  silting,  some  of 
the  rivers  of  Japan  are  capable  of  being  improved  so  as  to  admit 
of  the  passage  of  steam  vessels  of  the  largest  size,  and  there  are 
fine  natural  inlets  and  spacious  bays  which  form  harbors  of  great 
excellence. 

The  Japanese  coast  is  usually  steep  and  even  precipitous.  Its 
chief  natural  features,  such  as  sunken  rocks,  capes,  straits,  en- 
trances to  bays  and  harbors  and  the  mouths  of  rivers  are  now 
well  marked  with  beacons  or  lighthouses  of  modern  construction. 
The  tides  are  not  great,  and  in  Yeddo  bay  the  rise  is  only  about 
four  feet  on  an  average.  In  spring  tides  it  rarely  exceeds  six 
feet,  and  in  general  the  height  of  the  flood  tide  is  never  very 


GREAT  OCEAN  CURRENTS. 


269 


great.  Navigation  in  summer  is  somewhat  dangerous  and  diffi- 
cult, owiijg  to  the  mists  and  fogs  which  are  deemed  by  its  sailors 
to  be  the  great  scourge  of  Japan.  Indeed  these  malarious  cloud 
banks  are  probably  as  dangerous  to  the  health  of  the  landsmen  as 
tliey  are  to  the  safety  of  the  mariner.  While  a large  area  of  land 
lying  under  shallow  water,  during  rice  cultivation,  may  have 
some  share  in  the  formation  of  these  dangerous  mists,  there  is  the 
more  general  cause  which  is  readily  to  be  found  in  the  ocean  cur- 
rents. 

Japan  occupies  a striking  position  in  these  currents  which  flow 
northward  from  the  Indian  ocean  and  the  Malay  peninsula.  That 
branch  of  the  great  Pacific  equatorial  current  called  tlie  Kuro 
Shiwo,  or  dark  tide  or  current,  on  account  of  its  color,  flows  in 
a westerly  direction  past  Formosa  and  the  Liu  Kiu  islands,  strik- 
ing the  south  point  of  Kiusliiu  and  sometimes  in  summer  send- 
ing a branch  up  the  Sea  of  Japan.  With  great  velocity  it  scours 
the  east  coast  of  Kiusliiu  and  the  south  of  Shikoku;  thence  with 
diminished  rapidity  it  envelopes  the  group  of  islands  south  of  the 
Bay  of  Yeddo  ; and  at  a point  a little  north  of  Tokio  it  leaves 
the  coast  of  Japan  and  flows  northeast  towards  the  shores  of 
America,  ultimately  giving  to  our  own  Paciflc  coast  states  a far 
milder  climate  than  the  corresponding  latitudes  on  the  Atlantic 
coast. 

The  yearly  evaporation  at  the  tropics,  of  fully  fourteen  or  fif- 
teen feet  of  ocean  water,  causes  the  great  equatorial  current  of 
the  Paciflc  to  begin  its  flow.  When  the  warm  water  reaches  the 
colder  waters  to  the  northward,  condensation  of  the  water-laden 
air  takes  place,  with  the  resulting  formation  of  great  cloud  banks. 
The  water  appears  to  be  of  a deep,  almost  indigo-blue  color, 
whence  the  name  given  to  the  current  by  the  Japanese.  Fish 
occur  in  great  numbers  where  the  Arctic  current  of  fresher, 
lighter,  and  cooler  water  meets  the  warm  salt  stream  from  the 
south,  amidst  great  commotion.  The  analogy  of  this  great  cur- 
rent to  the  Gulf  stream  of  the  Atlantic  is  apparent,  and  there  can 
be  no  doubt  as  to  its  great  influence  on  the  climate  of  Japan.  A 
difference  of  from  twelve  to  sixteen  degrees  may  be  observed  in 
passing  from  its  waters  to  the  cold  currents  from  the  north,  and 
the  effect  of  this  on  the  atmosphere  is  very  marked.  The  sudden 


270 


JAPANESE  CLIMATE. 


and  severe  changes  of  temperature  are  often  noticed  on  the 
southern  coast  of  Japan  and  even  in  Yeddo  bay.  They  are  evi- 
dently due  to  eddies  or  branch  currents  from  the  great  streams 
of  cold  and  warm  water  which  interweave  themselves  in  the 
neighborhood. 

In  the  island  of  Yesso,  the  most  northerly  of  the  large  ones, 
the  extremes  of  temperature  are  nearly  as  great  as  in  New  En- 
gland. In  the  vicinity  of  Tokio  the  winter  is  usually  clear  and 
mild,  with  occasional  sharp  frosts  and  heavy  falls  of  snow.  In 
summer  the  heat  is  oppressive  for  nearly  three  months.  Even  at 
night  the  heat  remains  so  high  that  sleep  becomes  almost  impos- 
sible, the  air  being  oppressive  and  no  breeze  stirring.  The  great- 
est heat  is  usually  from  the  middle  of  June  to  early  in  September. 
The  cold  in  winter  is  much  more  severe  on  the  northwestern 
coast,  and  the  roads  across  the  main  island  are  often  blocked 
with  snow  for  many  months.  In  Yokohama  the  snow  fall  is  light, 
not  often  exceeding  two  or  three  inches.  The  ice  seldom  exceeds 
an  inch  in  thickness.  Earthquake  shocks  are  frequent,  averag- 
ing more  than  one  a month,  but  of  late  years  there  have  been 
none  of  great  severity. 

The  winds  of  Japan  are  at  all  seasons  exceedingly  irregular, 
frequently  violent,  and  subject  to  sudden  changes.  The  north- 
east and  easterly  winds  are  generally  accompanied  by  rain,  and 
are  not  violent.  The  southwest  and  westerly  winds  are  generally 
high,  often  violent,  and  accompanied  with  a low  barometer.  It 
is  from  the  southwest  that  the  cyclones  or  typhoons  almost  in- 
variably come.  On  clear  and  pleasant  days,  which  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Yokohama  prevail  in  excess  of  foggy  ones,  there  is  a 
regular  land  and  sea  breeze  at  all  seasons.  The  rainfall  is  above 
the  average  of  most  countries,  and  about  two-thirds  of  the  rain- 
falls during  the  six  months  from  April  to  October. 

The  flora  of  Japan  is  exceedingly  interesting,  not  only  to  botan- 
ists and  specialists,  but  to  casual  travelers  and  readers.  The  use- 
ful bamboo  flourishes  in  all  parts  of  the  land ; sugar  cane  and  the 
cotton  plant  grow  in  the  southern  part;  tea  is  grown  almost 
everywhere.  The  tobacco  plant,  hemp,  corn,  mulberry  for  silk- 
worm  food,  rice,  wheat,  barley,  millet,  buckwheat,  potatoes,  and 
yams  are  all  cultivated.  The  beech,  the  oak,  maples,  and  pine 


JAPANESE  IDOI.S. 


L 


FAUNA. 


273 


trees  in  rich  variety  ; azaleas,  camelias,  etc.,  grow  in  the  forests. 
Some  of  the  more  characteristic  plants  are  wisteria,  cryptomeria, 
calceolaria  and  chrysanthemums.  Various  varieties  of  evergreens 
are  grown,  and  the  Japanese  gardeners  are  peculiarly  expert  in 
cultivating  these  trees  in  dwarf  forms  of  great  beauty.  Many 
familiar  wild  flowers  can  be  gathered,  such  as  violets,  blue-bells, 
forget- me-iiots,  thyme,  dandelions,  and  others.  The  woods  are 
rich  in  ferns,  among  which  the  royal  fern  is  conspicuous,  and  in 
orchids,  ivies,  lichens,  mosses  and  fungi.  The  beautiful  locusts, 
though  imported,  may  now  fairly  be  considered  as  naturalized. 
There  are  many  water  lilies,  reeds  and  rushes,  some  of  which  are 
of  great  beauty  and  others  of  utility. 

The  mammalia  of  Japan  are  not  numerous.  In  ancient  times, 
before  the  dawn  of  history,  two  species  of  dwarf  elephants  ex- 
isted in  the  plains  around  Tokio.  There  are  many  monkeys  in 
some  parts,  even  in  the  extreme  northern  latitudes.  Foxes 
abound  and  are  regarded  with  reverence.  Wolves  and  bears  are 
destructive  in  the  north.  There  are  wild  antelopes,  red  deer, 
wild  boars,  dogs,  raccoons,  badgers,  otters,  ferrets,  bats,  moles, 
and  rats ; while  the  sea  is  specially  rich  in  seals,  sea-otters,  and 
whales.  The  country  has  been  found  quite  unsuitable  for  sheep, 
but  goats  thrive  well,  although  they  are  not  much  favored  by  the 
people.  Oxen  are  used  for  draught  purposes.  Horses  are  small 
but  are  fair  quality,  and  the  breed  is  being  improved.  The  cats 
are  nearly  tailless.  The  dogs  are  of  a low,  half- wolfish  breed. 
There  are  some  three  hundred  varieties  of  birds  known  in  Japan. 
Few  of  them  are  what  we  call  song-birds,  but  the  lark  is  one 
brilliant  exception.  Game  birds  are  plentiful,  but  are  now  pro- 
tected. 

Insects  are  very  numerous,  as  no  traveler  will  dispute,  and 
Japan  is  a great  field  for  investigation  by  entomologists.  Locusts 
are  often  destructive,  and  mosquitoes  are  a great  pest.  Bees,  the 
silk  worm  and  the  wax-insect  are  highly  appreciated. 

There  are  several  kinds  of  lizards,  a great  variety  of  frogs, 
seven  or  eight  snakes,  including  one  deadly  species,  and  two  or 
three  kinds  of  tortoise.  The  crustaceans  are  numerous  and  inter- 
esting, and  of  fish  there  is  extraordinary  variety,  especially  those 
found  in  salt  water.  Oysters  and  clams  are  excellent  and  plentiful. 


274 


JAPAN’S  GREAT  CITIES. 


Let  us  now  turn  to  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  people  who  dwell 
in  this  island  empire,  their  cities,  their  industries,  and  to  their 
government. 

Japan  like  its  oriental  companion,  China,  is  a country  of  great 
cities,  although  the  smaller  empire  has  not  so  many  famous  for 
their  size  as  has  China.  With  scarcely  an  exception  these  greater 
cities  are  situated  at  the  heads  of  bays,  most  of  them  good  har- 
bors and  accessible  for  commerce.  The  largest  of  these  cities,  of 
course,  is  the  capital  Tokio,  which  doubtless  passes  a million  in- 
habitants, although  it  is  impossible  that  it  should  justify  the 
American  tradition  of  not  many  years  ago,  that  its  numbers  were 
twice  a million.  Tokio,  or  the  old  city  of  Yeddo,  is  situated  near 
the  head  of  Yeddo  Bay,  but  a few  miles  from  Yokohama,  and  but 
little  farther  from  Uraga  wdiere  the  first  reception  to  Commodore 
Perry  was  given.  Among  the  other  more  important  cities  on  the 
sea  coast  are  Nagasaki,  Yokohama,  Hakodate,  Hiogo,  Ozaka, 
Hiroshima,  and  Kanagawa. 

Nagasaki  is  situated  on  the  southwest  coast  of  the  island  of 
Kiushiu,  and  is  built  in  the  form  of  an  amphitheater.  The  Euro- 
pean quarter  in  the  east,  stands  upon  land  reclaimed  from  the 
sea  at  considerable  labor  and  expense.  Desima,  the  ancient 
Dutch  factory,  lies  at  the  foot,  and  behind  it  is  the  native  part  of 
the  town.  The  whole  is  sheltered  by  high  wooden  mountains. 
The  city  of  Nagasaki  was  almost  the  first  which  attracted  the  at- 
tention of  foreigners,  partly  from  its  being  already  known  by 
name  from  the  Dutch  colony  established  there ; partly  because  it 
was  the  nearest  point  to  China  and  a port  of  great  beauty ; and 
also  because  before  the  political  revolution  which  overthrew  the 
power  of  the  shogunate,  the  daimios  of  the  south  were  there  en- 
abled, owing  to  its  distance  from  Yeddo,  to  transact  foreign 
affairs  in  their  own  way  unmolested.  This  comparative  import- 
ance did  not  last  long,  for  affairs  soon  began  to  be  concentrated  in 
Yokohama,  and  the  opening  of  the  ports  of  Hiogo  and  Ozaka 
further  reduced  it  to  a secondary  rank  among  commercial  towns. 
It  is  still,  however,  a busy  place  and  a great  portion  of  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Japanese  seas  passes  by  its  beautiful  port.  But  it  is 
not  a town  of  the  future,  and  will  be  supplanted  in  prosperity  to 
considerable  extent  by  the  more  northern  cities. 


YOKOHAMA. 


275 


Yokohama,  situated  on  the  Gulf  of  Yeddo,  owes  its  rise  and  im- 
portance to  the  merchants  who  came  to  seek  their  fortunes  in  the 
empire  of  the  rising  sun  immediately  after  the  signature  of  the 
treaties  which  threw  open  the  coasts  of  Japan  to  adventurous 
foreigners.  When  Perry,  with  his  augmented  fleet,  returned  to 
Japan  in  February,  1854,  the  Japanese  found  him  as  inflexibly 
firm  as  ever.  Instead  of  making  the  treaty  at  Uraga  he  must 
take  it  nearer  Yeddo.  Yokohama  was  the  chosen  spot,  and  there 
on  the  8th  of  March,  1854,  were  exchanged  the  formal  articles  of 
convention  between  the  United  States  and  Japan. 

By  the  treaty  of  Yokohama,  Shimoda  was  one  of  the  ports 
opened  to  Americans.  Before  it  began  to  be  of  much  service  the 
place  was  visited  by  an  earthquake  and  tidal  wave,  which  over- 
whelmed the  town  and  ruined  the  harbor.  The  ruin  of  Shimoda 
was  the  rise  of  Yokohama.  By  a new  treaty  Kanagawa,  three 
miles  across  the  bay  from  Yokohama,  was  substituted  for  Shimoda. 
The  Japanese  government  decided  to  make  Yokohama  the  future 
port.  Their  reasons  for  this  were  many.  Kanagawa  was  on  the 
line  of  the  great  highway  of  the  empire,  along  which  the  proud 
Daimios  and  their  trains  of  retainers  were  continually  passing. 
With  the  antipathy  to  foreigners  that  existed,  had  Kanagawa 
been  made  a foreign  settlement,  its  history  would  doubtless  have 
had  many  more  pages  of  assassination  and  incendiarism  than  did 
Yokohama.  Foreseeing  this,  even  though  considered  by  the 
foreign  ministers  a violation  of  treaty  agreements,  the  Japanese 
government  immediately  set  to  work  to  render  Yokohama  as  con- 
venient as  possible  for  trade,  residence  and  espionage. 

They  built  a causeway  nearly  two  miles  long  across  the  lagoons 
'and  marshes  to  make  it  of  easy  access.  They  built  granite  piers, 
custom  house  and  officers’  quarters,  and  dwellings  and  store 
houses  for  the  foreign  merchants.  After  a long  quarrel  over 
which  should  be  the  city,  the  straggling  colony  of  diplomats, 
missionaries,  and  merchants  of  Kanagawa  finally  pulled  up  their 
stakes  and  joined  the  settlement  of  Yokohama.  Yokohama  was 
settled  in  a squatter-like  and  irregular  manner,  and  the  ill  effects 
of  it  are  seen  to  this  day.  When  compared  with  Shanghai,  the 
foreign  metropolis  of  China,  it  is  vastly  inferior. 

The  town  grew  slowly  at  first.  Murders  and  assassinations  of 


276 


RISE  OF  THE  CITY. 


foreigners  were  frequent  during  the  first  few  years.  Diplomatic 
quarrels  were  constant,  and  threats  of  bombardment  from  some 
foreign  vessel  in  the  harbor  of  frequent  occurrence.  A fire  which 
destroyed  nearly  the  whole  foreign  town  seemed  to  purify  the 
place  municipally,  commercially,  and  morally.  The  settlement 
was  rebuilt  in  a more  substantial  and  regular  manner.  As  the 
foreign  population  grew,  banks,  newspaper  offices,  hospitals,  post- 
offices,  and  consulate  buildings  reappeared  in  a new  dignity.  Fire 
and  police  protection  were  organized.  Steamers  began  to  come 
from  European  ports  and  from  San  Francisco.  Social  life  began 
as  ladies  and  children  came,  and  houses  became  homes.  Then 
came  the  rapid  growth  of  society  and  the  finer  things.  Churches, 
theaters,  clubs,  schools  were  organized  in  rapid  succession.  Tele- 
graph connection  with  Tokio,  and  thence  around  the  globe,  was 
accomplished,  and  the  railway  system  increased  rapidly.  Within 
the  thirty-five  years  of  the  life  of  Yokohama,  it  has  grown  from  a 
fishing  village  of  a few  hundred  to  a city  of  fifty  thousand  people. 
Its  streets  are  lighted  with  gas  and  electricity ; its  stores  are  piled 
full  of  rare  silks,  bronzes  and  curios.  At  present  the  foreign 
population  of  Yokohama  numbers  about  two  thousand  residents. 
In  addition  to  these  the  foreign  transient  population,  made  up  of 
tourists  and  officers  and  sailors  of  the  navy,  and  the  merchant 
marine,  numbers  between  three  thousand  and  six  thousand. 
Several  daily  newspapers,  beside  weeklies  and  monthlies,  printed 
in  English,  furnish  mediums  of  communication  and  news.  Yoko- 
hama has  become  and  will  remain  the  great  mercantile  center  of 
American  and  European  trade  in  Japan. 

Hiogo,  or  rather  Kobe,  as  the  foreign  part  has  been  called  since 
the  concession,  is  near  Ozaka,  both  towns  being  situated  on  the 
inland  Sea  of  Japan,  near  the  south  end  of  the  Island  of  Niphon. 
Kobe  is  a considerable  foreign  settlement,  with  many  fine  houses 
and  spacious  warehouses.  Ozaka,  which  contains  more  than  half 
a million  inhabitants,  is  one  of  the  chief  trading  cities  of  Japan, 
and  an  immense  proportion  of  the  merchandise  imported  into  the 
empire  passes  through  it. 

The  commerce  between  Japan  and  western  nations,  European 
and  American,  increases  year  by  year.  England  enjoys  the 
profits  from  more  than  half  of  the  total  interchange,  the  United 


I 


TRANS-OCEANIC  COMMERCE. 


279 


States  is  second,  with  a large  portion  of  the  remainder,  and  the 
rest  of  the  commerce  is  divided  among  Germany,  France,  Holland, 
Norway,  and  Sweden.  It  is  impossible  to  obtain  figures  recent 
enough  to  be  a satisfactory  index  of  the  total  volume  of  commerce 
annually,  but  it  is  now  very  many  millions  of  dollars  a -year. 
Japan  exports  tobacco,  rice,  wax,  tea,  silks,  and  manufactured 
goods,  such  as  curios,  bronzes,  lacquer  ware,  etc.  The  principal 
imports  of  Japan  are  cotton  goods,  manufactures  of  iron,  ma- 
chinery of  all  sorts,  woolen  fabrics,  flour,  etc. 

Mining  in  Japan  is  seldom  carried  on  by  modern  methods,  and 
the  mineral  wealth  has  not  been  developed  as  it  will  be  within  a 
few  years.  In  almost  every  portion  of  Japan  are  found  ores  of 
some  kind  and  there  is  scarcely  a district  in  which  there  are  not 
traces  of  mines  having  been  worked.  No  mines  can  be  worked 
without  special  license  of  the  government,  and  foreigners  are  ex- 
cluded from  ownership  in  any  mining  industry.  Japan  seems  to 
be  fairly  well,  though  not  richly,  provided  with  mineral  wealth. 
The  mines  include  those  for  gold,  silver,  copper,  lead,  iron,  tin, 
plumbago,  antimony,  arsenic,  marble,  sulphur,  alum,  salt,  coal, 
petroleum,  and  other  minerals. 

The  annual  export  of  tea  amounts  to  nearly  thirty  million 
pounds,  of  which  considerably  more  than  half  is  shipped  from 
Yokohama.  All  Japanese  tea  is  green  and  the  United  States  is 
the  chief  customer  for  it. 

The  exact  area  of  Japan  is  not  known,  though  it  is  computed 
at  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  square  miles,  with  a 
population  of  more  than  two  hundred  persons  to  a square  mile. 
The  number  of  acres  under  cultivation  is  about  nine  million,  or 
one-tenth  of  the  entire  area.  Not  one-fourth  of  the  fertile  portion 
of  Japan  is  yet  under  cultivation.  Immense  portions  of  good 
land  await  the  farmers’  plow  and  seed  to  return  rich  harvests. 
For  centuries  the  agricultural  art  has  been  at  a standstill.  Pop- 
ulation and  acreage  have  increased,  but  the  crop  in  bulk  and 
quantity  remains  the  same.  The  true  wealth  of  Japan  consists 
in  her  agricultural  and  not  in  her  mineral  and  manufacturing  re- 
sources. The  government  and  intelligent  classes  seem  to  be 
awakening  to  this  fact.  The  islands  are  capable  of  yielding  good 
crops  and  adapted  to  support  the  finest  breeds  of  cattle.  With 
14 


280 


GOVERXMENT  OF  JAPAN. 


these  branches  of  industry  increased  to  the  extent  that  they  de- 
serve, the  prosperity  of  the  empire  will  show  constant  increase. 

The  ceramic  art  of  Japan  and  the  art  of  the  lacquer  worker  are 
two  that  have  helped  to  make  Japanese  w^ares  famous  in  the 
western  world.  The  various  wares  of  porcelain  and  faience  are 
made  in  Japan  in  quality  and  art  inferior  to  none  in  the  world. 

Since  the  restoration  to  power  of  the  mikado  in  1868,  the  gov- 
ernment of  Japan  has  been  growing  nearer  and  nearer  into  the 
forms  of  western  monarchical  governments.  In  a prior  chapter 
the  promise  of  the  young  mikado  to  advance  the  freedom  of  his 
people,  and  ultimately  to  adopt  constitutional  forms  of  rule,  has 
been  quoted.  In  the  later  years  he  has  been  aiming  for  the  ful- 
fillment of  this  promise.  Supporting  him,  the  party  of  progres- 
sionists, largely  influenced  by  contact  with  European  and  Amer- 
ican civilization,  urge  on  every  reform.  The  present  government 
is  simply  the  modernized  form  of  the  system  established  more 
than  a thousand  years  ago,  when  centralized  monarchy  succeeded 
simple  feudalism.  After  the  emperor  comes  the  Dai  Jo  Kuan, 
which  is  practically  a supreme  cabinet,  and  following  this,  three 
other  cabinets  of  varying  powers  and  duties.  The  council  of 
ministers  is  made  up  of  the  heads  of  departments,  the  foreign 
office,  home  office,  treasury,  army,  navy,  education,  religion,  pub- 
lic works,  judiciary,  imperial  household,  and  colonization.  The 
Dai  Jo  Kuan  directs  the  three  imperial  cities  and  the  sixty-eight 
ken  or  prefectures.  The  provinces  are  now  merely  geographical 
divisions. 

In  the  course  of  the  efforts  to  bring  the  Japanese  forms  of  gov- 
ernment more  into  harmony  with  those  of  Europe  and  America, 
many  important  changes  have  been  made.  A system  of  nobility 
was  devised,  and  titles  were  granted  to  those  who  were  considered 
to  be  entitled  to  them,  whether  by  birth  or  achievement.  The 
four  or  five  ranks  included  in  this  system  closely  follow  the  Eng- 
lish models. 

The  judiciary,  too,  has  been  remodeled  in  many  details  to  make 
it  approach  the  western  system.  The  methods  of  procedure  are 
gradually  conforming  nearer  and  nearer  to  our  own,  as  well  as 
the  names  and  jurisdiction  of  the  courts.  The  Japanese  people 
have  been  exceedingly  anxious  of  late  years  to  expunge  the  extra* 


CONSTITUTION  AND  PARLIAMENT. 


281 


territoriality  clause  which  appears  in  the  treaties  with  all  western 
nations.  It  provides,  in  effect,  that  offenses  by  a foreigner  against 
a Japanese  shall  be  judged  in  a consular  court  presided  over  by 
the  consul  of  that  countiy  whence  the  foreigner  comes.  In  other 
words,  Japanese  courts  have  no  jurisdiction  over  the  doings  of 


JAPANESE  COURT  DRESS,  OLD  STYLE. 


foreigners  having  consuls  in  that  country.  This  provision  has 
become  very  obnoxious  to  the  Japanese  people,  placing  them  on 
a level,  as  it  does,  with  barbaric  and  semi-barbaric  countries, 
where  like  provisions  hold.  This  has  been  one  of  the  potent  fac- 
tors in  influencing  Japan  to  adopt  western  legal  methods.  Recent 


282 


CONSTITUTION  AND  PARLIAMENT. 


treaties  which  have  been  drawn  with  the  United  States  and  with 
England  provide  that  this  clause  shall  be  expunged,  and  if  they 
are  finally  agreed  upon  we  may  soon  see  Japan  more  absolutely 
independent  than  she  has  yet  been. 

In  1890  a constitution  was  granted  to  Japan  by  the  emperor, 
and  a few  months  later  legislative  bodies  for  the  first  time  began 
deliberation  in  Tokio.  The  powers  of  this  parliament  are  con- 
stantly increasing.  The  war  between  China  and  Japan  has  been 
a strong  influence  to  weld  the  people  of  opposing  political  faiths 
into  harmony,  and  in  parliament  conservatives  and  radicals  alike 
'have  risen  in  patriotism,  and  have  been  glad  to  cast  votes  for 
every  measure  that  would  hold  up  the  hands  of  those  who  were 
bearing  the  battles.  With  a government  drawing  for  itself  lines 
parallel  with  those  of  enlightened  western  nations,  increasing  the 
freedom  of  its  people,  the  power  of  the  people’s  legislators,  and 
the  honesty  of  the  people’s  courts,  Japan  has  every  right  to  name 
herself  as  worthy  of  a place  in  full  brotherhood  with  the  family 
of  civilized  nations. 


<[ 


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COUNCIL  OF  WAR  ON  A JAPANICSK  l!A  1' I LK  SHIP. 
(From  a Drawing  by  a Japanc.sc  Artist  ) 


PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  JAPANESE 

PEOPLE. 


Difference  of  Opinion  as  to  the  True  Significance  of  Their  Rapid  Adoption  of  Western 
Civilizatim— Physique  of  Man  and  Woman— Two  Great  Classes  of  the  Population— The 
Samurai— The  Agricultural  Laborer— Wedding  Ceremonies— Elopements— Japanese  Babies 
—Sports  of  Childhood  and  of  Age— Dress  of  Man  and  Woman— Food— Homes  of  the  People 
—Family  Life— Art,  Science,  Medicine,  Music— Language  and  Literature— Religion. 

In  such  a state  of  transition  are  the  Japanese  people  them- 
selves, as  truly  as  the  government,  that  it  is  difficult  to  describe 
their  personal  characteristics.  Different  observers  reach  different 
conclusions  as  to  their  personality.  One  affirms  that  great  quick- 
ness of  imitation  and  judgment  in  discovering  what  is  worth  imi- 
tating, seem  to  be  the  prominent  characteristics  of  the  Japanese. 
They  want  originality  and  independence  of  thought,  and  character 
which  accompanies  it.  The  Japanese  are  not  slow  in  adopting 
the  inventions  of  modern  civilization,  and  even  in  modifying  them 
to  suit  their  own  convenience,  but,  says  another  observer,  that 
they  will  ever  add  anything  of  importance  to  them  may  be 
doubted.  The  same  is  true  in  a political  point  of  view.  The 
more  enlightened  of  the  Japanese  are  already  beginning  to  recog- 
nize the  superiority  of  the  European  forms  of  government.  The 
upper  classes  are  all  sedulously  imitating  Paris  and  London 
fashions  of  dress.  In  our  own  country  we  have  seen  the  preva- 
lence of  an  offensive  Anglomania  among  certain  classes  of  society 
in  the  larger  cities,  but  in  Japan  a corresponding  mania  for  the 
forms  of  western  civilization  has  become  almost  universal,  and  is 
reaching  the  real  bulk  of  the  nation.  Such  extraordinary  capacity 
for  change  may  mark  a versatile  but  unreliable  race  ; for  it  seems 
hard  to  believe  that  a people  who  are  parting  with  their  ancestral 
notions  with  such  a total  absence  of  any  pangs  of  soi'row,  will  be 
likely  to  adhere  with  much  steadfastness  to  anew  order  of  things. 
On  the  other  hand,  other  students  of  this  movement  take  it  to  be 
onl}^  a most  gratifying  indication  that  Japan  was  a nation  which 
had  outgrown  its  narrow  limits  of  thought  and  learning,  ready  to 
adopt  whatever  was  good,  and  yearning  for  it  when  the  oppor- 

(285) 


286 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  RACE. 


tunitj  Cciiiie,  with  a strength  that  made  rapid  assimilation  of  ideas 
entirely  proper,  and  no  sign  of  instability.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
the  latter  interpretation  is  the  right  one. 

In  moral  character  the  average  Japanese  is  frank,  honest,  faith- 
ful, kind,  gentle,  courteous,  confiding,  affectionate,  filial,  and 
loyal.  Love  of  truth  for  its  own  sake,  chastity,  and  temperance 
are  not  characteristic  virtues.  A high  sense  of  honor  is  cultivated 
by  the  Samurai.  In  spirit  the  average  artisan  and  farmer  is  lamb- 
like. In  intellectual  capacity  the  actual  merchant  is  mean,  and 
his  moral  character  low.  He  is  beneath  the  Chinaman  in  this  re- 
spect. The  male  Japanese  is  far  less  overbearing  and  more 
chivalrous  to  woman  than  any  other  Asiatic.  In  political  knowl- 
edge, or  gregarious  ability,  the  countryman  is  a baby  and  the  city 
artisan  a boy.  The  peasant  is  a pronounced  pagan,  with  supersti- 
tion ingrained  into  his  inmost  nature.  In  reverence  to  elders  and 
to  antiquity,  obedience  to  parents,  gentle  manners,  universal 
courtesy,  and  generous  impulses  the  Japanese  are  the  peers  of 
any  and  superior  to  many  peoples  of  Christendom.  The  idea  of 
filial  obedience  has  been  developed  into  fanaticism  and  is  the 
main  blot  of  paganism  and  superstition. 

The  Japanese  in  phj^sique  are  much  of  the  same  type  as  the 
Spaniards,  and  inhabitants  of  the  south  of  France.  They  are  of 
middle  or  low  stature.  The  men  are  about  five  feet  six  inches  in 
height  or  a trifle  less  on  an  average,  while  the  women  rarely  ex- 
ceed five  feet.  When  dressed  the  Japanese  look  strong,  well  pro- 
portioned men,  but  when  in  the  exceedingly  slight  costumes 
which  they  very  often  are  pleased  to  adopt,  it  is  then  apparent 
that  though  their  bodies  are  robust  their  legs  are  short  and  slight. 
Their  heads  are  somewhat  out  of  proportion  to  their  bodies,  being 
generally  large  and  sunk  a little  between  the  shoulders,  but  they 
have  small  feet  and  delicate  hands.  The  resemblance  the 
Japanese  bear  to  the  Chinese  is  not  nearly  as  marked  as  popular 
opinion  would  have  it.  The  faces  of  the  former  are  longer  and 
more  regular,  their  noses  more  prominent,  and  their  eyes  less 
sloped.  The  men  are  naturally  very  hirsute,  but  they  never  wear 
beards.  Their  hair  is  glossy,  thick,  and  always  black.  Their 
eyes  are  black,  their  teeth  white  and  slightly  prominent.  The 
shade  of  their  skin  is  totally  unlike  the  yellow  complexions  of  the 


JAPANESE  PHYSIQUE. 


287 


Chinese ; in  some  cases  it  is  very  swarthy  or  copper  colored,  but 
the  most  usual  tint  is.  an  olive  brown.  Children  and  young  people 
have  usually  quite  pink  complexions. 

The  women  follow  the  Chinese  type  a little  closer.  The  eyes 
are  narrower  and  sloped  upward,  and  the  head  is  small.  Like 
the  men  their  hair  is  glossy  and  very  black,  but  it  never  reaches 
the  length  of  American  women’s  hair.  They  have  clear,  some- 
times even  perfectly  white  skin,  especially  among  the  aristocracy, 
oval  faces,  and  slender,  graceful  forms.  Their  manners  are. 
peculiarly  artless  and  simple.  But  the  harmony  of  the  whole  is| 
spoiled  in  many  instances  by  an  ugly  depression  of  the  chest, 
which  is  sometimes  observed 
in  those  who  are  otherwise 
handsomest  and  best  formed. 

About  the  end  of  the  eighth 
century  a reform  was  insti- 
tuted in  the  military  system 
of  the  empire,  which  had  be- 
come unsatisfactory  and  de- 
fective. The  court  decided 
that  all  those  among  the  rich 
peasants  who  had  capacity 
and  were  skilled  in  archery 
and  horsemanship,  should 
compose  the  military  class, 
and  that  the  remainder,  the 
weak  and  feeble,  should  con- 
tinue to  till  the  soil  and  apply 
themselves  to  agriculture. 

This  was  one  of  the  most 
significant  of  all  the  changes  in  the  history  of  Japan.  Its  fruita^ 
are  seen  to-day  in  the  social  constitution  of  the  Japanese  people. 
Though  there  are  many  classes,  there  are  but  two  great  divisions 
of  the  Japanese,  the  military  and  the  agricultural. 

This  change  wrought  a complete  severance  of  the  soldier  and 
the  farmer.  It  lifted  up  one  part  of  the  people  to  a plane  of  life 
on  which  travel,  adventure,  the  profession  and  pursuit  of  arms, 
letters,  and  the  cultivation  of  honor  and  chivalry  were  possible, 


DRESSING  THE  HAIR. 


288 


CASTE  IN  JAPAN. 


and  by  which  that  brightest  type  of  Japanese  men,  the  Samurai 
was  produced.  This  is  the  class  which  for  centuries  has  monopo- 
lized arms,  polite  learning,  patriotism,  and  intellect  of  Japan. 
They  are  the  men  whose  minds  have  been  open  to  learn,  from 
whom  sprung  the  ideas  that  once  made  and  later  overthrew  the 
feudal  system,  which  wrought  the  mighty  reforms  that  swept  away 
the  shogunate  in  1868,  and  restored  the  mikado  to  ancient  power, 
who  introduced  those  ideas  that  now  rule  Japan,  and  sent  their 
sons  abroad  to  study  the  civilization  of  the  west.  To  the 
Samurai  Japan  looks  to-day  for  safety  in  war  and  progress  in 
peace.  The  Samurai  is  the  soul  of  the  nation.  In  other  lands  the 
priestly  and  the  military  castes  were  formed,  in  Japan  one  and 
the  same  class  held  the  sword  and  the  pen ; the  other  class,  the 
agricultural,  remained  unchanged. 

Left  to  the  soil  to  till  it,  to  live  and  die  upon  it,  the  Japanese 
farmer  has  remained  the  same  to-day  that  he  was  then.  Like  the 
wheat,  that  for  successive  ages  is  planted  as  wheat,  sprouts, 
beards  and  fills  as  wheat,  the  peasant  with  his  horizon  bounded  by 
his  rice  fields  and  water  courses  or  the  timbered  hills,  his  intellect 
laid  away  for  safe  keeping  in  the  priest’s  hands,  is  the  son  of  the 
soil.  He  cares  little  who  rules  him  unless  he  is  taxed  beyond  the 
power  of  flesh  and  blood  to  bear,  or  an  overmeddlesome  official 
policy  touches  his  land  to  transfer,  sell  or  divide  it.  Then  he 
rises  to  rebel.  In  time  of  war  he  is  a disinterested  and  a passive 
spectator  and  he  does  not  fight.  He  changes  masters  with 
apparent  unconcern.  Amidst  all  the  ferment  of  ideas  induced  by 
the  contact  of  western  civilization  with  Asiatic  within  the  last 
four  decades,  the  farmer  stolidly  remains  conservative.  He  knows 
not  nor  cares  to  hear  of  it  and  hates  it  because  of  the  heavier 
taxes  it  imposes  upon  him.  ^ 

The  domestic  solemnities  of  the  Japanese,  marriage  especially,  | 
are  made  the  subjects  of  deep  and  careful  meditation.  In  the 
upper  classes  marriage  is  arranged  between  two  young  people 
when  the  bridegroom  has  reached  his  twentieth  and  the  bride  her 
sixteenth  year.  The  will  of  the  parents  is  almost  without  excep- 
tion the  dominating  power  in  the  matrimonial  arrangements, 
which  are  carried  out  according  to  agreement  among  the  relatives, 
but  love  affairs  of  a spontaneous  kind  form  a large  element  in  the 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS. 


289 


romantic  literature  of  Japan.  The  wedding  is  preceded  by  a be- 
trothal, which  ceremony  offers  an  occasion  for  the  members  of 
both  families  to  meet  one  another ; and  it  not  unfrequently  hap- 
pens that  the  future  couple  then  learn  for  the  first  time  the  wishes 
of  their  parents  respecting  their  union.  If  perchance  the  bride- 
groom elect  is  not  satisfied  with  the  choice,  the  young  woman  re- 
turns home  again.  With  the  introduction  of  other  western  ideas, 
this  inconvenient  custom  is  little  by  little  falling  into  disuse. 
Nowadays,  if  a young  man  wishes  to  marry  into  a family  of  good 
position  or  one  which  it  would  be  advantageous  to  his  prospects  to 
enter,  he  endeavors  first  to  see  the  young  lady,  and  then  if  she 
pleases  him  he  sends  a mediator,  chosen  usually  from  amongst  his 
married  friends,  and  the  betrothal  is  arranged  without  any  further 
obstacle.  Even  more  American-like  than  this,  however,  there  are 
many  instances,  and  the  number  is  constantly  increasing,  in  which 
the  match  is  the  result  of  mutual  affection,  and  sometimes  elope- 
ments are  known  to  occur  among  the  best  families. 

When  things  are  carried  through  conventionally,  the  betrothal 
and  wedding  are  usually  solemnized  on  the  same  day  and  without 
the  assistance  of  any  minister  of  worship.  The  customary  cere- 
monies are  all  of  a homely  nature,  but  at  the  same  time  are  ex- 
tremel}"  complicated  and  numerous.  Upon  the  day  fixed,  the 
trousseau  of  the  young  bride  and  all  the  presents  she  has  received, 
are  brought  to  the  home  of  the  bridegroom,  where  the  ceremony 
is  to  be  performed,  and  arranged  in  the  apartments  set  apart  for 
the  affair.  The  bride  arrives  soon  afterward,  dressed  in  white  and 
escorted  by  her  parents.  The  groom,  arrayed  in  gala  costume, 
receives  her  at  the  entrance  of  the  house,  and  conducts  her  into 
the  hall  where  the  betrothal  takes  place.  Here  grand  prepa- 
rations have  been  made.  The  altar  of  the  domestic  gods  has  been 
decorated  with  images  of  the  patron  saints  of  the  family  and  with 
different  plants,  each  having  its  symbolical  meaning. 

When  all  have  taken  their  places  according  to  the  recognized 
form  of  precedence,  the  ceremony  is  begun  by  two  young  girls, 
who  hand  around  unlimited  quantities  of  saki  to  the  guests. 
These  two  damsels  are  surnamed  the  male  and  female  butterfly, 
the  emblems  of  conjugal  felicity,  because  according  to  popular 
notion  butterflies  always  fly  about  in  couples.  The  decisive  cere- 


290 


THE  WEDDING  CEREMONY. 


mony  is  tinged  with  a symbolism  which  has  a considerable  touch 
of  poetry  in  it.  The  two  butterflies,  holding  between  them  a two- 
necked bottle,  approach  and  offer  it  to  the  engaged  couple  to 
drink  together  from  the  two  mouths  of  the  bottle  till  it  is  emptied, 
which  signifies  that  husband  and  wife  must  drain  together  the  cup 
of  life  whether  it  contain  nectar  or  gall ; they  must  share  equally 
the  joys  and  sorrows  of  existence. 

The  Japanese  is  the  husband  of  one  wife  only,  but  he  is  at  lit 
-erty  to  introduce  several  concubines  under  the  family  roof.  This 
is  done  in  all  classes  of  society,  especially  amongst  the  daimios. 
It  is  asserted  that  in  many  of  the  noble  families  the  legitimate  wife 
not  only  evinces  no  jealousy,  but  has  even  a certain  pleasure  in 
seeing  the  number  of  her  household  thus  augmented,  as  it  supplies 
her  with  so  many  additional  servants.  In  the  middle  classes, 
however,  the  custom  is  often  the  cause  of  bitter  family  dis- 
sentions. 

The  heavy  expenses  of  the  marriage  ceremonies  often  occasion 
considerable  domestic  strife  and  misery,  at  least  if  they  are  cele- 
brated according  to  all  the  established  conventionalities.  Debts 
are  then  incurred  which  perhaps  the  young  couple  are  unable  to 
meet,  so  that  when  other  expenses  grow,  and  trouble  or  misfor- 
tune overtake  them,  they  are  speedily  plunged  into  the  deepest 
distress  and  indigence.  The  natural  consequence  of  these  arbi- 
trary customs  is  the  increase  of  runaway  matches.  The  elope- 
ment, however,  is  usually  wisely  winked  at  by  the  parents,  who 
feign  great  lamentation  and  anger,  then  finally  assemble  their 
neighbors,  pardon  their  recreant  children,  and  circulate  the  inevi- 
table saki,  and  the  marriage  is  considered  as  satisfactory  as  if  per- 
formed with  all  the  requisite  formalities. 

The  birth  of  a child  is  another  occasion  for  the  meeting  of  the 
whole  circle  of  relations,  and  the  consumption  of  a great  man; 
more  bumpers  of  saki.  The  baptism  of  the  young  Japanese 
citizen  takes  place  thirty  days  later,  when  the  infant  is  taken  to 
the  temple  of  the  family  divinity  to  receive  its  first  name.  The 
father  has  previously  written  three  different  names  upon  three 
separate  slips  of  paper,  which  are  handed  over  to  the  officiating 
bonze  or  priest.  The  latter  throws  them  into  the  air,  and  the 
piece  of  paper  which  in  falling  first  touches  the  ground  contains 


JAPANESE  BABIES. 


291 


the  name  which  is  to  be  given  to  the  child.  There  are  no  god- 
parents, but  several'  friends  of  the  family  declare  themselves  the 
infant’s  protectors  and  make  it  several  presents,  among  which  is 
a fan  if  it  be  a boy,  or  a pot  of  rouge  if  a girl. 

The  Japanese  child  is  early  taught  to  endure  hardships,  and  is 
subjected  from  its  infancy  to  all  the  small  miseries  of  life,  so  far 
as  may  be  thought  wise  for  its  training.  The  mother  nurses  it 
till  it  is  two  years  of  age,  and  carries  it  continually  about  with 
her  attached  to  her  back  for  con- 
venience. The  children  are  daintily 
pretty,  chubhy,  rosy,  sparkling-eyed. 

The  children’s  heads  are  shaved  in 
all  curious  fashions,  some  with  little 
topknots,  and  others  with  bald  spots. 

Tlie  way  the  babies  are  carried  is  an 
improvement  upon  the  Indian  fashion. 

He  is  lugged  on  the  back  of  his 
mother  or  his  sister,  maybe  scarcely 
older  than  himself,  either  strapped 
loosely  but  safely,  with  his  head  just 
peering  above  the  shoulder  of  the 
bearer,  or  else  enclosed  in  a fold  of 
the  garment  she  wears.  It  is  a pop- 
ular belief  among  travelers  that 
Japanese  babies  are  the  best  in  the 
world  and  never  cry,  but  the  Japanese 
themselves  claim  no  such  distinction 
for  the  little  ones,  very  proud  of  them 
though  they  are,  and  affirm  that  they 
have  their  fits  of  temper  as  well  as  American  babies. 

Education  is  not  forced  too  early  upon  the  children,  but  nature! 
is  allowed  its  own  way  during  the  first  years  of  childhood.  Toys, 
pleasures,  fetes  of  all  kinds,  are  liberall}^  indulged  in.  One  writer 
has  said  that  Japan  is  the  paradise  of  babies ; not  only  is  this  true 
but  it  is  also  a very  delightful  abode  for  all  who  love  play.  The 
contrast  between  the  Japanese  and  Chinese  character  in  this  re- 
spect is  radical.  The  whole  character,  manners,  and  even  the 
dress  of  the  sedate  and  dignified  Chinaman,  seems  to  be  in  keep- 


CHILD  CARRYING  BABY. 


292 


SPORTS  OF  YOUNG  AND  OLD. 


iiig  with  that  aversion  to  rational  amusement  and  athletic  exer- 
cises which  characterize  that  adult  population.  In  Japan,  on  the 
contrary,  one  sees  that  children  of  the  larger  growth  enjoy  with 
equal  zest,  games  which  are  the  same  or  nearly  the  same  as  those 
of  the  little  ones.  Certain  it  is  that  the  adults  do  all  in  their 
power  to  provide  for  the  children  their  full  quota  of  play  and 
harmless  sports. 

A very  noticeable  change  has  passed  over  the  Japanese  people 
since  the  recent  influx  of  foreigners,  in  respect  of  their  love  of 
amusements.  Their  sports  are  by  no  means  as  numerous  or 
elaborate  as  formerly,  and  they  do  not  enter  into  them  with  the 
enthusiasm  that  formerly  characterized  them.  The  children’s 
festivals  and  sports  are  rapidly  losing  their  importance,  and  some 
are  rarely  seen.  There  is  no  country  in  the  world  in  which  there 
are  so  many  toy  shops  for  the  sale  of  the  things  which  delight 
children.  Street  theatrical  shows  are  common.  Sweet  meats  of 
a dozen  strange  sorts  are  carried  by  men  who  do  tricks  in  gym- 
nastics to  please  the  little  ones.  In  every  Japanese  city  there  are 
scores  if  not  hundreds  of  men  and  women  who  obtain  a livelihood 
by  amusing  the  children.  There  are  indoor  games  and  outdoor 
games,  games  for  the  day  time  and  games  for  the  evening. 
Japanese  kite  flying  and  top  spinning  are  famous  the  world  over, 
and  experts'll!  these  sports  come  to  exhibit  their  adeptness  in  our 
own  country.  In  the  northern  provinces,  where  the  winters  are 
severe,  Japanese  boys  have  the  same  sports  with  snow  and  ice, 
coasting,  sliding,  fighting  mimic  battles  with  snowballs,  that  are 
known  to  our  own  American  boys.  Dinners,  tea  parties,  and 
weddings,  keeping  store,  and  playing  doctor,  are  imitated  in 
Japanese  children’s  games. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  third  month  is  held  the  wonderful 
“ Feast  of  Dolls”  which  is  the  day  especially  devoted  to  the  girls, 
and  to  them  it  is  the  greatest  day  in  the  year.  The  greatest  day 
in  the  year  for  the  boys  is  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  fifth  month, 
when  they  celebrate  what  is  known  as  the  “ Feast  of  Flags.” 

A Japanese  attains  his  majority  at  fifteen  years  of  age.  As 
soon  as  this  time  has  arrived  he  takes  a new  name,  and  quietly 
discards  the  pleasures  of  infancy  for  the  duties  of  a practical  life. 
His  first  care,  if  he  belong  to  the  middle  classes,  is  the  choice  of 


THE  CHINESE  FLEET  AT  WEI-H AI-WEI. 


W 


V'  ■•■ 


:i 


,r.  ^--  ■’- 


•r-’ 


K ; 


&v 


Sv-,. 


i: 


CHOOSING  A BUSINESS. 


295 


a trade  or  profession.  The  opportunities  for  this  choice  are  much 
greater  than  in  China,  just  as  the  scope  of  Japanese  learning  and 
Hfe  has  increased  in  the  last  quarter  century.  Practically  all  of 
the  businesses  and  trades  that  we  know  in  our  own  country  are 
to  day  known  in  Japan,  those  which  were  not  there  before,  having 
crept  in  with  the  advent  of  the  foreigners.  The  Japanese  young 
man,  if  he  is  to  be  a merchant  or  to  learn  a trade,  serves  an  ap- 
prenticeship for  a period  sufficient  to  fit  him  for  the  mastery  of 
liis  work,  and  then  it  is  he  provides  himself  with  a wife. 

The  dress  of  the  Japanese  is  changing  in  harmony  with  the  in- 
troduction of  other  foreign  habits.  Custom  has  always  obliged 
married  women  to  shave  their  eyebrows  and  blacken  their  teeth, 
but  of  late  years  the  practice  has  been  docreasing  and  now  it  does 
not  prevail  among  the  better  classes  and  in  the  larger  cities. 
They  have  also  made  a most  immoderate  use  of  paint,  covering 
their  brow,  cheeks,  and  neck  with  thick  coats  of  rouge  and  white. 
Some  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to  gild  their  lips,  but  the  more 
modest  have  been  content  to  color  them  with  carmine,  and  the 
excessive  use  of  paints  is  diminishing. 

The  kirimon,  a kind  of  long,  open  dressing  gown,  is  worn  by 
every  one,  men  and  women  alike.  It  is  a little  longer  and  of  bet- 
ter quality  for  the  women,  who  cross  it  in  front  and  confine  it  by 
a long  wide  piece  of  silk,  or  other  material  tied  in  a quaint 
fashion  at  the  back.  The  men  keep  theirs  in  its  place  by  tying  a 
long  straight  scarf  around  them.  The  Japanese  use  no  linen,  the 
women  alone  wearing  a chemise  of  silk  crepe,  but  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  they  bathe  daily  or  even  oftener,  and  that  sim- 
plicity of  dress  is  affected  by  all. 

The  middle  classes  wear  in  addition  to  the  kirimon,  a doublet 
and  pantaloons.  These  are  also  worn  in  winter  by  men  of  the 
lower  orders,  the  pantaloons  fitting  tightly,  and  made  of  checked 
cotton.  The  peasants  and  porters  usually  wear  a loose  overall  in 
summer,  made  of  some  light  paper  material,  and  in  winter  not  un- 
frequently  consisting  of  coarse  straw.  The  women  also  envelop 
themselves  in  one  or  several  thickly  wadded  mantles.  Linen 
gloves  with  one  division  for  the  thumb  are  very  generally  worn. 
Sandals  are  made  of  plaited  straw,  and  in  bad  weather  are  dis- 
carded for  wooden  clogs,  raised  from  the  ground  by  means  of  two 


296 


THE  DRESS  OF  MEN  AND  WOMEN. 


bits  of  wood  under  the  the  and  heel.  As  might  naturally  be  ex- 
pected, locomotion  under  such  circumstances  is  performed  with 
difficulty,  and  the  hobbling  gate  which  these  props  necessitate  has 
often  been  commented  on.  This  peculiarity  is  most  noticeable 
among  the  women,  whose  naturally  easy  gait  is  almost  as  much 
diverted  from  its  normal  movement  by  these  small  stilts  as  that  of 
their  sisters  in  the  west  by  their  high  heeled  shoes.  The  costume 
of  the  country  is  exactly  alike  for  both  the  lower  and  higher 


classes,  with  the  difference  that  the  latter 
material.  The  costumes  worn  by  officials, 


JAPANESE  BATH. 


always  wear  silk 
and  those  of  the 
nobility,  are  dis- 
tinguished by  the 
amplitude  of  the 
folds  and  the  rich- 
ness of  the  texture. 
Wide  flowing 
pantaloons  are 
often  substituted 
for  the  kirimon, 
which  trail  on  the 
ground,  complete- 
ly concealing  the 
feet,  and  give  the 
wearer  the  appear- 
ance of  walking  on 
his  knees,  which 
indeed  is  the  delu- 
sion it  is  intended 
sleeves  reaching  to 


to  produce.  A kind  of  overcoat  with  wide 
the  hips  completes  the  costume. 

The  dwelling  houses  of  the  Japanese  are  well  adapted  to  their 
manners  of  life,  except  that  they  are  not  always  sufficient  pro- 
tection against  severe  cold.  Rich  and  poor  live  side  by  side, 
although  in  Tokio  there  are  still  traces  of  the  castes  of  the  feudal 
age,  and  there  are  also  growing  tendencies  in  the  rising  mercantile 
and  moneyed  classes  to  separate  themselves  from  the  common 
mass.  There  are  now  great  portions  of  the  capital  densely  popu- 


DWELLINGS  OF  THE  JAPANESE. 


297 


lated  by  the  working  classes  only,  and  quite  destitute  of  any  open 
spaces  of  practical  value  for  health  and  recreation. 

The  proverb  “Everyman’s  house  is  his  castle,”  might  very 
readily  be  appropriated  by  the  Japanese,  whose  home,  however 
humble  it  may  be  in  all  other  respects,  is  always  guarded  by  a 
moat.  In  a feudal  mansion  the  moat  was  usually  deep  enough  to 
prove  a genuine  obstacle.  While  it  is  still  almost  universally  re- 
tained, the  muddy  water  is  hidden  in  summer  time  by  the  leaves 
of  the  lotus,  and  the  bridges  are  not  drawn.  The  smaller  gentry 
imitate  the  grandeur  of  those  above  them,  and  when  at  last  we 
come  down  to  the  lowest  level  we  still  find  a miniature  moat 
which  is  often  dry,  of  a foot  or  so  in  breadth,  and  at  most  about 
two  inches  deep. 

In  houses  of  some  pretensions  there  is  an  enbankment  behind 
the  moat,  with  a hedge  growing  above  it.  Behind  this  there  is 
either  a wall  or  fence  of  bamboo,  tiles,  or  plaster.  As  the  name 
of  the  street  is  not  to  be  found  at  the  street  corner  as  with  us,  it 
is  repeated  on  every  doorway.  The  towns  are  divided  into  wards 
and  blocks,  and  the  numbers  of  the  houses  are  often  confused  and 
misleading.  A slip  of  white  wood  is  nailed  on  one  of  the  posts 
of  the  gate,  and  is  inscribed  with  the  name  of  the  street  or  block, 
the  number,  name  of  house  holder,  numbers  and  sexes  of  house- 
hold. The  gates  of  the  larger  houses  are  heavy,  adorned  with 
copper  or  brass  mountings,  and  often  studded  with  large  nails. 

When  one  enters  by  the  gate  there  is  generally  found  a court, 
from  the  sides  of  which  the  open  verandas  of  the  building  may  be 
reached.  The  verandas  are  high  and  there  is  a special  entrance 
by  heavy  wooden  stairs.  The  court  is  sometimes  paved  with 
large  stones,  and  sometimes  it  is  left  bare  or  covered  with  turf. 
The  gardens  even  of  somewhat  humble  mansions  are  graced  with 
carved  stone  lanterns.  The  well  placed  near  the  kitchen  often 
has  a rim  of  stone  around  it,  and  the  bucket  is  raised  by  a beam 
or  a long  bamboo. 

In  front  of  the  doorway  there  is  a small  space  unfloored  called 
the  doma,  where  one  takes  off  his  shoes  after  announcing  himself 
by  calling,  or  by  striking  a gong  suspended  by  the  door  post. 
There  is  often  only  one  story  in  Japanese  houses,  and  very  rarely 
more  than  two.  Almost  all  of  them  are  built  of  wood;  the  ground 


298 


INTERIOR  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


floor  is  raised  about  four  feet  above  the  ground,  the  walls  are 
made  of  planks  covered  with  coarse  mats ; and  the  roof  is  sup- 
ported by  four  pillars.  In  a two-storied  house  the  second  story  is 
generally  built  more  solidly  than  the  first ; experience  having 
shown  that  the  edifice  can  thus  better  resist  the  shock  of  an 
earthquake.  Sometimes  the  walls  are  plastered  with  a coating  of 
soft  clay  or  varnish,  and  are  decorated  with  gildings  and  paint- 
ings. The  stair  to  the  second  story  is  very  steep.  The  ceilings 
are  composed  of  very  thin,  broad  planks,  and  are  lower  than  we 
are  accustomed  to,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  people  do 
not  sit  on  chairs  and  have  no  high  beds  or  tables.  Doorways,  or 
rather  the  grooved  lintels  in  which  the  screen  doors  slide,  are  very 
low  and  the  Japanese,  who  are  always  bowing,  seem  to  enjoy 
having  an  unusual  number  of  them  to  pass  through  in  extensive 
houses.  No  room  is  completely  walled  in,  but  each  one  opens  on 
one  or  more  sides  completely  into  the  garden,  the  street,  or  the 
adjoining  room.  Sliding  shutters,  with  tissue  paper  windows,  the 
carpentry  of  which  is  careful  and  exact,  move  in  wooden  grooves 
almost  on  a level  with  the  floor,  which  is  covered  with  padded 
woven  mats  of  rushes.  As  a protection  against  the  severities  of 
the  weather  rain  shutters  are  also  used. 

All  Japanese  dwellings  have  a cheerful,  well-cared-for  appear- 
ance, which  in  a great  measure  is  the  result  of  two  causes ; first, 
that  every  one  is  bound  constantly  to  renew  the  paper  coverings 
of  the  outside  panels,  and  next  that  the  frequent  fires  which  each 
time  make  immense  ravages  often  render  it  necessary  to  recon- 
struct an  entire  district.  In  the  interior  the  houses  are  generally 
divided  into  two  suites  of  apartments,  the  one  side  being  appor- 
tioned to  the  women  as  private  rooms,  and  the  other  side  being 
used  for  the  reception  rooms.  These  apartments  are  all  separated 
from  one  another  by  partitions  made  of  slight  wooden  frames, 
upon  which  small  square  bits  of  white  paper  are  pasted,  or  else  a 
kind  of  screen  is  used  which  can  be  moved  at  pleasure  and  the 
room  enlarged  or  contracted  according  as  the  occasion  requires. 
Towards  nightfall  these  screens  are  usually  folded  up  so  as  to 
allow  a free  passage  of  air  throughout  the  house. 

The  mats  of  rushes  or  rice  straw  which  carpet  the  floors  are 
about  three  inches  thick,  and  are  soft  to  the  touch.  They  are  of 


BEDS  AND  OTHER  FURNITURE. 


29P 


uniform  size,  about  six  feet  by  three,  and  this  fact  dominates  all 
architecture  in  Japan.  Estimates  for  building  houses  and  the 
cutting  of  wood  rest  upon  this  traditional  custom.  The  inhab- 
itants never  soil  them  with  their  boots  but  always  walk  bare- 
footed about  the  house.  The  mat  in  Japan  answers  the  purpose 
of  all  ordinary  furniture,  and  takes  the  place  of  our  chairs,  tables, 
and  beds.  For  writing  purposes  only  do  they  use  a low  round 
table  about  a foot  high,  which  is  kept  in  a cupboard  and  only 
brought  out  when  a letter  has  to  be  written.  This  they  do 
kneeling  before  the  table,  which  they  carefully  put  away  again 


JAPANESE  COUCH. 


when  the  letter  is  finished.  The  meals  are  laid  upon  square 
tables  of  very  slender  dimensions,  around  which  the  whole  family 
gather,  sitting  on  their  heels. 

In  the  walls  are  recesses  with  sliding  doors  into  which  the  bed- 
ding is  thrust  in  the  daytime.  At  bedtime  out  of  these  recesses 
are  taken  the  soft  cotton  stuffed  mattresses  and  the  thick  cover- 
lets of  silk  or  cotton  which  have  been  rolled  up  all  day,  and  these 
are  spread  upon  the  mats.  The  Japanese  pillows  are  of  wood, 
with  the  upper  portions  stuffed  or  padded,  and  in  form  something 
like  a large  flat  iron.  Sometimes  each  one  contains  a little 
15 


300 


CONFLAGRATIONS. 


drawer  in  which  the  ladies  put  their  hairpins.  When  a Japanese 
has  taken  oif  his  day  garments  he  rests  his  head  on  this  wooden 
pillow  and  composes  himself  to  sleep.  Everything  is  put  away 
in  the  morning,  all  the  partitions  are  opened  to  give  air,  the  mats 
are  carefully  swept,  and  the  now  completely  empty  chamber  ia 
transformed  during  the  day  into  an  office,  sitting  room,  or  dining 
room,  to  become  again  the  sleeping  apartment  the  following 
night. 

Clothes  are  kept  in  plaited  bamboo  boxes  usually  covered  with 
black  or  dark  green  waterproof  paper.  The  furniture  is  very 
simple,  and  there  are  often  in  the  best  houses  no  chairs,  no  tables, 
no  bedsteads.  There  may  be  some  low,  short-legged  side  tables 
of  characteristic  Japanese  pattern  and  one  or  two  costly  vases  or 
other  ornaments,  a few  pictures  which  are  changed  in  deference 
to  guests  and  seasons,  some  flowers  or  dwarf  trees  in  vases  and  a 
lamp  or  two.  There  are,  however,  two  pieces  of  furniture  which 
are  to  be  found  in  the  houses  of  every  class.  These  are  the 
brazier  and  the  pipe  box,  for  the  Japanese  is  a great  tea  drinker 
and  a constant  smoker.  Every  hour  in  the  day  his  hot  water 
must  be  ready  for  him,  and  the  brazier  kept  burning  both  day 
and  night  both  in  summer  and  winter. 

The  principal  meal  takes  place  about  the  middle  of  the  day, 
and  after  it  tlie  family  indulge  themselves  with  several  hours’ 
sleep,  so  that  at  this  time  the  streets  are  almost  deserted.  In  the 
evening  they  have  another  meal,  and  then  devote  the  rest  of  the 
time  till  bedtime  to  all  kinds  of  amusements.  In  the  highest 
Japanese  circles  the  dinner  hour  is  sometimes  enlivened  by  music 
from  an  orchestra  stationed  in  an  adjoining  room. 

In  summer  a well-planned  Japanese  house  is  the  very  ideal  of 
coolness,  grace  and  comfort.  In  winter  it  is  the  extreme  of 
misery.  There  are  no  fire-places  and  there  is  unmitigated  venti- 
lation. People  keep  themselves  warm  by  holding  themselves 
close  over  some  morsels  of  red  hot  charcoal  in  a brazier,  and  frost 
bite  is  very  common.  At  night,  when  cold  winds  blow,  a heat- 
ing apparatus  is  put  beneath  the  heavy  cotton  coverlets.  It  often 
gets  overturned ; a watchman  from  his  ladder-like  tower  sees  afar 
off  a dull  red  glow,  bells  begin  to  clang,  and  soon  the  city  is  in 
an  uproar  of  excitement  over  another  conflagration.  In  a few 


JAPANESE  MINIATURE  GARDENS. 


301 


hours  a great  fan-shaped  gap  has  appeared  in  the  city.  One  goes 
at  day -break  to  find  the  scene  of  destruction,  but  it  has  already 
almost  disappeared.  Crowds  of  carpenters  have  rushed  in,  and 
have  already  done  much  to  erect  on  the  hot  and  smoking  ruins 
wooden  houses  nearly  as  good  as  those  swept  away  by  the  fire  of 
the  night  before. 

The  yashikis  or  palaces  in  which  the  people  of  rank  reside,  are 
nothing  more  than  ordinary  houses  grouped  together  and  sur- 
rounded by  whitewashed  outhouses,  with  latticed  windows  of 
black  wood.  These  outhouses  serve  a two-fold  purpose,  as  habi- 
tations for  the  domestics,  and  as  a wall  of  the  enclosure.  Always 
low,  and  usually  rectangular,  they  look  very  much  like  ware- 
houses or  barracks.  The  palace  of  the  sovereign  has,  however,  a 
certain  character  of  its  own.  It  is  a perfect  labyrinth  of  courts 
and  streets  formed  by  the  many  separate  houses,  pavilions,  and 
corridors  or  simple  wooden  partitions.  The  roofs  are  supported 
by  horizontal  beams  varnished  white,  or  gilded  at  the  extremities, 
and  decorated  with  small  pieces  of  sculpture,  many  of  which  are 
very  beautiful  works  of  art.  The  ancient  palace  of  the  Tycoons 
is  remarkable  for  boldness  and  richness  of  outline.  Everything 
breathes  a spirit  of  the  times  when  the  power  and  prosperity  of 
the  shogunate  was  at  its  height.  Upon  the  ceilings  of  gold, 
sculptured  beams  cross  each  other  in  squares,  the  angles  where 
they  meet  being  marked  by  a plate  of  gilt  bronze  of  very  elegant 
design. 

The  greatest  novelties  in  the  eyes  of  foreigners  are  the  gardens 
attached  to  every  house.  The  smallest  tradesman  has  his  own 
little  plot  of  ground  where  he  may  enjoy  the  delights  of  solitude, 
take  his  siesta,  or  devote  himself  to  copious  potations  of  tea  and 
saki.  These  gardens  are  often  of  exceedingly  small  size.  They 
consist  of  a quaint  collection  of  dwarf  shrubs,  miniature  lakes  full 
of  gold  fish,  lilliputian  walks  in  the  middle  of  diminutive  flower 
beds,  tiny  streams  over  which  are  little  green  arches  to  imitate 
bridges,  and  finally  arbors  or  bowers  beneath  which  a rabbit 
might  scarcely  find  room  to  nestle. 

The  Japanese  are  as  strict  in  the  observance  of  etiquette  at  a 
funeral  as  at  their  marriage  ceremonies.  The  rites  take  place 
both  at  the  time  of  the  actual  interment,  and  afterwards  at  the 


302 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS. 


festivals  celebrated  in  honor  of  the  gods  on  these  occasions. 
There  are  two  kinds  of  funerals,  interment  and  cremation.  Most 
of  the  Japanese  make  known  during  life  either  to  the  heir  or  to 
some  intimate  friend  their  wishes  respecting  the  mode  of  the 
disposal  of  their  remains.  When  the  father  or  mother  in  a family 
is  seized  with  a mortal  illness  and  all  hope  of  recovery  is  past  and 
the  end  approaching,  the  soiled  garments  worn  by  the  dying  per- 
son are  removed  and  exchanged  for  perfectly  clean  ones.  The 
last  wishes  of  the  dying  one  are  then  recorded  on  paper.  As  soon 
as  life  has  departed  all  the  relations  give  way  to  lamentations ; 
the  body  is  carried  into  another  room,  covered  with  a curtain  and 
surrounded  by  screens.  In  the  higher  classes  the  body  is  watched 
for  two  days,  but  in  the  lower  it  is  buried  a day  after  death. 

Contrary  to  the  customs  at  marriage  ceremonies,  the  bonzes  or 
priests  preside  over  all  the  funeral  rites.  It  is  they  who  watch 
beside  the  dead  until  the  time  for  interment.  This  is  usually 
carried  out  by  men  who  make  it  their  profession.  The  corpse  is 
placed  in  a coffin,  somewhat  of  the  shape  of  a round  tub,  in  a 
squatting  position,  with  the  head  bowed,  the  legs  bent  under,  and 
the  arms  crossed ; the  lid  of  the  coffin  is  then  fastened  down  by 
wooden  pegs.  The  funeral  procession  proceeds  to  the  temple,  the 
bonzes  marching  first,  some  carrying  flags,  others  different  sym- 
bols, such  as  little  white  boxes  full  of  flowers,  others  wringing 
small  hand-bells.  Then  follows  the  corpse,  preceded  by  a long 
tablet  upon  which  is  inscribed  the  new  name  given  to  the 
deceased.  The  eldest  son  follows,  and  then  the  family,  intimate 
friends,  and  domestics.  The  nearest  relations  are  dressed  in 
white  which  is  the  color  worn  for  mourning. 

When  the  procession  arrives  at  the  temple  the  coffin  is  placed 
before  the  image  of  the  god  and  then  various  ceremonies  com- 
mence, the  length  of  which  is  regulated  by  the  rank  of  the  de- 
ceased, as  with  us.  After  that  all  the  friends  and  acquaintances 
return  home,  whilst  the  relations  turn  to  the  place  where  the 
body  is  to  be  laid.  If  the  deceased  has  expressed  the  desire  that 
his  body  should  be  burned,  the  coffin  is  carried  from  the  temple 
to  a small  crematory  a short  distance  away.  It  is  there  placed 
upon  a kind  of  stone  scaffold,  at  the  base  of  which  a fire  is  kept 
burning  until  the  body  is  consumed.  The  men  employed  in  this 


SKETCHES  IN  JAPAN  AND  COREA. 

JAPANESE  PRIVATE  ON  GUARD  OVER  STORES.  3-  JAPANESE  OFFICER. 

COREAN  FARMER  AND  COOLIE.  4.  LANDING  PLACE  AT  CHEMULPO. 


I 


- PROGRESS  OF  EDUCATION. 


305 


work  draw  out  the  bones  from  the  ashes  by  means  of  sticks,  the 
remaining  ashes  are  placed  in  an  urn,  and  carried  to  the  tomb  by 
the  relations.  The  burials  of  the  poor  outcasts  from  society  are 
very  simple.  The  body  is  interred  at  once  without  entering  in 
the  temple,  or  else  it  is  burnt  in  some  waste  spot. 

Japanese  cemeteries  are  most  carefully  cherished  spots,  and  are 
always  bright  with  vendure  and  flowers.  Each  family  has  its 
own  little  enclosure,  where  several  simple  commemorative  stones 
stand.  Once  a year  a festival  for  the  dead  is  held.  It  is  cele- 
brated at  night.  The  cemetery  is  illuminated  by  thousands  of 
colored  fires,  and  the  whole  population  resort  there,  and  eat, 
drink,  and  enjoy  themselves  in  honor  of  their  dead  ancestors. 

Their  incapacity  for  conceiving  sorrow  is  one  of  the  most 
characteristic  features  of  the  Japanese.  Perhaps  this  psychologi- 
cal phenomenon  is  due  to  the  influences  amidst  which  this  happy 
people  have  the  privilege  of  living.  It  is  an  indisputable  fact  that 
where  nature  is  bright  and  beautiful  the  inhabitants  themselves 
of  that  particular  spot,  like  the  scenery,  seem  to  expand  under 
its  sweet  influence  and  to  become  bright  and  happy.  Such  is  the 
case  with  the  Japanese,  who  while  yielding  almost  unconsciously 
to  these  influences,  deepen  them  by  their  eager  pursuit  of  all 
things  gay  and  beautiful. 

Japan  is  progressive  enough  that  it  has  a compulsory  system  of 
education,  which  is  sure  to  be  ultimately  fatal  to  idolatrous 
religions.  There  are  more  than  three  million  children  in  the 
elementary  schools,  not  to  mention  those  in  the  higlier  institu- 
tions. The  ability  to  read  and  write  is  almost  universal  among 
the  people.  Steady  improvement  is  observed  from  year  to  year, 
in  the  attendance  and  quality  of  the  government  schools.  The 
various  schools  in  connection  with  the  protestant  and  Roman 
missions,  which  are  numerous  and  influential  are  also  well  at- 
tended and  constantly  growing.  A large  number  also  of  the 
wealthier  classes  have  their  children  taught  privately  at  home. 
The  average  attendance  of  the  Japanese  children  at  the  schools  is 
nearly  one-half  the  total  number  of  school  age.  Education  is 
very  highly  esteemed  by  every  class,  and  all  are  willing  to  make 
genuine  sacrifices  to  obtain  it  for  their  children. 

Penmanship  is  laid  great  stress  upon,  and  there  are  many 


306 


MEDICAL  AXD  SURGICAL  SCIENCE. 


different  styles  in  use.  The  blackboard  is  used  in  all  schools 
now,  and  the  artistic  tendencies  of  the  people  are  often  well  dis- 
played on  it.  The  Arabic  numerals  are  fast  displacing  the  old 
Chinese  system.  A great  many  of  the  methods  of  European  and 
American  teaching  have  been  introduced  into  Japan,  and  their 
use  is  constantly  on  the  increase. 

Universities  and  academies  supported  by  the  government  have 
been  chiefly  under  the  direction  of  American  and  European  pro- 
fessors, and  the  western  languages  are  taught  everywhere.  In 
addition  to  this  educational  element  introduced  into  the  country, 
there  is  that  brought  in  by  the  large  number  of  Japanese  young 
men  who  have  been  sent  to  the  universities  of  the  United  States, 
Germany,  France,  and  England  to  complete  their  education.  In 
our  own  colleges  these  young  men  have  ranked  with  the  highest 
as  linguists,  scientists,  and  orators.  The  influence  that  they  have 
exerted  in  Japan,  where  they  have  invariably  taken  a high  posi- 
tion, either  officially  or  educationally,  has  been  most  beneficial  to 
the  advance  of  learning  in  the  island  empire. 

The  excessive  cleanliness  of  the  Japanese,  the  simplicity  of 
their  apparel,  which  allows  their  bodies  to  be  so  much  exposed  to 
the  open  air,  added  to  the  salubrity  of  their  country,  might  rea- 
sonably lead  one  to  imagine  that  they  enjoy  excellent  health. 
Such  however  is  not  the  case.  Diseases  of  the  skin,  and  chronic 
and  incurable  complaints  are  very  prevalent.  The  hot  baths  are 
the  great  remedies  for  everything,  but  in  certain  cases  the  aid  of 
the  physicians  is  enlisted.  These  form  a class  of  society  which 
has  existed  from  a very  early  date,  and  enjoy  certain  privileges. 
They  are  divided  into  three  classes,  the  court  physicians,  who  are 
not  permitted  to  practice  elsewhere,  the  army  physicians,  and' 
lastly  the  common  physicians,  not  employed  by  the  government, 
who  attend  all  classes  of  the  community.  As  no  formalities  used 
to  be  required  for  the  practice  of  medicine,  each  member  entered 
on  the  career  at  his  pleasure  and  practiced  according  to  his  own 
theories  on  the  subject.  It  is  a profession  often  handed  down 
from  father  to  son,  but  it  is  not  a lucrative  one,  and  is  looked  upon 
as  an  office  of  little  importance  or  consideration. 

Medical  men  nevertheless  abound  in  Japan,  and  in  addition  to 
recognized  practitioners,  there  is  a class  of  quacks  exactly  answer- 


MUSIC. 


307 


iiig  to  those  of  our  own  country.  Their  science  principally  par- 
takes of  the  nature'of  sorcery.  Where  hot  baths  fail  to  produce 
the  desired  effect,  they  have  recourse  to  acupuncture  and  cauter- 
isation. Acupuncture  consists  in  pricking  with  a needle  the  part 
affected,  a mode  of  healing  which  has  been  practiced  from  time  ~ 
immemorial  in  the  east.  After  the  skin  has  been  stretched  suffi- 
ciently tight,  the  needle  is  thrust  in  perpendicularly  either  by 
rolling  between  the  fingers  or  by  a direct  gentle  pressure,  or  else 
by  striking  it  lightly  with  a small  hammer  made  for  the  purpose. 

Cauterisation  is  performed  with  little  cones  called  moxas,  formed 


GEfSHA  GIRLS  PLAYING  JAPANESE  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS. 


of  dried  wormwood  leaves,  and  prepared  in  such  a manner  as  to 
consume  slowly.  One  or  more  of  these  is  applied  to  the  diseased 
part  and  set  alight.  The  mode  of  cauterising  wounds  has  fre- 
quently the  effect  of  strongly  exciting  the  nervous  system,  but 
does  not  seem  to  improve  the  general  health  of  the  patient  ma- 
terially. The  national  university  of  Tokio  has  a medical  depart- 
ment in  connection  with  it,  which  teaches  medical  science  accord- 
ing to  our  own  western  methods.  Hospitals  exist  in  the  large 
cities  of  Japan  which  are  similarly  equipped  to  those  of  our  own 


308 


MUSIC. 


country,  and  are  under  the  direction  of  physicians  and  surgeons, 
most  of  whom  are  either  Europeans  and  Americans,  or  Japanese 
who  have  been  educated  in  medical  colleges  abroad.  Many  young 
women  of  Japan  have  come  to  America  to  take  courses  in  nursing 
in  our  great  hospitals  and  training  schools,  and  on  their  return  to 
Japan  are  spreading  the  knowledge  they  have  thus  gained. 

Music  is  one  of  the  most  cultivated  of  the  fine  arts  of  Japan, 
and  Japanese  tradition  accords  it  a divine  origin.  The  Japanese 
have  many  stringed,  wind,  and  percussion  instruments,  but  the 
general  favorite  is  the  sam-sin  or  guitar  with  three  strings.  There 
are  also  the  lutes,  several  kinds  of  drums  and  tambourines,  fifes, 


7 

. t 

7fiJ7 

X 

X 

H 3. 

ru 

. yL 

7 

/ 

f 

X7 

5 

1' 

JAPANESE  ALPHABET,  NEW. 


clarionets,  and  flageolets.  The  Japanese  have  no  idea  of  harmony. 
A number  of  them  will  often  perform  together,  but  they  are  never 
in  tune.  They  are  not  more  advanced  in  melody ; their  airs  recall 
neither  the  savage  strains  of  the  forest  nor  the  scientific  music  of 
the  west.  In  spite  of  this  their  music  has  the  power  of  charming 
them  for  hours  together,  and  it  is  only  among  the  utterly  unedu- 
cated classes  that  a young  girl  is  to  be  found  unable  to  accompany 
herself  in  a song  on  the  sam-sin. 

In  the  department  of  jurisprudence  great  progress  has  been  made. 
Scarcely  any  nation  on  earth  can  show  a more  revolting  list  of 
horrible  methods  of  punishment  and  torture  in  the  past,  and  none 
^an  show  greater  improvement  in  so  short  a time.  The  cruel  and 


LAW  AND  LANGUAGE. 


809 


blood-thirsty  code  was  mostly  borrowed  from  China.  Since  the 
restoration,  revised  statutes  and  regulations  have  greatly  decreased 
the  list  of  capital  punishments,  reformed  the  condition  of  prisons, 
and  made  legal  processes  more  in  harmony  with  mercy  and 
justice.  The  use  of  torture  to  obtain  testimony  is  now  entirely 
abolished.  Law  schools  have  also  been  established  and  lawyers 
are  allowed  to  plead,  thus  giving  the  accused  the  assistance  of 
counsel  for  his  defense. 

The  Japanese  tongue  has  for  a long  time  been  regarded  merely 

A ^ ^ ^ ''' ' 

^ ^ ^ ik  \i 

p ^ 2 (- 

-t  ^ t*'  t 

^ ^ ^ i 

1 i ^ 

JAPANESE  ALPHABET,  OLD. 

as  an  offshoot  of  the  Chinese  language,  or  at  any  rate  as  being 
very  nearly  connected  with  it.  Study  however,  and  the  com- 
parison of  the  two  languages  has  rectified  this  error.  Japanese 
understand  Chinese  writing  because  the  Chinese  characters  form 
part  of  the  numerous  kinds  in  use  in  Japan.  This  is  easily  under- 
stood when  it  is  remembered  that  Chinese  characters  represent 
neither  letters  nor  meaningless  sounds,  which  are  only  the  con- 
stituent parts  of  a word,  but  are  words  themselves,  or  rather 
the  ideas  that  these  words  express ; consequently  the  same  ideas 


310 


LITERATURE  OF  JAPAN. 


can  be  communicated  although  expressed  by  different  words  to 
any  one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  signification  of  the  characters. 
The  Japanese  language  is  very  soft  and  agreeable  to  the  ear,  but 
travelers  declare  that  no  one  born  out  of  the  country  could  pos- 
sibly pronounce  some  of  the  words.  They  have  a system  of  forty- 
eight  syllabic  signs,  which  can  be  doubled  by  means  of  signs  added 
to  the  consonants,  which  modify  the  sound,  and  render  it  harder 
or  softer.  This  system,  it  is  said,  dates  from  the  eighth  century 
and  can  be  written  in  four  different  series  of  characters. 

Japanese  literature  comprises  books  on  science,  biography, 
geography,  travels,  pliilosophy,  and  natural  history,  as  well  as 
poetry,  dramatic  works,  romances,  and  encyclopedias.  The  latter 
seem  to  be  little  more  than  picture  books,  with  explanatory 
notes,  arranged  like  other  Japanese  dictionaries,  sometimes  alpha- 
betically, but  more  often  quite  fancifully  and  without  any  attempt 
at  scientific  classification.  The  poets  of  Japan  strive  to  express 
the  most  comprehensive  ideas  in  the  fewest  possible  words,  and 
to  employ  words  with  double  meanings  for  the  sake  of  typical 
allusions.  They  also  delight  in  descriptions  or  similes  furnished 
by  the  scenery,  or  the  rich  variety  of  natural  productions  with 
which  they  are  surrounded. 

Of  their  older  books  on  science  none  are  of  any  value  but  those 
which  treat  of  astronomy.  The  proof  of  their  progress  in  this 
science  is  afforded  by  the  fact  that  almanacs,  which  were  at  first 
brought  from  China,  have  now  become  very  general  and  are  com- 
posed in  Japan.  The  Japanese,  until  western  education  began 
to  have  its  influence  over  them,  had  only  a slight  knowledge  of 
mathematics,  trigonometry,  mechanics,  or  engineering.  History 
and  geography  are  very  fairly  cultivated.  Reading  is  the  favorite 
recreation  of  both  sexes  in  Japan.  The  women  confine  them- 
selves to  the  perusal  of  romances,  and  those  works  on  etiquette 
and  kindred  subjects  prepared  for  them.  Every  young  girl  who 
can  afford  it  has  her  subscription  to  a library,  which  for  the  sum 
of  a few  copper  coins  per  month  furnishes  her  with  as  many 
books,  ancient  and  modern,  as  she  can  devour.  Except  for  their 
titles,  these  productions  seem  all  formed  on  one  pattern.  In  the 
choice  of  their  characters  and  their  subjects  the  authors  seem  by 


SHINTO. 


311 


no  means  desirous  of  breaking  through  the  narrow  limits  within 
which  prejudice  and  custom  have  confined  them. 

The  ancient  religion  of  the  Japanese  is  called  “ Kami  no 
michi,”  way,  or  doctrine  of  the  gods.  The  Chinese  form  of  the 
same  is  Shinto,  and  from  this  foreigners  have  called  it  Shintoism. 
In  its  purity  the  chief  characteristic  of  this  religion  is  the  worship 
of  ancestors  and  the  deifi- 
cation of  emperors,  heroes, 
and  scholars.  The  adora- 
tion of  the  personified 
forces  of  nature  enters 
largely  into  it.  It  employs 
no  idols,  images,  or  effigies 
in  its  worship,  and  teaches 
no  doctrine  of  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul.  Shinto 
has  no  moral  code,  and  no 
accurately  defined  system 
of  ethics  or  belief.  The 
leading  principle  of  its 
adherents  is  imitation  of 
the  illustrious  deeds  of 
their  ancestors,  and  they 
are  to  prove  themselves 
worthy  of  their  descent  by 
the  purity  of  their  lives. 

The  priests  of  Shinto  are 
designated  according  to 
their  rank.  Sometimes 
they  receive  titles  from 
the  emperor,  and  the 
higher  ranks  of  the  priest- 
hood  are  court  nobles. 

Ordinarily  they  dress  like  other  people,  but  are  robed  in  white 
when  officiating,  or  in  court  dress  when  in  court.  They  marry,, 
rear  families,  and  do  not  shave  their  heads.  The  office  is  usually 
hereditary. 

After  all  the  research  of  foreign  scholars,  many  hesitate  to  de^ 


SHINTO  PRIEST. 


312 


BUDDHISM  IN  JAPAN. 


cide  whether  Shinto  is  a native  Japanese  product  or  whether  it 
is  not  closely  allied  with  the  ancient  religion  of  China  which  ex- 
isted before  the  period  of  Confucius.  The  weight  of  opinion  in- 
clines to  the  latter  belief.  The  Kojiki  is  the  Bible  of  Shintoism. 
It  is  full  of  narrations,  but  it  lays  down  no  precepts,  teaches  no 
morals  or  doctrines,  prescribes  no  ritual.  Shinto  has  very  few  of 
the  characteristics  of  a religion  as  understood  by  us.  The  most 
learned  native  commentators  and  exponents  of  the  faith  expressly 
maintain  the  view  that  Shinto  has  no  moral  code.  Motoori,  the 
great  modern  revivalist  of  Shinto,  teaches  with  emphasis  that 
morals  were  invented  by  the  Chinese  because  they  were  an  im- 
moral people,  but  in  Japan  tliere  was  no  necessity  for  any  system 
of  morals,  as  every  Japanese  acted  aright  if  he  only  consulted  his 
own  heart.  The  duty  of  a good  Japanese,  he  says,  consists  in 
obeying  the  commands  of  the  mikado  without  questioning  whether 
these  commands  are  right  or  wrong.  It  was  only  immoral  people 
like  the  Chinese  who  presumed  to  discuss  the  character  of  their 
sovereign.  The  opinion  of  most  scholars  from  America  and 
Europe,  studying  Shinto  on  its  own  soil,  has  been  that  the  faith 
was  little  more  tlian  an  influence  for  reducing  the  people  to  a 
condition  of  mental  slavery.  Its  influence  is  weakening  every 
year. 

The  outlines  of  Buddhism  in  its  Chinese  forms  have  been  indi- 
cated in  a foregoing  chapter.  It  is  well,  however,  to  take  an- 
other glance  at  it  here  in  connection  with  its  Japanese  signifi- 
cance. This  religion  reached  the  Japanese  empire  about  the 
middle  of  the  sixth  century  after  Christ,  twelve  centuries  after 
its  establishment.  Buddhism  originated  as  a pure  atheistic 
humanitarianism,  with  a lofty  philosophy  and  a code  of  morals 
higher  perhaps  than  any  heathen  religion  had  reached  before  or 
has  since  attained.  First  preached  in  India,  a land  accursed  by 
secular  and  spiritual  oppression,  it  acknowledged  no  caste  and 
declared  all  men  equally  sinful  and  miserable,  and  nil  equally 
capable  of  being  freed  from  sin  and  misery  througli  knowledge. 
It  taught  that  the  souls  of  all  men  had  lived  in  a previous  state 
of  existence  and  that  all  the  sorrows  of  this  life  are  punishments 
for  sins  committed  in  a previous  state.  After  death  the  soul 
must  migrate  for  ages  through  stages  of  life  inferior  or  superior, 


JAPANESK  TROOPS  LANDING  AT  CHEMULPO.  September  qth. 


J 


ATHEISTIC  TENDENCIES. 


S15 


until  perchance  it  arrived  at  last  in  Nirvana  or  absorption  in 
Buddha.  The  true  estate  of  the  human  soul,  according  to  the 
Buddhist,  was  blissful  annihilation. 

The  morals  of  Buddhism  are  superior  to  its  metaphysics.  Its 
commandments  are  the  dictates  of  the  most  refined  morality. 
Such  was  Buddhism  in  its  early  purity.  Beside  its  moral  code 
and  philosophical  doctrines  it  had  almost  nothing.  But  in  the 
twelve  centuries  which  passed  while  it  swept  through  India, 
Birmah,  Siam,  China,  Thibet,  Manchooria,  Corea,  and  Siberia, 
it  acquired  the  apparel  with  which  Asiatic  imagination  and 
priestly  necessity  had  clothed  and  adorned  the  original  doctrines 
of  Buddha.  The  ideas  of  Buddha  had  been  expanded  into  a 
complete  theological  system,  with  all  the  appurtenances  of  a stock 
religion.  Japan  was  ready  for  the  introduction  of  any  religion 
as  attractive  as  Buddhism,  for  prior  to  that  time  nothing  existed 
except  Shinto,  of  which  there  was  little  but  the  dogma  of  the 
divinity  of  the  mikado,  the  duty  of  all  Japanese  to  obey  him  im- 
plicitly, and  some  Confucian  morals. 

Buddliism  came  to  touch  the  heart,  to  fire  the  imagination,  to 
feed  the  intellect,  to  offer  a code  of  lofty  morals,  to  point  out  a 
pure  life  through  self-denial,  to  awe  the  ignorant,  and  to  terrify 
the  doubting.  With  this  explanation  of  the  field  which  Buddhism 
found  and  what  it  offered,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  faith 
spread  with  marvelous  rapidity  until  the  Japanese  empire  was  a 
Buddhist  land.  This  did  not  necessarily  exclude  Shinto  from  the 
minds  of  the  same  people,  and  the  two  faiths  have  existed  side  by 
side  in  harmony.  Of  late  years,  however,  the  Japanese  have  not 
only  been  losing  faith  in  their  own  religions  but  in  all  others,  and 
to-day  they  are  said  by  many  to  form  a nation  of  atheists.  This 
does  not  apply  to  the  common  people  so  truly  as  to  the  edu- 
cated ones,  and  of  course  is  not  nearly  as  general  a truth  as  has 
been  often  assumed.  In  no  country  of  Asia  has  Christianity  made 
such  rapid  and  permanent  advance  as  in  Japan.  It  is  the  only 
oriental  country  having  a government  of  its  own  in  which  there  is 
absolute  freedom  in  religious  belief  and  practice,  and  in  .which 
there  is  no  state  religion  and  no  state  support. 

It  has  been  for  years  the  prophetic  declaration  of  missionaries 
in  the  east  that  the  first  nation  to  extend  full  liberty  of  conscience 


316 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  JAPAN. 


in  religion  would  be  the  dominant  power  of  Asia.  That  Japan 
has  fulfilled  this  condition  is  not  more  remarkable  than  are  her 
rapid  strides  to  political  power  since  that  country  opened  its  doors 
to  Christianity.  That  Japan  is  sincere  in  its  treatment  of  an 
alien  religion  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  native  Christian  chap- 
lains accompany  her  armies  in  their  marches  against  China,  and 
these  are  representative  men  of  the  Methodist,  Congregational, 


STREET  SCENES. — From  a Ja'panese  Album. 


^nd  Presbyterian  churches  in  Japan  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
whole  Christian  element  in  Japan,  foreign  and  native,  has  been 
loyal  to  the  country  and  in  thorough  sympathy  with  the  aggressive 
movement  made  by  Japan.  The  sympathy  between  Corea  and 
Japan  has  been  greatly  strengthened  by  the  active  support 
rendered  Presbyterian  missionaries  in  Corea  by  the  whole  Chris- 
tian body  in  Japan.  The  work  of  Mr.  Johnson,  a Presbyterian 


THE  AINOS. 


317 


missionary  in  Corea,  made  him  an  adviser  of  the  king,  and  this 
assisted  in  leading  the  latter  rather  towards  Japan  than  towards 
China.  The  corner  stone  of  Japan’s  position  to-day  is  religious 
toleration.  All  that  the  Christian  missionaries  have  asked  in  Asia 
is  equal  privilege  with  other  religions,  and  these  they  have  had  in 
Japan.  History  is  only  repeating  itself,  and  the  results  of  re- 
ligious toleration  in  Europe  centuries  ago  are  being  duplicated  in 
Asia  in  1895. 

The  student  of  Asiatic  life,  on  coming  to  Japan,  is  cheered  and 
pleased  on  contrasting  the  position  of  women  in  Japan  with  that 
in  other  countries.  He  sees  them  treated  with  respect  and  con- 
sideration far  above  that  observed  in  other  quarters  of  the  Orient. 
They  are  allowed  greater  freedom,  and  hence  have  more  dignity 
and  self-confidence.  The  daughters  are  better  educated  and  the 
national  annals  will  show  probably  as  large  a number  of  illustrious 
women  as  those  of  any  other  country  in  Asia.  In  these  last  days 
of  enlightenment  public  and  private  schools  for  girls  are  being 
opened  and  attended.  Furthermore,  some  of  the  leaders  of  new 
Japan,  braving  public  scandal,  and  learning  to  bestow  that 
measure  of  honor  upon  their  wives  which  they  see  is  enthusiastic- 
ally awarded  by  foreigners  to  theirs,  and  are  not  ashamed  to  be 
seen  in  public  with  them.  No  women  excel  the  Japanese  in  that 
innate  love  of  beauty,  order,  neatness,  household  adornment  and 
management,  and  the  amenities  of  dress  and  etiquette  as  pre- 
scribed by  their  own  standard.  In  maternal  affection,  tenderness, 
anxiety,  patience,  and  long  suffering,  the  Japanese  mothers  need 
fear  no  comparison  with  those  in  other  climes.  As  educators  of 
their  children,  the  Japanese  women  are  peers  to  the  mothers  of 
!any  civilization  in  the  care  and  minuteness  of  their  training,  and 
their  affectionate  tenderness  and  self-sacrificing  devotion  within 
the  limits  of  their  knowledge.  The  Japanese  maiden  is  bright, 
intelligent,  interesting,  modest,  ladylike,  and  self-reliant.  What 
the  American  girl  is  in  Europe  the  Japanese  maiden  is  among 
Asiatics. 

So  far  our  attention  has  been  devoted  exclusively  to  the 
Japanese  proper,  that  is,  to  those  people  inhabiting  Hondo  and 
the  other  islands  to  the  south  of  it.  But  a few  words  remain  to 
be  said  about  a people,  who,  while  forming  part  of  the  empire  of 


318 


SURVIVING  ABORIGINES. 


Japan,  yet  differ  essentially  from  the  great  majority  of  the  popu- 
lation. They  are  the  Ainos,  or  the  original  inhabitants  of  the 
Japanese  archipelago,  now  only  to  be  found  in  the  island  of 
Yesso.  These  people  are  decreasing  in  numbers  year  by  }"ear, 
and  will  soon  be  named  with  those  extinct  races  of  whom  it  is 
only  known  tliat  they  have  once  existed.  The  Ainos,  however, 
have  had  their  day  of  glory.  In  olden  times,  several  centuries 
before  our  era,  they  were  masters  of  all  the  north  part  of  the 
island  of  Hondo,  and  their  power  equalled  that  of  the  Japanese ; 
but  little  by  little  their  influence  diminished,  and  they  were 
driven  before  the  Japanese,  and  finally  confined  to  the  island  of 
Yesso.  There  the  Japanese  pursued  them  and  a long  war  ensued, 
but  finally  reduced  them  to  complete  submission  about  the  four- 
teenth century.  Since  then  the  state  of  servitude  in  which  their 
conquerors  have  held  them  has  been  such  as  to  stifle  even  the 
instinct  of  progress  within  them,  so  that  in  the  nineteenth  century 
they  offer  the  image  of  a people  hardly  past  its  first  infancy. 

The  origin  of  the  Ainos  is  unknown.  They  themselves  are  per- 
fectly ignorant  of  their  own  history,  and  they  have  no  written 
documents  existing  which  could  throw  light  upon  their  past.  It 
is  most  probable  that  they  originally  came  from  the  far  interior 
of  the  Asiatic  continent,  for  they  bear  not  the  slightest  resem- 
blance to  any  of  their  neighbors  in  the  tribes  scattered  along  the 
eastern  coasts  of  the  north  of  Asia.  The  Ainos  are  generally 
small,  thick-set,  and  awkwardly  formed ; they  have  wide  fore- 
heads and  black  eyes,  not  sloping  ; their  skin  is  fair  but  sunburnt. 
Their  distinguishing  feature  is  their  hairiness,  and  they  never 
dress  their  heads  or  trim  their  beards.  The  little  children  have  a 
bright,  intelligent  look,  which,  however,  gradually  wears  away  as 
they  grow  older.  The  dwellings  are  of  the  simplest  construction, 
and  only  contain  a few  implements  for  hunting  and  fishing,  and 
some  cooking  utensils.  They  are  built  in  small  groups  or  hamlets, 
never  containing  more  than  a hundred  individuals.  They  are  a 
gentle,  kindly,  hospitable,  and  even  timid  people.  Fishing  is 
their  chief  occupation,  and  hunting  is  another  profitable  pursuit. 
There  is  no  sign  of  agriculture,  nor  is  any  breed  of  cattle  to  be 
found  among  these  people.  Dogs  are  utilized  to  draw  their 
sledges  in  winter.  Their  organization  is  quite  patriarchal.  They 


GROUP  OF  AINOS 


OUTLOOK  FOR  JAPAN. 


321 


have  neither  king,  princes  nor  lords,  but  in  every  hamlet  the 
affairs  of  the  community  are  vested  in  the  hands  of  the  oldest  and 
most  influential  member.  Although  the  intelligence  of  the  Ainos 
is  very  little  developed,  they  evince  great  aptitude  for  knowledge 
and  eagerly  seize  every  opportunity  for  acquainting  themselves 
with  Japanese  laws  and  customs. 

The  London  Times,  in  1859,  predicted  that  “ The  Chinaman 
would  still  be  navigating  the  canals  of  his  country  in  the  crazy 


RATS  AS  RICE  MERCHANTS. — From  a Japanese  Album. 


old  junks  of  his  ancestors  when  the  Japanese  was  skimming  along 
his  rivers  in  high  pressure  steamers,  or  flying  across  the  country 
behind  a locomotive.”  The  railway  is  now  in  fact  stretching  its 
iron  tracks  in  every  direction  over  the  islands;  the  telegraph 
spreads  its  web  all  over  the  country ; street  car  lines  are  in  every 
city ; the  printing  press  rattles  merrily  in  every  moderate  sized 
country  town  ; and  the  Japanese  who  have  always  read  much, 
now  read  ten  times  more  than  they  ever  did  before.  Technical 
16 


322 


OUTLOOK  FOR  JAPAN. 


education  of  the  higher  kind  is  telling  upon  the  people,  and  many 
works  are  now  undertaken  from  which  the  authorities  would  have 
shrunk  a few  years  ago  as  being  impossible  for  them  to  grapple 
with.  Original  investigation  in  many  lines  has  been  pursued,  and 
particularly  in  the  study  of  earthquake  phenomena  has  Japan 
given  to  the  world  results  of  extreme  value.  The  influence  of  the 
modern  scientific  spirit  is  immense  and  ever  growing.  Western 
influence  in  its  better  nature  is  constantly  on  the  increase.  It 
appears  to-day  as  if  Japan  were  to  be  the  civilizing  influence  in 
the  east  of  Asia. 


Corea 


OOREAN  LANDSCAPE. 


RAW  LEVIES  FOR  THE  CHINESE  ARMY, 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH  OF  COREA,  THE  HERMIT 

NATION. 


Aboriginal  Inhabitants  of  the  Land— Founding  the  Kingdom  of  Cho-sen— The  Era  of  llie 
Three  Kingdoms— Dependence  on  China  and  Japan— Period  of  Peace  and  Prosperity— Inva- 
sion of  Corea  by  tlie  Japanese  in  the  Sixteenth  Century— Introduction  of  Chri.stianity— The 
Modern  History  of  Corea— Breaking  down  the  Walls  of  Isolation— The  French  Expedition— 
American  Relations  with  Corea— Ports  Opened  to  Japanese  Commerce— The  Year  of  the 
Treaties— A Hermit  Nation  no  Longer. 

Until  recent  years  our  knowledge  of  the  remarkable  country  of 
Corea,  known  indeed  to  the  general  public  by  little  more  than  its 
name,  has  been  limited  to  tlie  meagre  and  scanty  information  im- 
parted to  us  by  Chinese  and  Japanese  sources.  After  having 
been  for  several  thousands  of  years  tlie  scene  of  sanguinary  and 
murderous  feuds  between  the  various  races  and  tribes  who 
peopled  tlie  peninsula,  and  of  the  intrigues  and  wars  of  conquest 
of  its  rapacious  neighbors,  Corea  succeeded  after  its  final  union 
under  the  sway  of  one  ruler,  but  with  considerable  loss  of  terri- 
tory, in  driving  back  the  invaders  behind  its  present  frontiers,  en- 
forcing since  that  time  with  an  iron  rule,  that  policy  of  exclusion 
which  effectually  separated  it  from  the  whole  outer  world.  Corea, 
though  unknown  even  by  name  in  Europe  until  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, was  the  subject  of  description  by  Arab  geographers  of  the 
middle  ages.  The  Arab  merchants  trading  to  Chinese  ports 
crossed  the  Yellow  Sea,  visited  the  peninsula,  and  even  settled 
there.  The  youths  of  Shinra,  one  the  Corean  states,  sent  by  theii 
sovereign  to  study  the  arts  of  war  and  peace  at  Nanking,  the 
mediaeval  capital  of  China,  may  often  have  seen  and  talked  with 
the  merchants  of  Bagdad  and  Damascus. 

As  has  been  said,  nearly  all  that  the  western  world  was  able  to 
learn  about  Corea  until  recent  years,  has  been  collected  from 
Chinese  and  Japanese  sources,  which  confine  themselves  mainly 
to  the  historical  and  political  connection  with  these  countries. 
The  meagre  early  accounts  owed  to  Europeans  on  this  interesting 
subject,  originate  either  from  shipwrecked  mariners  who  have 

(327) 


328 


WHENCE  CAME  THE  COREANS. 


been  cast  upon  the  inhospitable  shores  of  Corea  and  there  been 
kept  imprisoned  for  some  time,  or  from  navigators  who  have  ex- 
tended their  voyages  of  discovery  to  these  distant  seas  and  who 
have  touched  a few  prominent  points  of  the  coast. 

Like  almost  every  country  on  earth,  Corea  is  inhabited  by  a 
race  that  is  not  aboriginal.  The  present  occupiers  of  the  land 
drove  out  or  conquered  the  people  whom  they  found  upon  it. 
They  are  the  descendants  of  a stock  who  came  from  beyond  the 
northern  frontier.  It  may  not  be  a wrong  conjecture,  which  is 
corroborated  by  many  outward  signs,  to  look  for  the  origin  of  the 
people  in  Mongolia,  in  a tribe  which  finally  settled  down  in 
Corea  after  roaming  about  and  fighting  its  way  through  China. 
We  may  also  take  those  who  bear  the  unmistakable  stamp  of  the 
Caucasian  race  to  have  come  from  Western  Asia  whence  they 
had  been  driven  by  feuds  and  revolutions.  At  the  conclusion  of 
the  long  wars  which  have  at  last  led  to  the  union  of  the  different 
states  founded  by  various  tribes,  a partial  fusion  had  taken  place, 
which,  though  it  has  not  succeeded  in  eradicating  the  outer  signs 
of  a different  descent,  at  least  caused  the  adoption  of  one  language 
and  of  the  same  manners  and  customs. 

Most  of  the  Coreans  claim  to  be  in  complete  darkness  and 
ignorance  of  their  own  origin  ; some  declare  quite  seriously  that 
their  ancestors  have  sprung  from  a black  cow  on  the  shores  of  the 
Japan  sea,  while  others  ascribe  their  origin  to  a mysterious  and 
supernatural  cause. 

The  first  mention  of  the  inhabitants  of  Corea  we  find  in  old 
Chinese  chronicles  about  2350  B.  C.,  at  which  period  some  of  the 
northern  tribes  are  reported  to  have  entered  into  a tributary  con- 
nection with  China.  The  first  really  reliable  accounts,  however, 
commence  only  with  the  twelfth  century  B.  C.,  at  which  time 
the  north-westerly  part  of  the  peninsula  first  stands  out  from  the 
dark. 

The  last  Chinese  emperor  of  the  Shang  dynasty  was  Chow  Sin, 
who  died  B.  C.  1122.  He  was  an  unscrupulous  tyrant,  and  one 
of  his  nobles,  Ki  Tsze,  rebuked  and  remonstrated  with  his  sover- 
eign. His  efforts  were  hopeless,  and  the  nobles  who  joined  him 
in  protest  were  executed.  Ki  Tsze  was  cast  into  prison.  A re- 
volt immediately  ensued  against  the  tyrant;  he  was  defeated  and 


FOUNDING  THE  FIRST  KINGDOM. 


829 


killed,  and  the  conqueror  Wu  Wang  released  the  prisoner  and 
appointed  him  prime  minister.  Ki  Tsze  however  refused  to  serve 
one  whom  he  believed  to  be  an  usurper  and  exiled  himself  to 
the  regions  lying  to  the  north-east.  With  him  went  several 
thousand  Chinese  immigrants,  most  the  remnant  of  the  defeated 
army,  who  made  him  their  king.  Ki  Tsze  reigned  many  years 
and  left  the  newly  founded  state  in  peace  and  prosperity  to  his 
successors.  He  policed  the  borders,  gave  laws  to  his  subjects, 
and  gradually  introduced  the  principles  and  practices  of  Chinese 
etiquette  and  polity  throughout  his  domain.  Previous  to  his  time 
the  people  lived  in  caves  and  holes  in  the  ground,  dressed  in 
leaves,  and  were  destitute  of  manners,  morals,  agriculture  and 
cooking.  The  Japanese  pronounce  the  founder’s  name  Kishi,  and 
the  Coreans  Kei-tsa  or  Kysse.  The  name  conferred  by  the  civ- 
ilizer upon  his  new  domain  was  that  now  in  use  by  the  modern 
Coreans,  “ Cho-sen,”  or  “Morning  Calm.” 

The  descendants  of  Ki  Tsze  are  said  to  have  ruled  the  country 
until  the  fourth  century  before  the  Christian  era.  Their  names 
and  deeds  are  alike  unknown,  but  it  is  stated  that  there  were 
forty-one  generations,  making  a blood  line  of  eleven  hundred 
and  thirty-one  years.  The  line  came  to  an  end  in  9 A.  D.,  though 
they  had  lost  power  long  before  that  time. 

This  early  portion  of  Cho-sen  did  not  contain  all  of  the  territory 
of  the  modern  Corea,  but  only  the  north-western  portion  of  it. 
While  the  petty  kingdoms  of  China  were  warring  among  one 
another,  the  nearest  to  Cho-sen  encroached  upon  it  and  finally 
seized  the  colony.  This  was  not  to  be  permanent  however,  and 
there  ensued  a series  of  wars,  each  force  becoming  alternately  suc- 
cessful. The  territory  of  Cho-sen  grew  in  area  and  the  kingdom 
increased  in  wealth,  power  and  intelligence  under  the  rule  of  King 
Wie-man,  who  assumed  the  authority  194  B.  C.  Thousands  of 
Chinese  gentry  fleeing  before  the  conquering  arms  of  the  Han 
usurpers  settled  within  the  limits  of  the  new  kingdom,  adding 
greatly  to  its  prosperity.  In  107  B.  C.,  after  a war  that  had 
lasted  one  year,  a Chinese  invading  army  finally  conquered  the 
kingdom  of  Cho-sen  and  annexed  it  to  the  Chinese  empire.  The 
conquered  territory  included  the  north  half  of  the  present  kingdom 
of  Corea.  ~~ 


330 


THE  ERA  OF  THE  THREE  KINGDOMS. 


Things  remained  in  this  condition  until  about  30  B.  C.,at  which 
time  a part  of  Cho-sen  taking  advantage  of  the  disorders  which 
had  broken  out  afresh  in  China,  separated  itself  from  the  empire 
and  again  formed  a state  by  itself,  but  still  remained  tributary; 
while  the  other  portions  of  the  old  kingdom  for  some  time  longer 
remained  under  Chinese  rule,  until  they  also  joined  the  portion 
that  had  been  freed.  Up  to  this  period  Cho-sen  forming  the 
north-west  of  the  present  Corea,  had  been  the  onl}^  part  of  that 
country  that  had  become  more  closely  connected  with  China. 
The  tracts  to  the  north-east,  south-west  and  south  were  occupied 
by  different  independent  tribes,  and  little  more  is  known  of  them 
than  that  they  were  ruled  by  chiefs  of  their  own  clan.  In  course 
of  time  three  kingdoms,  Korai,  Hiaksai,  and  Shinra,  were  formed 
out  of  these  various  elements,  subsisting  by  the  side  of  Cho-sen, 
at  a later  date  fighting  either  beside  or  against  China,  and  almost 
incessantly  at  feud  with  each  other,  until  Shinra  gained  the  pre- 
dominance about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  A.  D.  and  kept 
the  same  up  to  the  sixteenth  century.  It  was  then  supplanted  in 
the  leading  position  by  Korai,  which  united  under  its  supremacy 
all  those  parts  of  Corea  which  had  hitherto  been  separate,  and 
constituted  the  whole  into  a single  state.  Like  the  three 
kingdoms  of  England,  Scotland  and  Wales,  these  Corean  states 
were  distinct  in  origin,  were  conquered  by  a race  from  without, 
received  a rich  infusion  of  alien  blood,  struggled  in  rivalry  for 
centuries,  and  were  finally  united  under  one  nation  with  one  flag 
and  one  sovereign. 

Hiaksai  was  for  a while  the  leading  state  in  the  peninsula. 
Buddhism  was  introduced  from  Thibet  in  384  A.  D.  And  to  this 
state  more  than  any  other  part  of  Corea,  Japan  owes  her  first 
impulses  towards  the  civilization  of  the  west.  The  kingdom  prosv 
pered  until  the  decade  from  660  to  670,  when  it  was  overrun  and| 
practically  annihilated  by  an  army  of  Chinese,  despite  the  aid  of 
four  hundred  junks  and  a large  body  of  soldiers  sent  from  Japan 
to  the  aidof  Corea. 

Korai  of  course  took  its  turn  in  struggling  with  the  Dragon  of 
China.  Early  in  the  seventh  century  China  liad  been  defeated, 
and  for  a generation  peace  prevailed.  But  the  Chinese  coveted 
Koraian  territory  and  again  an  invading  fleet  attacked  the  country. 


COREA’S  GIFT  TO  JAPAN. 


331 


It  took  years  to  complete  the  conquest,  but  finally  all  Korai  with 
its  five  provinces,  its  one  and  seventy-six  cities  and  its  four  or 
five  millions  of  people,  was  annexed  to  the  Chinese  empire. 

Shinra,  in  the  south-west  of  the  peninsula,  was  probably  the 
most  advanced  of  all  of  the  states.  It  was  from  this  kingdom 
that  the  tradition  reached  Japan  which  tempted  the  Amazonian 
queen  of  Japan,  Jingo,  to  her  invasion  and  conquest.  The  king 
of  Shinra  submitted  and  became  a declared  vassal  of  Japan,  but  in 
all  probability  Shinra  was  far  superior  to  the  Japan  of  that  early 
day  in  everything  except  strength.  From  this  kingdom  came  a 
stream  of  immigrants  which  passed  into  Japan  carrying  all  sorts  of 
knowledge  and  an  improved  civilization.  It  is  well  to  remember 
from  this  point  that  the  Japanese  always  laid  claim  to  the  Corean 
peninsula  and  to  Shinra  especially  as  a tributary  nation.  They 
supported  that  claim  not  only  whenever  embassies  from  the  two 
nations  met  at  the  court  of  China,  but  they  made  it  a more  or  less 
active  part  of  their  national  policy. 

During  this  period  Buddhism  was  being  steadily  propagated, 
learning  and  literary  progress  increased,  while  art,  science,  archi- 
tecture were  all  favored  and  improved.  Kion-chiu,  the  capital  of 
Shinra,  was  looked  upon  as  a holy  city,  even  after  the  decay  of 
Shinra’s  power.  Her  noble  temples,  halls  and  towers  stood  in 
honor  and  repair,  enshrining  the  treasures  of  India,  Persia,  and 
China,  until  the  ruthless  Japanese  torch  laid  them  in  ashes  in 
1596. 

From  the  year  755  A.  D.  up  to  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, Shinra  maintained  its  undisputed  rule  over  the  other 
countries  of  the  peninsula,  but  about  this  time  successive  revolts 
occurred,  Shinra  was  conquered,  and  the  three  kingdoms  now 
united  were  called  Korai,  a name  which  was  retained  to  the  end 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  The  kingdoms  now  thoroughly  sub- 
dued, never  recovered  their  old  position  and  independence,  and 
composed  from  that  time  forward  the  undivided  kingdom  of 
Corea,  such  as  it  has  been  maintained  until  the  present  day.  In 
1218  A.  D.  the  king  of  Corea  promised  allegiance  to  the  Chinese 
emperor  Taitsou  who  was  the  Mongol  Genghis  Khan. 

Here  we  find  explanation  for  some  features  of  the  war  now  in 
progress  between  China  and  Japan.  Corea  has  at  various  times 


332  COREA’S  VASSALAGE  TO  JAPAN  AND  CHINA. 


acknowledged  its  dependence  upon  both  of  these  countries.  The 
Japanese  laid  claim  to  Corea  from  the  second  century  until  the 
27th  of  February,  1876.  On  that  day  the  mikado’s  minister 
plenipotentiary  signed  the  treaty  recognizing  Cho-sen  as  an 
independent  nation.  Through  all  the  seventeen  centuries,  which 
according  to  their  annals  elapsed  since  their  armies  first  com- 
, pleted  the  vassalage  of  their  neighbor,  the  Japanese  regarded  the 
states  of  Corea  as  tributaries.  Time  and  again  they  enforced 
their  claim  wdth  bloody  invasion,  and  when  through  a more 
enlightened  policy  the  rulers  voluntarily  acknowledged  their 
former  enemy  as  an  equal,  the  decision  cost  Japan  almost  im- 
mediately afterward  seven  months  of  civil  war,  twenty  thousand 
lives,  and  $50,000,000  in  treasury.  The  mainspring  of  the 
“ Satsuma  rebellion  ” of  1877  was  the  official  act  of  friendship  by 
treaty,  and  the  refusal  of  the  Tokio  government  to  make  war  on 
Corea.  It  seemed  until  1877  almost  impossible  to  eradicate  from 
the  military  mind  of  Japan  the  conviction  that  to  surrender 
Corea  was  cowardice  and  a stain  upon  the  national  honor. 

From  the  ninth  century  onward  to  the  sixteenth  century, 
the  relations  of  the  two  countries  seem  to  be  unimportant. 
Japan  was  engaged  in  conquering  northward  her  own  barbarians. 
Her  intercourse,  both  political  and  religious,  grew  to  be  50 
direct  with  the  court  of  China,  that  Corea  in  the  Japanese  annals 
sinks  out  of  sight  except  at  rare  intervals.  Nihon  increased  in 
wealth  and  civilization,  while  Cho-sen  remained  stationary  or 
retrograded.  In  the  nineteenth  century  the  awakened  “Sunrise 
Kingdom  ” has  seen  her  former  self  in  the  “ Land  of  Morning 
Calm,”  and  has  stretched  forth  willing  hands  to  do  for  her 
neighbor  now  what  Corea  did  for  Japan  in  centuries  long  gone 
by.  It  must  never  be  forgotten  that  Corea  was  the  bridge  on 
which  civilization  crossed  from  China  to  the  archipelago. 

About  1368  the  reigning  King  of  Corea  refused  vassalage  to 
China.  His  troops  refused  to  repel  the  invasion  that  threat- 
ened, and  under  their  General  Ni  Taijo,  deposed  tl)e  king. 
Taijo  himself  was  nominated  king.  He  paid  homage  to  the 
Chinese  emperor  and  revived  the  ancient  name  of  Cho-sen.  The 
dynasty  thus  established  is  still  the  reigning  family  in  Corea, 
though  the  direct  line  came  to  an  end  in  186L  The  Coreans  in 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  PRESENT  COREAN  DYNASTY.  333 

theii*  treaty  with  Japan  in  1876,  dated  the  document  according 
to  the  four  hundred  and  eighty-fourth  year  of  Cho-sen,  reckoning 
from  the  accession  of  Ni  Taijo  to  the  throne.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  new  dynasty  was  to  change  the  location  of  tlie 
national  capital  to  the  city  of  Han  Yang,  situated  on  the  Han 
river  about  fifty  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  king  enlarged  the 
fortifications,  enclosed  the  city  with  a wall  of  masonry,  and  built 
bridges,  renaming  the  city  Seoul  or  “capital.”  He  also  redivided 


the  kingdom  into  eight  provinces  which  still  remain.  An  era  of 
peace  and  flourishing  prosperity  ensued,  and  in  everything  the 
influence  of  the  Chinese  emperors  is  most  manifest.  Buddhism, 
which  had  penetrated  into  every  part  of  the  country,  and  had 
become  in  a measure  at  least  the  religion  of  the  state,  was  now 
set  aside  and  disestablished.  The  Confucian  ethics  were  dilli 
gently  studied  and  were  incorporated  into  the  religion  of  thej 
state.  From  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Confucian-* 
ism  flourished,  until  it  reached  the  point  of  bigotry  and  intoler- 
ance, so  that  when  Christianity  was  discovered  to  be  existing 
among  the  people,  it  was  put  under  the  ban  of  extirpation,  and 
its  followers  thought  worthy  of  death. 

At  first  the  new  dynasty  sent  tribute  regularly  to  the  shogun 
of  Japan,  but  as  intestinal  war  troubled  the  Island  Empire  and 


334 


JAPAN’S  GREAT  INVASION  OF  COREA. 


the  shoguns  became  effeminate,  the  Coreans  stopped  their 
tribute  and  it  was  almost  forgotten.  The  last  embassy  from 
Seoul  was  sent  in  1460.  After  that  they  were  never  summoned, 
so  they  never  came.  Under  the  idea  that  peace  was  to  last 
forever,  the  nation  relaxed  all  vigilance ; the  army  was  dis- 
organized and  the  castles  were  fallen  into  ruin.  It  was  while  the 
country  was  in  such  a condition  that  the  summons  of  Japan’s 
great  conqueror  came  to  them,  and  the  Coreans  learned  for  the 
first  time  of  the  fall  of  Ashikaga  and  the  temper  of  their  new 
master. 

As  the  Mongol  conquerors  issuing  from  China  had  used  Corea 

as  their  point  of  departure  to  invade 
Japan,  so  Hideyoshi  resolved  to  make 
the  peninsula  the  road  for  his  armies 
into  China.  He  sent  an  envoy  to 
Seoul  to  demand  tribute,  and  then, 
angered  at  the  utter  failure  of  his  mis- 
sion, commanded  the  envoy  and  all  his 
family  to  be  put  to  death.  A second 
ambassador  was  sent  with  more  success, 
and  presents  and  envoys  were  ex- 
changed. Hideyoshi,  however,  became 
enraged  at  the  indifference  of  the 
Coreans  to  assist  him  in  his  dealings 
with  China,  and  resolved  to  humble  the 
peninsular  kingdom,  and  China,  her  overlord. 

The  invasion  of  Corea  was  made  as  related  in  the  earlier 
cha[)ters  on  Japan.  The  Coreans  were  poorly  prepared  for  war, 
both  as  to  leaders,  soldiers,  equipments  and  fortifications.  The 
Japanese  swept  everything  like  a whirlwind  before  them,  and 
entered  the  capital  within  eighteen  days  after  their  landing  at 
Fusan.  The  accounts  of  the  war  are  preserved  in  detail,  and  are 
exceedingly  interesting,  but  the  limits  of  this  volume  compel 
their  omission  to  provide  space  for  the  war  of  1894-5.  At  first 
Chinese  armies  coming  to  reinforce  the  Coreans  were  defeated 
and  turned  back,  but  another  effort  of  the  allies  was  more  effec- 
tive and  the  Japanese  troops  found  advance  turned  to  retreat. 
The  Japanese  armies  concentrated  at  Seoul  to  receive  the  ad- 


COLIEAN  SOLDIERS. 


CHRISTIAN  CHAPLAINS  WITH  THE  ARMY. 


337 


vance  of  the  allies  numbering  some  two  hundred  thousand.  The 
capital  was  burned  by  the  Japanese,  nearly  every  house  being 
destroyed,  and  hundreds  of  men,  women,  and  children,  sick  and 
well,  living  quietly  there,  were  massacred.  The'  allied  troops 
were  beaten  back  in  a ferocious  battle,  but  hunger  reached  both 
armies,  pestilence  entered  the  Japanese  camp,  and  both  sides 
were  utterly  tired  of  war  and  ready  to  consider  terms  of  peace. 

Konishi,  the  general  of  the 
Japanese  army,  had  been  con- 
verted to  Christianity  by  the 
Portuguese  Jesuits.  During 
this  period  of  tiresome  wait- 
ing he  sent  to  the  superior 
of  the  missions  in  Japan  ask- 
ing for  a priest.  In  response 
to  this  request  came  Father 
Gregorio  de  Cespedes  and  a 
Japanese  convert.  These 
two  holy  men  began  their 
labors  among  the  Japanese 
armies,  preaching  from  camp 
to  camp,  and  administering 
the  right  of  baptism  to  thou- 
sands of  converts,  but  their 
work  was  stopped  by  the 
jealousy  of  the  Buddhist 
power.  The  Jesuits  in  Japan 
were  then  being  expelled  for 
their  political  machinations, 
and  the  chaplains  in  Corea 
were  brought  under  the  same 
ban.  Konishi  was  called 
back  to  Japan  with  the  priest  and  was  unable  to  convince  the 
shogun  of  his  innocence.  A few  Corean  converts  were  made 
during  this  time,  and  one  of  them  a lad  of  rank,  was  afterward 
educated  in  the  Jesuit  seminary  at  Kioto.  He  endeavored  to 
return  to  Corea  as  a missionary,  but  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Japan  interrupted  his  intentions  and  in  1625  he  was  martyred 


OLD  MAN  IN  COREA. 


338 


CHRISTIAN  CHAPLAINS  WITH  THE  ARMY. 


during  the  prosecutions  of  the  Christians.  Of  the  large  number 
of  Corean  prisoners  sent  over  to  Japan,  many  became  Christians. 
Hundreds  of  others  were  sold  as  slaves  to  the  Portuguese. 
Others  rose  to  positions  of  honor  under  the  government  or  in  the 
households  of  the  daimios.  Many  Corean  lads  were  adopted  by 
the  returned  soldiers  or  kept  as  servants.  When  the  bloody  per- 
secution broke  out,  by  which  many  thousand  Japanese  found 
j death,  the  Corean  converts  remained  steadfast  to  their  Christian 
faitli,  and  suffered  martyrdom  with  fortitude  equal  to  that  of 
their  Japanese  brethren.  But  by  the  army  in  Corea,  or  by  the 
Christian  chaplain  Cespedes,  no  trace  of  Christianity  was  left  in 
the  land  of  Morning  Calm,  and  it  was  two  centuries  later  before 
that  faith  was  really  introduced. 

The  fortunes  of  the  war  alternated,  and  finally,  after  deeds  of 
heroism  on  both  sides,  a period  of  inaction  ensued,  the  result  of 
exhaustion.  At  this  time  Hideyoshi  fell  sick  and  died,  September 
9,  1598,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three  years.  Almost  his  last  words 
were,  “ Recall  all  my  troops  from  Cho-sen.”  The  orders  to  em- 
bark for  home  were  everywhere  gladly  heard.  It  is  probable 
that  the  loss  of  life  in  the  campaigns  of  this  war  was  nearly  a 
third  of  a million.  Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  needless,  unpro- 
voked, cruel,  and  desolating  wars  that  ever  cursed  Corea.  More 
than  two  hundred  thousand  human  bodies  were  decapitated  to 
furnish  the  ghastly  material  for  the  “ ear-tomb  ” mound  in  Kioto. 
More  than  one  hundred  and  eighty-five  thousand  Corean  heads 
were  gathered  for  mutilation,  and  thirty  thousand  Chinese,  all  of 
which  were  despoiled  of  ears  and  noses.  It  is  probable  that  fifty 
thousand  Japanese  left  their  bones  in  Corea. 

Since  the  invasion  the  town  of  Fusan,  as  before,  had  been  held 
and  garrisoned  by  the  retainers  of  the  Daimio  of  Tsushima.  At 
this  port  all  the  commerce  between  the  two  nations  took  place. 
From  an  American  point  of  view,  there  was  little  trade  done  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  but  on  the  strength  of  even  this  small 
amount  Earl  Russell  in  1862  tried  to  get  Great  Britain  included 
as  a co-trader  between  Japan  and  Corea.  He  was  not,  however, 
successful.  A house  was  built  at  Nagasaki  by  the  Japanese  gov- 
ernment which  was  intended  as  a refuge  for  Coreans  who  might 
be  wrecked  on  Japanese  shores.  Wherever  the  waifs  were  picked 


ADVANCE  OF  THE  MANCHOOS. 


339 


up,  they  were  sent  to  Nagasaki  and  sheltered  until  a junk  could 
be  dispatched  to  Fusan. 

The  possession  of  Fusan  by  the  Japanese  was,  until  1876,  a 
perpetual  witness  of  the  humiliating  defeat  of  the  Coreans  in  the 
war  of  1592-1597,  and  a constant  irritation  to  their  national 
pride.  Yet  with  all  the  miseries  inflicted  on  her,  the  humble 
nation  learned  rich  lessons,  and  gained  many  an  advantage  even 
from  her  enemy.  The  embassies  which  were  yearly  dispatched 
to  yield  homage  to  their  late  invaders  were  at  the  expense  of  the 
latter.  The  Japanese  pride  purchased  the  empty  bubble  of  hom- 
age  by  paying  all  the  bills. 

The  home  of  the  Manchoos  was  on  the  north  side  of  the  Ever- 
white  mountains.  From  beyond  these  mountains  was  to  roll 
upon  China  and  Corea  another  avalanche  of  invasion.  By  the 
sixteenth  century  the  Manchoos  had  become  so  strong  that  they 
openly  defied  the  Chinese.  Formidable  expeditions  previous  to 
the  Japanese  invasion  of  Corea  kept  them  at  bay  for  a time,  but 
the  immense  expenditure  of  life  and  treasure  required  to  fight 
the  Japanese  drained  the  resources  of  the  Ming  emperors,  while 
their  attention  being  drawn  away  from  the  north,  the  Manchoo 
hordes  massed  their  forces  and  grew  daily  in  strength.  To  re- 
press the  rising  power  in  the  north,  and  to  smother  the  life  of  the 
young  nation,  the  Peking  government  resorted  to  barbarous 
cruelties  and  stern  coercion.  Unable  to  protect  the  eastern  bor- 
der of  Liao  Tung  the  entire  population  of  three  hundred  thou- 
sand souls,  dwelling  in  four  cities  and  many  villages,  wet^e  re- 
moved westward  and  resettled  on  new  lands.  Fortresses  were 
planned  in  the  deserted  land  to  keep  back  the  restless  cavalry 
raiders  from  the  north.  Thus  the  foundation  of  the  neutral  strip 
of  fifty  miles  was  unconsciously  laid,  and  ten  thousand  square 
miles  of  fair  and  fertile  land  west  of  the  Yalu  were  abandoned  to 
the  wolf  and  tiger.  What  it  soon  became  it  remained  until  yes- 
terday— a howling  wilderness. 

In  1615  the  king  of  the  Manchoo  tribes  was  assassinated  as  the 
result  of  a plot  by  the  Ming  emperor.  This  exasperated  the 
tribes  to  vengeance  and  they  began  hostilities.  China  now  had 
to  face  another  great  invasion.  Calling  on  her  vassal,  Corea,  to 
send  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  she  ordered  them  to  join 


340 


COREAX  TREACHERY. 


the  imperial  army  about  seventy  miles  west  of  the  Yalii  River. 
In  the  battle  which  ensued  the  Coreans  were  the  first  to  face  the 
Manchoos.  The  imperial  legions  were  beaten,  and  the  Coreans 
seeing  which  way  the  victory  would  turn,  deserted  from  the 
Chinese  side  to  that  of  their  enemy.  This  was  in  1619.  Enraged 
by  alternate  treachery  to  both  sides  from  the  Coreans,  the  Man- 
choos invaded  Corea  in  1627,  to  which  time  the  war  had  been 
prolonged.  They  crossed  the  frozen  Yalu  in  February,  and  at 
once  attacked  and  defeated  the  Chinese  army.  They  then  began 
the  march  to  Seoul.  Town  after  town  was  taken  as  they  pressed 
onward  to  the  capital,  the  Coreans  everywhere  flying  before 
them.  Thousands  of  dwellings  and  stores  of  provisions  were 
given  to  the  flames  and  their  trail  was  one  of  blood  and  ashes. 
After  the  siege  of  Seoul  began,  the  king  sent  tribute  offerings  to 
the  invaders,  and  concluded  a treaty  of  peace,  by  which  Coiea 
again  exchanged  masters,  this  time  confessing  subjection  to  the 
Manchoo  sovereign.  'As  soon  as  the  invading  army  had  with- 
drawn, the  Corean  king,  confident  that  the  Chinese  would  be 
ultimately  successful  over  the  Manchoos,  annulled  the  treaty. 
No  sooner  were  the  Manchoos  able  to  spare  their  forces  for  the 
purpose  than  they  again  marched  into  Corea  and  overran  the 
peninsula. 

The  king  now  came  to  terms,  and  in  February,  1637,  utterly 
renounced  his  allegiance  to  the  Ming  emperor,  gave  his  two  sons 
as  hostages,  and  promised  to  send  an  annual  embassy  with  tribute 
to  the  Manchoo  court.  After  the  evacuation  of  Corea  the  victors 
marched  into  China,  where  bloody  civil  war  was  raging.  The 
imperial  army  of  China  had  been  beaten  by  the  rebels.  The 
Manchoos  joined  their  forces -with  the  imperialists  and  defeated 
the  rebels,  and  then  demanded  the  price  of  their  victory.  Enter- 
ing Peking  they  proclaimed  the  downfall  of  the  house  of  Ming. 
The  son  of  the  late  king  was  set  upon  the  dragon  throne,  and  as 
we  have  seen  in  a foregoing  chapter  the  royal  house  of  China 
came  to  be  a Manchoo  family. 

When,  as  it  happened  the  very  next  year,  the  shogun  of  Japan 
demanded  an  increase  of  tribute  to  be  paid  in  Yeddo,  the  court  of 
Seoul  plead  in  excuse  their  wasted  resources,  consequent  upon 
the  war  with  the  Manchoos,  and  their  heavy  burdens  newly  laid 


COAST  NEAR  CIIEMUU’O. 


TRIBUTE  TO  TWO  NEIGHBORS. 


343 


upon  them  in  the  way  of  tribute  to  their  conqueror.  Their  excuse 
was  accepted.  Twice  within  a single  generation  had  the  little 
peninsula  been  devasted  by  mighty  invasion  that  laid  waste  the 
country. 

Ill  1650  a captive  Corean  maid,  taken  prisoner  in  their  first 
invasion,  became  sixth  lady  in  rank  in  the  imperial  Manchoo 
household.  Through  her  influence  her  father,  the  ambassador, 
obtained  a considerable  reduction  of  the  annual  tribute  that  had 
been  fixed  by  treaty.  Other  portions  of  the  tribute  had  been  re- 
mitted before,  so  that  by  this  time  the  tax  upon  Corean  loyalty 
became  very  slight,  and  the  embassy  became  one  of  ceremony 
rather  than  a tribute  bringing. 

In  the  seventeenth  century  some  information  about  Corea 
began  to  reach  Europe,  first  from  the  Jesuits  in  Peking,  who  sent 
home  a map  of  the  peninsula.  There  is  also  a map  of  Corea  in  a 
work  by  the  Jesuit  Martini,  published  in  1649  in  Amsterdam. 
The  Cossacks  who  overran  northern  Asia  brought  reports  of 
Corea  to  Russia,  and  it  was  from  Russian  sources  that  Sir  John 
Campbell  obtained  the  substance  of  his  history  of  Corea.  In  1645 
a party  of  Japanese  crossed  the  peninsula,  and  one  of  them  on  his 
return  wrote  a book  descriptive  of  their  journey.  1707  the 
Jesuits  in  Peking  began  their  great  geographical  enterprise,  the 
survey  of  the  Chinese  empire,  including  the  outlying  vassal 
kingdoms.  A map  of  Corea  was  obtained  from  the  king’s  palace 
at  Seoul  and  sent  to  Europe  to  be  engraved  and  printed.  From 
this  original  most  of  the  maps  and  supposed  Corean  names  in 
books  published  since  that  time  have  been  copied. 

The  first  known  entrance  of  any  number  of  Europeans  into 
Corea  was  that  of  Hollanders  belonging  to  the  crew  of  the  Dutch 
ship  Hollandra  which  was  driven  ashore  in  1627.  Coasting  along 
the  Corean  shores,  John  Wetterree  and  some  companions  went 
ashore  to  get  water,  and  were  captured  by  the  natives.  The 
magnates  of  Seoul  probably  desired  to  have  a barbarian  from  the 
west,  as  useful  to  them  as  was  the  Englishman  Will  Adams  to  the 
Japanese  in  Yeddo,  where  the  Corean  ambassadors  had  often  seen 
him.  This  explains  why  Wetterree  was  treated  with  kindness 
and  comparative  honor,  though  kept  as  a prisoner.  When  the 
Manchoos  invaded  Corea  in  1635,  his  two  companions  were  killed 
17 


344 


FIRST  EUROPEANS  IN  COREA. 


in  the  war,  and  Wetterree  was  left  alone.  Having  no  one  with 
whom  he  could  converse  he  had  almost  forgotten  his  native 
speech,  when  after  twenty-seven  years  of  exile,  in  the  fifty-ninth 
year  of  his  age,  he  met  some  of  his  fellow  Hollanders,  and  acted 
as  interpreter  to  the  Coreans. 

In  the  summer  of  1653  the  Dutch  ship  Sparwehr  was  cast  on 
shore  on  Quelpaert  island,  off  the  southwest  coast  of  Corea.  The 
local  magistrate  did  what  he  could  for  the  thirty-six  members 
of  the  crew  who  reached  the  shore  alive,  out  of  the  sixty-four  on 
board.  On  October  29th  the  survivors  were  brought  by  the 
officials  to  be  examined  by  the  interpreter  Wetterree.  The  latter 
was  very  rusty  in  his  native  language,  but  regained  it  in  a month. 
Of  course  the  first  and  last  idea  of  the  captives  was  how  to  escape. 
They  made  one  effort  to  reach  the  sea  shore,  but  were  caught  and 
severely  punished,  after  which  they  were  ordered  to  proceed  to 
the  capital.  Wherever  they  went  the  Dutchmen  were  like  wild 
beasts  on  exhibition.  When  they  once  reached  the  palace  they 
were  well  treated,  and  were  assigned  to  the  body  guard  of  the 
king  as  petty  officers.  Each  time  that  the  Manchoo  envoy  made 
his  visit  to  the  capital  the  captives  endeavored  to  enlist  his  sym- 
pathy and  begged  to  be  taken  to  Peking,  but  all  such  efforts  re- 
sulted in  failure  and  punishment.  The  suspicions  of  the  govern- 
ment were  aroused  by  the  studies  which  the  Dutchmen  pursued, 
of  the  climate,  the  topography,  and  the  products  of  the  country, 
and  by  their  attemps  to  escape,  and  in  1663  they  were  separated 
and  put  into  three  different  towns.  By  this  time  fourteen  of  the 
number  were  dead  and  twenty-two  remained. 

Finally,  early  in  September  1667,  as  their  fourteenth  year  of 
captivity  was  drawing  to  a close,  the  Dutchmen  escaped  to  the 
seacoast,  bribed  a Corean  to  give  them  his  fishing  craft,  and 
steered  out  into  the  open  water.  A few  days  later,  they  reached 
the  northwestern  islands  in  the  vicinity  of  Kiushiu,  Japan,  and 
landed.  The  Japanese  treated  them  kindly  and  sent  them  to 
Nagasaki,  where  they  met  their  countrymen  at  Desima.  The 
annual  ship  from  Batavia  was  then  just  about  to  return,  and  in 
the  nick  of  time  the  waifs  got  on  board,  reached  Batavia,  sailed 
for  Holland,  and  in  July,  1668,  stepped  ashore  at  home.  Hendrik 
Hamel,  the  supercargo  of  the  ship,  wrote  a book  on  his  return  re- 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  COREA. 


845 


counting  his  adventures  in  a simple  and  straightforward  style.  It 
has  been  translated  into  English  and  is  a model  work  of  its  sort. 

The  modern  introduction  of  Christianity  in  Corea  dates  little 
more  than  a hundred  years  ago.  Some  Corean  students  studying 
with  the  famous  Confucian  professor  Kwem,  during  the  winter  of 
1777,  entered  into  discussion  of  some  tracts  on  philosophy,  mathe- 
matics, and  religion  just  brought  from  Peking.  These  were 
translations  of  the  writings  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  imperial  capital. 
Surprised  and  delighted,  they  resolved  to  attain  if  possible  to  a 
full  understanding  of  the  new  doctrines.  They  sought  all  the  in- 
formation that  they  could  from  Peking.  The  leader  in  this 
movement  was  a student  named  Stonewall.  As  his  information 
accumulated,  he  gave  himself  up  to  fresh  reading  and  meditation, 
and  then  began  to  preach.  Some  of  his  friends  in  the  capital, 
both  nobles  and  commoners,  embraced  the  new  doctrines  with 
cheering  promptness  and  were  baptized.  Thus  from  small  be- 
ginnings, but  rapidly,  were  the  Christian  ideas  spread. 

But  soon  the  power  of  the  law  and  the  pen  were  invoked  to 
crush  out  the  exotic  faith.  The  first  victim  was  tried  on  the 
charge  of  destroying  his  ancestral  tablets,  tortured,  and  sent  into 
exile,  in  which  he  soon  after  died.  The  scholars  now  took  up 
weapons,  and  in  April,  1784,  the  king’s  preceptor  issued  the  first 
public  document  officially  directed  against  Christianity.  In  it  all 
parents  and  relatives  were  entreated  to  break  off  all  relations  with 
Christians.  The  names  of  the  leaders  were  published,  and  the 
example  of  Thomas  Kim,  the  first  victim,  was  cited.  Forthwith 
began  a violent  pressure  upon  the  believers  to  renounce  their  faith. 
Then  began  an  exhibition  alike  of  steadfast  faith  and  shameful 
apostasy,  but  though  even  Stonewall  lapsed,  the  work  went  on. 
The  next  few  years  of  Christianity  were  important  ones.  The 
leaders  formed  an  organization  and  as  nearly  as  they  could  on  the 
lines  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church.  Instructions  were  sent  from 
Peking  by  the  priests  there,  and  the  worship  in  Corea  became  quite 
in  harmony  with  that  of  the  Western  church.  But  the  decision 
that  the  worship  of  ancestors  must  be  abolished,  was,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Corean  public,  a blow  at  the  framework  of  society  and 
state,  and  many  feeble  adherents  began  to  fall  away.  December 
8,  1791,  Paul  and  Jacques  Kim  were  decapitated  for  refusing  to 


346 


YEARS  OF  MARTYRDOM. 


recant  their  Christian  faith.  Thus  was  shed  the  first  blood  for 
Corean  Christianity.  Martyrdom  was  frequent  in  this  early  his- 
tory of  the  Christian  church  in  Corea,  but  in  the  ten  years  following 
the  baptism  of  Peter  in  Peking  in  1783,  in  spite  of  persecution 
and  apostasy,  it  is  estimated  that  there  were  four.thousand  Chris- 
tians in  the  peninsula. 

The  first  attempt  of  a foreign  missionary  to  enter  the  Hermit 
Kingdom  from  the  west  was  made  early  in  1791.  This  was  a 
Portuguese  priest  who  endeavored  to  cross  the  Yalu  River  to  join 
some  native  Christians,  but  was  disappointed  in  meeting  them  and 
returned  to  Peking,  Two  years  later  a young  Chinese  priest  en- 
tered the  forbidden  territory,  and  was  hidden  for  three  years  in 
the  house  of  a noble  woman,  where  he  preached  and  taught. 
Three  native  Christians  who  refused  to  reveal  his  whereabouts 
were  tortured  to  death  and  were  thrown  into  the  Han  River. 
From  the  beginning  of  this  century  the  most  bitter  general  per- 
secutions against  Christians  was  enforced.  The  young  Chinese 
priest,  learning  that  he  was  outlawed,  surrendered  himself  to  re- 
lieve his  friends  of  the  responsibility  of  protecting  him,  and  was 
executed.  The  woman  also  who  had  so  long  sheltered  him  was 
beheaded.  Four  other  women  who  were  attendants  in  the  palace, 
and  an  artist  who  was  condemned  for  painting  Christian  subjects 
were  beheaded  near  the  “Little  Western  Gate”  of  Seoul.  The 
policy  of  the  government  was  shown  in  making  away  with  the 
Christians  of  rank  and  education  who  might  be  able  to  direct  af- 
fairs in  the  absence  of  the  foreign  priests,  and  in  letting  the  poor 
and  humble  go  free. 

It  is  impossible  to  catalogue  the  martyrs  and  the  edicts  against 
Christianity.  The  condition  of  the  Christians  scattered  in  the 
mountains  and  forests,  suffering  poverty,  hunger,  and  cold,  was 
most  deplorable.  In  1811  the  Corean  converts  addressed  letters 
to  the  Pope  begging  aid  in  their  distress.  These  however  could 
not  be  answered  in  the  way  they  desired,  for  the  Pope  himself 
was  then  a prisoner  at  Fontainebleau  and  the  Roman  propaganda 
was  nearly  at  a standstill. 

In  1817  the  king  and  court  were  terrified  by  the  appearance  oflF 
the  west  coast  of  the  British  vessels  Alceste  and  Lyra,  but  be- 
yond some  surveys,  purchases  of  provisions,  and  interviews  with 


I- 

ICi 


COREAN  MANDARINS, 


MARTYRDOM  OF  FRENCH  PRIESTS. 


349 


some  local  magistrates,  the  foreigners  departed  without  opening 
communication  with  them.  Ffteen  years  later  the  British  ship 
Lord  Amherst  passed  along  the  coasts  of  Chulla,  seeking  commer- 
cial connections.  On  board  was  a Protestant  missionary,  a Prus- 
sian. He  landed  on  several  of  the  islands  and  attempted  to  gain 
some  acquaintance  with  the  people,  but  made  little  progress.  The 
year  1834  closed  the  first  half  century  of  Corean  Christianity. 
It  is  not  strange  that  persecutions  resulted  from  the  advance  of 
Roman  Catholic  strength  in  Corea,  for  the  Corean  Christians  as- 
sumed naturally  the  righteousness  of  the  Pope’s  claim  to  tem- 
poral power  as  the  vicar  of  heaven.  The  Corean  Christians  not 
only  deceived  their  magistrates  and  violated  their  country’s  laws, 
but  actually  invited  armed  invasion.  Hence,  from  the  first, 
Christianity  was  associated  in  patriotic  minds  with  treason  and 
robbery. 

After  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  in  PTance  and  the 
strengthening  of  the  Papal  throne  by  foreign  bayonets,  the  mis- 
sionary zeal  in  the  church  was  kindled  afresh,  and  it  was  resolved 
to  found  a mission  in  Corea.  The  first  priest  to  make  entrance 
was  Pierre  Philibert  Maubant,  who  reached  Seoul  in  1836,  the 
first  Frenchman  who  had  penetrated  the  Hermit  Nation.  A few 
months  later  another  joined  him,  and  in  December,  1838,  Bishop 
Imbert  ran  the  gauntlet  of  wilderness,  ice,  and  guards  at  the 
frontier,  and  took  up  his  residence  under  the  shadow  of  the  king’s 
palace.  Work  now  went  on  vigorously,  and  in  1838  the  Chris- 
tians numbered  nine  thousand.  At  the  beginning  of  the  next 
year  the  party  in  favor  of  extirpating  Christianity  having  gained 
the  upper  hand,  another  persecution  broke  out  with  redoubled 
violence.  To  stay  the  further  shedding  of  blood.  Bishop  Imbert 
and  his  two  priests  came  out  of  their  hiding  places  and  delivered 
themselves  up.  They  were  horribly  tortured,  and  decapitated 
September  21, 1839.  Six  bitter  years  passed  before  the  Christians 
again  had  a foreign  pastor. 

Since  1839  the  government  had  tripled  its  vigilance  and 
doubled  the  guards  on  the  frontier.  The  most  strenuous  efforts 
to  pass  the  barriers  repeatedly  failed.  Andrew  Kim  is  a name  to 
be  remembered  in  the  history  of  Christianity  in  Corea.  Year 
after  year  he  worked  to  enter  Corea,  or  once  in,  to  advance  the 


350 


MARTYRDOM  OF  FRENCH  PRIESTS. 


cause,  or  wlien  rejected  to  help  others  in  the  work.  He  was  or- 
dained to  the  priesthood  in  Shanghai,  and  finally  in  company  with 
two  French  priests,  in  September,  1845,  sailed  across  the  Yellow 
Sea,  and  landed  on  the  coast  of  Chulla,  to  make  his  final  effort  to 
spread  Christianity  among  the  Coreans.  During  July  of  the  same 
year,  the  British  ship  Samarang  was  engaged  in  surve}dng  off 
Quelpaert  and  the  south  coast  of  Corea.  Beacon  fires  all  over 
the  land  telegraphed  the  news  of  the  presence  of  foreign  ships, 
and  the  close  watch  that  was  kept  by  the  coast  magistrates  made 
the  return  of  Andrew  Kim  doubly  dangerous. 

These  records  of  perseverence,  of  distress,  of  martyrdom,  from  the 
pages  of  missionary  work  in  Corea,  written  in  the  blood  of  native 
converts,  who  bore  their  cross  with  equal  bravery  to  that  of  the  Roman 
fathers,  may  be  surprising  to  some  who  have  been  unfamiliar  with  the 
history  of  the  Corean  peninsula.  But  they  are  convincing  testimony 
to  controvert  the  assertions  of  some  incredulous  ones  who  affirm  that 
the  “heathen’^  are  never  really  Christianized,  but  are  always  ready  to 
return  to  their  idols  in  times  of  trial.  There  is  no  country  that  can 
show  braver  examples  of  fortitude,  in  enduring  trial  for  the  support  of 
the  faith,  than  the  Hermit  Nation.^’ 

Three  priests  in  disguise  were  now  secretl}"  at  work  in  Corea, 
Andrew  Kim,  a native  convert,  and  the  Frenchmen,  Bishop 
Ferreol,  and  his  companion  Daveluy.  Kim  was  captured  and  in 
company  with  half  a dozen  others  was  executed  September  16th. 
While  he  was  in  prison  the  Bishop  heard  of  three  French  ships 
which  were  at  that  time  vainly  trying  to  find  the  mouth  of  the 
Han  River  and  the  channel  to  the  capital.  Ferreol  wrote  to 
Captain  Cecile,  who  commanded  the  fleet,  but  the  note  arrived  too 
late  and  Kim’s  fate  was  sealed.  The  object  of  the  fleet’s  visit  wasi 
to  demand  satisfaction  for  the  murder  of  the  two  French  priests  in' 
1839,  but  after  some  coast  surveys  were  made  and  a threatening 
letter  was  dispatched  the  ships  withdrew. 

During  the  summer  of  1845,  two  French  frigates  set  sail  for  the 
Corean  coast,  and  August  10th  went  aground,  and  both  vessels 
became  total  'wrecks.  The  six  hundred. men  made  their  camp  at 
Kokun  island,  where  they  were  kindly  treated  and  furnished  with 
provisions,  although  rigidly  secluded  and  guarded  against  all 
communication  with  the  main  land.  An  English  ship  from 
Shanghai  rescued  the  crews.  During  the  ensuing  eight  years  re- 


ALARM  IN  COREA. 


351 


peated  efforts  were  made  by  missionaries  and  native  converts  to 
enter  Corea  and  advance  the  work  there,  and  the  labor  of  prop- 
agation progressed,  A number  of  religious  works  in  the  Corean 
language  were  printed  from  a native  printing  press  and  widely 
circulated.  In  1850  the  Christians  numbered  eleven  thousand, 
and  five  young  men  were  studying  for  the  priesthood.  Regular 
mails  sewn  into  the  thick  cotton  coats  of  the  men  in  the  annual 
embassy  were  sent  to  and  brought  from  China.  The  western 
nations  were  beginning  to  take  an  interest  in  the  twin  hermits  of 
the  east,  Corea  and  Japan.  In  1852,  the  Russian  frigate  Pallas 
traced  and  mapped  a portion  of  the  shore  line  of  the  east  coast, 
and  the  work  was  continued  three  years  later  by  the  French  war 
vessel  Virginie.  At  the  end  of  this  voyage  the  whole  coast  from 
Fiisan  to  the  Tumen  was  known  with  some  accuracy  and  mapped 
out  with  European  names. 

It  was  in  the  intervening  years,  1853  and  1854,  that  Commodore 
Perry  and  the  American  squadron  were  in  the  waters  of  the  far 
east,  driving  the  wedge  of  civilization  into  Japan.  The  American 
flag,  however,  was  not  yet  seen  in  Corean  waters,  though  the  court 
of  Seoul  was  kept  informed  of  Perry’s  movements. 

A fresh  reinforcement  of  missionaries  reached  Corea  in  1857. 
When  three  years  later  the  French  and  English  forces  opened  war 
with  China,  took  the  Peiho  forts,  entered  Peking,  and  sacked  the 
summer  palace  of  the  Son  of  Heaven,  driving  the  Chinese  emperor 
to  flight,  the  loss  of  Chinese  prestige  struck  terror  into  all 
Corean  hearts.  For  six  centuries  China  had  been  in  Corean  eyes 
the  synonym  and  symbol  of  invincible  power.  Copies  of  the 
treaties  made  between  China  and  the  allies,  granting  freedom  of 
trade  and  religion,  were  soon  read  in  Corea,  causing  intense 
alarm.  But  the  most  alarming  thing  was  the  treaty  between 
China  and  Russia,  by  which  the  Manchoo  rulers  surrendered  the 
great  tract  watered  by  the  Amoor  river  and  bordered  by  the 
Paciflc,  to  Russia.  It  was  a rich  and  fertile  region,  with  a coast 
full  of  harbors,  and  comprising  an  area  as  large  as  France.  The 
boundaries  of  Siberia  now  touch  Corea.  With  France  on  the 
right,  Russia  on  the  left,  China  humbled,  and  Japan  opened  to 
the  western  world,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  rulers  in  Seoul 
trembled.  The  results  to  Christianity  were  that  within  a few 


352 


INTRIGUES  IN  THE  COURT. 


years  thousands  of  natives  fled  their  country  and  settled  in  the 
Russian  villages.  At  the  capital,  official  business  was  suspended 
and  many  families  of  rank  fled  to  the  mountains.  In  many  in- 
stances people  of  rank  humbly  sought  the  good  favor  and  pro- 
tection of  the  Christians,  hoping  for  safety  when  the  dreaded 
invasion  should  come.  In  the  midst  of  these  war  preparations,  the 
French  missionary  bod}^  was  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  four  o 
their  countrymen  who  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  their  martyrdom 
October,  1861. 

The  Ni  dynasty,  founded  in  1392,  came  to  an  end  January  15,; 
1864,  by  the  death  of  King  Chul-chong,  who  had  no  child,  before 
he  had  nominated  an  heir.  Palace  intrigues  and  excitement 
among  the  political  parties  followed.  The  widows  of  the  three 
kings  who  had  reigned  since  1831  were  still  living.  The  eldest 
of  these,  Queen  Cho,  at  once  seized  the  royal  seal  and  emblems  of 
authorit}^  which  high-handed  move  made  her  the  mistress  of  the 
situation.  A twelve -year-old  lad  was  nominated  for  the  throne, 
and  his  father,  Ni  Kung,  one  of  the  roj^al  princes,  became  the 
actual  regent.  He  held  the  reins  of  government  during  the  next 
nine  years,  ruling  with  power  like  that  of  an  absolute  despot. 
He  was  a rabid  hater  of  Christianity,  foreigners,  and  progress. 

The  year  1866  is  phenomenal  in  Corean  history.  It  seemed 
to  the  rulers  as  if  the  governments  of  many  nations  had  con- 
spired to  pierce  their  walls  of  isolation.  Russians,  French- 
men, Englishmen,  Americans,  Germans,  authorized  and  un- 
authorized, landed  to  trade,  rob,  kill,  or  what  was  equally  ob- 
noxious to  the  regent  and  his  court,  to  make  treaties.  This  and 
the  rapid  progress  of  Christianity  now  excited  the  anti-Christian 
party,  which  was  in  full  power  at  the  court,  to  clamor  for  the  en- 
forcement of  the  old  edict  against  the  foreign  religion. 

Vainly  the  regent  warned  the  court  of  the  danger  from  Europe. 
Forced  by  the  party  in  power,  he  signed  the  death  warrants  of 
bishops  and  priests  and  promulgated  anew  the  old  laws  against 
the  Christians.  Within  a few  weeks  fourteen  French  priests  and 
bishops  were  tortured  to  death,  and  twice  as  many  native  mis- 
sionaries and  students  for  the  priesthood  suffered  like  fate. 
Scores  of  native  Christians  were  put  to  death,  and  hundreds  more 
were  in  prison.  In  a little  over  a month,  all  missionary  operations 


FRENCH  EXPEDITION  TO  SEOUL. 


353 


came  to  a standstill.  The  three  French  priests  who  reniained 
alive  escaped  from  the  peninsula  in  a Chinese  junk,  and  finally 
reached  Chefoo  October  26.  Not  one  foreign  priest  now  remained 
in  Corea,  and  no  Christian  dared  openly  confess  his  faith.  Thus 
after  twenty  years  of  nearly  uninterrupted  labors,  the  church  was 
again  stripped  of  her  pastors,  and  at  the  end  of  eighty-two  years 
of  Corean  Christianity  the  curtain  fell  in  blood. 

With  Bishop  Ridel  as  interpreter  and  three  of  his  converts  as 
pilots,  three  French  vessels  were  sent  to  explore  the  Han  River 
and  to  make  effort  to  secure  satisfaction  for  the  murder  of  the 
French  bishops  and  priests  in  the  previous  March.  They  entered 
the  river  September  21,  and  two  of  the  vessels  advanced  to  Seoul, 
leaving  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  One  or  two  forts  fired  on 
the  vessels  as  they  steamed  along,  and  in  one  place  a fleet  of 
junks  gathered  to  dispute  their  passage.  A well-aimed  shot  sunk 
two  of  the  crazy  craft,  and  a bombshell  dropped  among  the  ar- 
tillerists in  the  redoubt,  silenced  it  at  once.  On  the  evening  of 
the  25th,  the  two  ships  cast  anchor  and  the  flag  of  France  floated 
in  front  of  the  Corean  capital.  The  hills  were  white  with  gazing 
thousands,  who  for  the  first  time  saw  a vessel  moving  under  steam. 
The  ships  remained  abreast  of  the  city  several  days,  the  officers 
taking  soundings  and  measurements,  computing  heights,  and  mak- 
ing plans.  Bishop  Ridel  went  on  shore  in  hopes  of  finding  a 
Christian  and  hearing  some  news  but  none  dared  to  approach 
him.  While  the  French  remained  in  the  river  not  a bag  of  rice 
nor  a fagot  of  wood  entered  Seoul.  Eight  days  of  such  terror, 
and  a famine  would  have  raged  in  the  city.  Seven  thousand 
houses  were  deserted  by  their  occupants.  When  the  ships  re- 
turned to  the  mouth  of  the  river  two  converts  came  on  board. 
They  informed  Ridel  of  the  burning  of  a “European”  vessel,  the 
General  Sherman,  at  Ping-Yang,  of  the  renewal  of  the  persecu- 
tion, and  of  the  order  that  Christians  should  be  put  to  death  with- 
out waiting  for  instructions  from  Seoul.  Sailing  away,  the  ships 
arrived  at  Chefoo,  October  3. 

The  regent,  now  thoroughly  alarmed,  began  to  stir  up  the 
country  to  defense.  The  military  forces  in  every  province  were 
called  out,  and  the  forges  and  blacksmith  shops  were  busy  day 
and  night  in  making  arms  of  every  known  kind.  Loaded  junks 


354 


REPULSE  OF  THE  FRENCH. 


were  sunk  in  the  channel  of  the  Han  to  obstruct  it.  Word  was 
sent  to  the  tycoon  of  Japan  informing  him  of  the  trouble,  and 
begging  for  assistance,  but  the  Yeddo  government  had  quite  all  it 
could  do  at  that  time  to  take  care  of  itself.  Instead  of  help  two 
commissioners  were  appointed  to  go  to  Seoul  and  recommend  that 
Corea  open  her  ports  to  foreign  commerce  as  Japan  had  done,  and 
thus  choose  peace  instead  of  war  with  foreigners.  Before  the 
envoys  could  leave  Japan  the  tycoon  had  died,  and  the  next  year 
Japan  was  in  the  throes  of  civil  war,  the  shogunate  was  abolished, 
and  Corea  was  for  the  time  utterly  forgotten. 

Another  fleet  of  French  vessels  sailed  from  China  to  Corea, 
consisting  of  seven  ships  of  various  kinds,  and  with  six  hundred 
soldiers.  The  force  landed  before  the  city  of  Kang-wa  on  the 
island  of  the  same  name,  and  captured  the  city  without  difficulty 
on  the  morning  of  October  16.  Several  engagements  in  the  same 
vicinity  followed,  all  of  them  successful  to  the  French  until  they 
came  to  attack  a fortified  monastery  on  the  island  some  ten  days 
later.  Here  they  were  repulsed  with  heavy  loss  to  themselves 
and  to  the  foe.  The  next  morning  to  the  surprise  of  all  and  the 
anger  of  many,  orders  were  given  to  embark.  The  troops  in 
Kang-wa  set  fire  to  the  city  which  in  a few  hours  burned  to  ashes. 
The  departure  of  the  invaders  was  so  precipitate  that  Corean 
patriots  to  this  day  gloat  over  it  as  a disgraceful  retreat. 

In  the  palace  at  Seoul  the  resolve  was  made  to  exterminate 
Christianity,  root  and  branch.  Women  and  even  children  were 
ordered  to  the  death.  Several  Christian  nobles  were  executed. 
One  Christian  who  was  betrayed  in  the  capital  by  his  pagan 
brother,  and  another  fellow  believer,  were  taken  to  the  river  side 
in  front  of  the  city,  near  the  place  where  the  two  French  vessels 
had  anchored.  At  this  historic  spot,  b}^  an  innovation  unknown 
in  the  customs  of  Cho-sen,  they  were  decapitated  and  their  head- 
less trunks  held  neck  downward  to  spout  out  the  hot  life  blood, 
that  it  might  wash  away  the  stain  of  foreign  pollution.  Upon  the 
mind  of  the  regent  and  court  the  effect  was  to  swell  their  pride 
to  the  folly  of  extravagant  conceit.  Feeling  themselves  able 
almost  to  defy  the  world,  they  began  soon  after  to  hurl  their  de- 
fiance at  Japan.  The  results  of  this  expedition  were  disastrous 
all  over  the  east.  Happening  at  a time  when  relations  between 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  RETREAT. 


355 


foreigners  and  Chinese  were  strained,  the  unexpected  return  of 
the  fleet  filled  the  minds  of  Europeans  in  China  with  alarm. 
The  smothered  embers  of  hostility  to  foreign  influence,  steadily 
gathered  vigor  as  the  report  spread  through  China  that  the  hated 
Frenchmen  had  been  driven  away  by  the  Coreans.  The  fires  at 
length  broke  out  in  the  Tien-tsin  massacre  of  1870. 

It  was  this  same  year,  1866,  that  witnessed  the  marriage  of  the 
young  king,  now  but  fourteen  years  old,  to  Min,  the  daughter  of 
one  of  the  noble  families.  Popular  report  has  always  credited 
the  young  queen  with  abilities  not  inferior  to  those  of  her  royal 
husband.  The  Min  or  Ming  family  is  largely  Chinese  in  blood 
and  origin,  and  beside  being  preeminent  among  all  the  Corean 
nobility  in  social,  political,  and  intellectual  power,  has  been  most 
strenuous  in  adherence  to  Chinese  ideas  and  traditions  with  the 
purpose  of  keeping  Corea  unswerving  in  her  vassalage  and  loyalty 
to  China. 

American  associations  with  Corea  have  been  peculiarly  interest- 
ing. The  commerce  carried  on  by  American  vessels  with  Chinese 
and  Japanese  ports  made  the  navigation  of  Corean  waters  a ne- 
cessity. Sooner  or  later  shipwrecks  must  occur,  and  the  question 
of  the  humane  treatment  of  American  citizens  cast  on  Corean 
shores  came  up  before  our  government  for  settlement,  as  it  had 
long  before  in  the  case  of  Japan.  Within  one  year  the  Corean 
government  had  three  American  cases  to  deal  with.  June  24, 
1866,  the  American  schooner  Surprise,  was  wrecked  off  the  coast 
of  Wang-hai.  The  approach  of  any  foreign  vessel  was  especially 
dangerous  at  this  time,  as  the  crews  might  be  mistaken  for  French- 
men and  killed  by  the  people  from  patriotic  impulses.  Neverthe- 
less, the  captain  and  his  crew,  after  being  well  catechised  by  the 
local  magistrate  and  by  a commissioner  sent  from  Seoul,  were 
kindly  treated  and  well  fed  and  provided  with  the  comforts  of 
life.  By  orders  of  Tai-wen  Kun,  the  regent,  they  were  escorted 
on  horseback  to  Ai-chiu  and  after  being  feasted  there  were  con- 
ducted safely  to  the  border  gate.  Thence  after  a hard  journey 
via  Mukden  they  got  to  Niuchwang  and  to  the  United  States 
consul. 

The  General  Sherman  was  an  American  schooner  that  had  the 
second  experience  with  the  Coreans.  The  vessel  was  owned  by 


356 


AMERICAN  AFFAIRS  IN  COREA. 


a Mr.  Preston  who  was  making  a voyage  for  health.  At  Tien-tsin 
the  schooner  was  loaded  with  goods  likely  to  be  salable  in  Corea, 
and  she  was  dispatched  there  on  an  experimental  voyage  in  the 
hope  of  thus  opening  the  country  to  commerce.  The  complement 
of  the  vessel  was  five  white  foreigners  and  nineteen  Malay  and 
Chinese  sailors.  The  white  men  w^ere  Mr.  Hogarth,  a young 
Englishman,  Mr.  Preston,  the  owner,  and  Messrs.  Page  and 
Wilson,  the  master  and  mate  of  the  vessel,  and  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Thomas,  a missionary,  who  were  Americans.  From  the  first  the 
character  of  the  expedition  was  suspected,  because  the  men  were 
rather  too  heavily  armed  for  a peaceful  trading  voyage.  It  was 
believed  in  China  that  the  royal  coffins  in  the  tombs  of  Ping-Yang 
were  of  solid  gold,  and  it  was  broadly  hinted  that  the  expedition 
had  something  to  do  with  these. 

The  schooner,  whether  merchant  or  invader,  sailed  from  Chefoo 
and  made  for  the  mouth  of  the  Tatong  River.  There  they  met  the 
Cliinese  captain  of  a Chefoo  junk  who  agreed  to  pilot  them  up 
the  river.  He  stayed  with  the  General  Sherman  for  two  days, 
then  leaving  her  he  returned  to  the  river’s  mouth,  and  sailed  back 
to  Chefoo.  No  further  direct  intelligence  was  ever  received  from 
the  unfortunate  party.  According  to  one  report  the  hatches  of 
the  schooner  were  fastened  down  after  the  crew  had  been  driven 
beneath,  and  set  on  fire.  According  to  another,  all  were  de- 
capitated. The  Coreans  burned  the  woodwork  for  the  iron  and 
took  the  cannon  for  models. 

The  United  States  steamship  Wachusett,  dispatched  by  Admiral 
Row'an  to  inquire  into  the  matter,  reached  Chefoo  January  14, 
1867,  and  took  on  board  the  Chinese  pilot  of  the  General  Sher- 
man. Leaving  Chefoo  they  cast  anchor  two  days  later  at  the 
mouth  of  the  large  inlet  next  south  of  the  Tatong  River,  thinking 
that  they  had  reached  their  destination.  A letter  was  dispatched 
to  the  capital  of  the  province  demanding  that  the  murderers  be 
produced  on  the  deck  of  the  vessel.  Five  days  elapsed  before  the 
answer  arrived,  during  which  the  surveying  boats  were  busy. 
Many  natives  were  met  and  spoken  with,  who  all  told  one  story, 
that  the  Sherman’s  crew  were  murdered  by  the  people  and  not  by 
official  instigation.  In  a few  days  an  officer  from  one  of  the 
villages  appeared.  He  would  give  neither  information  nor  satis- 


COT>OSSAL  rOREAN  TOOL— UN-JlN  MTRTOK. 


i 


THE  GENERAL  SHERMAN  CASE. 


359 


faction,  and  the  gist  of  his  reiteration  was  “go  away  as  soon  as 
possible.”  Commander  Shufeldt,  bound  by  his  orders,  could  do 
nothing  more,  and  being  compelled  also  by  stress  of  weather  came 
away. 

Later  in  the  year  Dr.  Williams,  Secretary  of  the  United  States 
Legation  at  Peking,  succeeded  in  obtaining  an  interview  with  a 
member  of  the  Corean  embassy,  who  told  him  that  after  the 
General  Sherman  got  aground  she  careened  over  as  the  tide 
receded,  and  her  crew  landed  to  guard  or  float  her.  The  natives 
gathered  around  them,  and  before  long  an  altercation  arose.  A 
general  attack  began  upon  the  foreigners,  in  which  every  man  was 
killed  by  the  mob.  About  twenty  of  the  natives  lost  their  lives. 
Dr.  Williams’  comment  is,  “ The  evidence  goes  to  uphold  the 
presumption  that  they  invoked  their  sad  fate  by  some  rash  or 
violent  act  towards  the  natives.” 

The  United  States  steamship  Shenandoah  was  sent  to  make 
further  investigation,  and  this  version  of  the  story  was  given  to 
the  commander.  The  Coreans  said  that  when  the  Sherman 
arrived  in  the  river,  the  local  officials  went  on  board  and  addressed 
the  two  foreign  officers  of  the  ship  in  respectful  language.  The 
latter  grossly  insulted  the  native  dignitaries.  The  Coreans  treated 
their  visitors  kindly,  but  warned  them  of  their  danger  and  the  un- 
lawfulness of  penetrating  into  the  country.  Nevertheless,  the 
foreigners  went  up  the  river  to  Ping-Yang  where  they  seized  the 
ship  of  one  of  the  city  officials,  put  him  in  chains,  and  proceeded 
to  rob  the  junks  and  their  crews.  The  people  of  the  city  aroused 
to  wrath,  attacked  the  foreign  ship  with  firearms  and  cannon ; 
they  set  adrift  fire  rafts  and  even  made  a hand  to  hand  fight  with 
knives  and  swords.  The  foreigners  fought  desperately,  but  the 
Coreans  overpowered  them.  Finally  the  ship  caught  fire  and 
blew  up  with  a terrible  report.  This  story  was  not,  of  course, 
believed  by  the  American  officers,  but  even  the  best  wishers  and 
friends  of  the  Sherman  adventurers  cannot  stifle  suspicion  of 
either  cruelty  or  insult  to  the  natives.  Remembering  the  kind- 
ness shown  to  the  crew  of  the  Surprise  it  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  the  General  Sherman’s  crew  was  murdered  without  cause. 

In  1884  Lieutenant  J.  B.  Bernadon,  of  the  United  States  navy, 
made  a journey  from  Seoul  to  Ping-Yang,  and  being  able  to  speak 


3(50 


AMERICAN  EXPEDITIONS. 


Corean,  secured  the  following  information  from  native  Christians: 
The  governor  of  Ping-Yang  sent  ofBcers  to  inquire  the  mission  of 
the  Sherman.  To  gratify  their  curiosity  large  numbers  of  the 
common  people  set  out  also  in  boats  which  the  Sherman’s  crew 
mistook  for  a hostile  demonstration  and  fired  guns  in  the  air  to 
warn  them  off.  When  the  river  fell  the  Sherman  grounded  and 
careened  over,  which  being  seen  from  the  city  walls,  a fleet  of 
boats  set  out  with  hostile  intent  and  were  fired  upon.  Officers 
and  people  now  enraged,  started  fire  rafts,  and  soon  the  vessel, 
though  with  white  flag  hoisted,  was  in  flames.  Of  those  who 
leaped  into  the  river  most  were  drowned.  Of  those  picked  up  one 
was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas,  who  was  able  to  talk  Corean.  He 
explained  the  meaning  of  the  white  flag,  and  begged  to  be  sur- 
rendered to  China.  His  prayer  was  in  vain.  In  a few  days  all 
the  prisoners  were  led  out  and  publicly  executed. 

In  the  spring  of  1867  an  expedition  was  organized  by  a French 
Jesuit  priest  who  spoke  Corean,  having  been  a missionary  in  the 
country ; a German  Jew  named  Ernest  Oppert ; and  the  inter- 
preter at  the  United  States  consulate  in  Shanghai,  a man  named 
Jenkins.  These  worthies,  it  is  said,  conceived  a plan  to  steal  the 
body  of  one  of  the  dead  Corean  monarchs,  and  hold  it  for  ransom. 
With  two  steam  vessels  and  a crew  of  sailors,  laborers,  and  cool- 
ies, the  riffraff  of  humanity,  such  as  swarm  in  every  Chinese 
port,  they  left  Shanghai  the  last  day  of  April,  steamed  to  Naga- 
saki, and  then  to  the  west  coast  of  Corea,  landing  in  the  river 
which  flows  into  Prince  Jerome  Gulf.  The  steam  tender  which 
accompanied  the  larger  vessel  took  an  armed  crowd  up  the  river 
as  far  as  possible,  and  from  this  point  the  march  across  the  open 
country  to  the  tomb  was  begun.  Their  tools  were  so  ineffective 
that  they  could  not  move  the  rocky  slab  which  covered  the  sar- 
cophagus, and  they  were  compelled  to  give  up  their  task.  ’ Dur- 
ing their  return  march  they  were  attacked  by  the  exasperated 
Coreans,  but  were  able  to  protect  themselves  without  great  diffi- 
culty. During  the  remainder  of  their  buccaneering  trip,  which 
lasted  ten  days,  they  had  various  skirmishes  and  two  or  three  of 
their  party  were  killed.  On  their  return  to  Shanghai  the  Amer- 
ican of  the  party  was  arrested  and  tried  before  the  United  States 
consul,  but  it  was  impossible  to  prove  the  things  with  which  Jen- 


SEEKING  A TREATY. 


361 


kins  was  charged,  and  he  was  dismissed.  A few  years  later  Op- 
pert  published  a work  in  which  he  told  the  story  of  his  different 
voyages  to  Corea,  including  this  last  one.  In  writing  of  the  last 
he  takes  pains  to  gloss  over  the  intentions  of  his  journey  and  to 
explain  the  good  motives  behind  it. 

The  representations  made  to  the  department  of  state  at  Wash- 
ington by  the  United  States  diplomatic  corps  in  China  concerning 
these  different  attempts  to  enter  Corea,  directed  the  attention  of 
the  United  States  government  to  the  opening  of  Corea  to  Ameri- 
can commerce.  The  state  department  in  1870  resolved  to  under- 
take the  enterprise.  Frederick  F.  Low,  minister  of  the  United 
States  to  Peking,  and  Rear  Admiral  John  Rodgers,  commander  in 
chief  of  the  Asiatic  squadron,  were  entrusted  with  the  delicate 
mission.  The  American  squadron  consisted  of  the  flagship  Colo- 
rado, the  corvettes  Alaska  and  Dimitia,  and  the  gunboats  Monoc- 
acy  and  Palos.  In  spite  of  the  formidable  appearance  of  the  navy, 
the  vessels  were  either  of  an  antiquated  type,  or  of  too  heavy  a 
draft,  with  their  armament  defective.  All  the  naval  world  in 
Chinese  waters  wondered  why  the  Americans  should  be  content 
with  such  old  fashioned  ships  unworthy  of  the  gallant  crews  who 
manned  them. 

The  squadron  anchored  near  the  mouth  of  the  Han  River  May 
30,  1871.  Approaching  the  squadron  in  a junk,  some  natives 
made  signs  of  friendship  and  came  on  board  without  hesitation. 
They  bore  a missive  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  letter  which 
the  Americans  had  sent  to  Corea  some  months  before,  by  a special 
courier  from  the  Chinese  court.  This  reply  announced  that  three 
nobles  had  been  appointed  by  the  regent  for  a conference.  The 
)next  day  a delegation  of  eight  officers  of  the  third  and  fifth  rank 
came  on  board,  evidently  with  intent  to  see  the  minister  and  ad- 
miral to  learn  all  they  could  and  gain  time.  They  had  little 
authority  and  no  credentials,  but  they  were  sociable,  friendly  and 
in  good  humor.  Neither  of  the  envoys  would  see  them,  because 
they  lacked  rank  and  credentials  and  authority.  The  Corean  en- 
voys were  informed  that  soundings  would  be  taken  in  the  river 
and  the  shores  would  be  surveyed. 

The  best  judges  of  eastern  diplomacy  think  that  this  mission 
■yvas  very  poorljr  managed.  These  envoys  were  sent  ashore,  and 


362 


BRAVE  FIGHTING. 


at  noon  on  the  2nd  of  June  the  survey  fleet  moved  up  the  river. 
The  fleet  consisted  of  four  steam  launches  abreast,  followed  by 
the  Palos  and  Monocacy.  But  a few  minutes  passed  until  from  a 
fort  on  the  shore  a severe  fire  was  opened  on  the  moving  boats. 
The  Americans  promptly  returned  the  fire,  with  the  result  that 
the  old  Palos  injured  hei’self  by  the  cannon  kicking  her  sides  out. 
The  Monocacy  also  struck  a rock  and  began  to  leak  badly,  but 
after  hammering  at  the  forts  until  they  were  all  silenced,  the 
squadron  was  able  to  return  down  the  river  and  not  greatly  in- 
jured. Strange  to  say  only  one  American  was  wounded  and  none 
were  killed.  It  was  a strong  evidence  of  the  poor  marksmanship 
of  Corean  gunners. 

Ten  days  were  now  allowed  to  pass  before  further  action  was 
taken,  then  the  same  force  started  up  the  river  again,  enlarged  by 
twenty  boats  conveying  a landing  force  of  .x  hundred  and  fifty 
men.  These  were  arranged  in  ten  companies  of  infantry  and 
seven  pieces  of  artillery.  The  squadron  proceeded  up  the  river 
on  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  June,  and  soon  after  noon,  having 
demolished  and  emptied  the  first  fort,  the  troops  were  landed. 
The  next  day  they  began  the  march  and  soon  reached  another 
fortification  which  was  deserted.  Here  all  of  the  artillery  was 
tumbled  into  the  river  and  the  fort  was  named  Monocacy.  In 
another  hour,  another  citadel  was  reached,  attacked,  and  con- 
quered by  the  united  efforts  of  the  troops  on  shore  and  the  ves- 
sels in  the  stream.  The  final  charge  of  the  American  troops  up 
a steep  incline  met  a terrible  reception.  The  Coreans  fought 
with  furious  courage  in  hand  to  hand  conflict.  Finall}"  the  enemy 
was  completely  routed,  some  three  hundred  and  fifty  of  them 
being  killed.  On  the  American  side  three  were  killed,  and  ten 
wounded.  Before  the  day  was  over  two  more  forts  were  captured. 
The  result  of  the  forty-eight  hours  on  shore,  of  which  only  eigh- 
teen were  spent  in  the  field,  was  the  capture  of  five  forts,  probably 
the  strongest  in  the  kingdom,  fifty  flags,  and  four  hundred  and 
eighty-one  pieces  of  artillery.  The  work  of  destruction  was  car- 
ried on  and  made  as  thorough  as  fire,  ax  and  shovel  could  make 
it,  and  this  was  all  on  Sunday,  June  11. 

- Early  on  Monday  morning  the  whole  force  was  re-embarked  in 
perfect  order,  in  spite  of  the  furious  tide.  The  fleet  moved  down 


WAR  WITH  THE  HEATHEN. 


363 


the  stream  with  the  captured  colors  at  the  mast  heads,  and  towing 
the  boats  laden  with  the  trophies  of  victory.  Later  in  the  day 
the  men  slain  in  the  fight  were  buried  on  Boisee  Island,  and  the 
first  American  graves  rose  on  Corean  soil. 

Admiral  Rodgers,  having  obeyed  to  the  farthest  limit  the  orders 
given  him,  and  all  hope  of  making  a treaty  being  over,  the  fleet 
sailed  for  Chefoo  on  the  3rd  of  July,  after  thirty-five  days’  stay 
in  Corean  waters. 

“ Our  little  war  with  the  heathen,”  as  the  New  York  Herald 
styled  it,  attracted  slight  notice  in  the  United  States.  In  China 
the  expedition  was  looked  upon  as  a failure  and  a defeat.  The 
popular  Corean  idea  was  that  the  Americans  had  come  to  avenge 
the  death  of  pirates  and  robbers,  and  after  several  battles  had 
been  so  surely  defeated  that  they  dare  not  attempt  the  task  of 
chastisement  again. 

When  the  mikado  was  restored  to  supreme  power  in  Japan,  and 
the  department  of  foreign  affairs  was  created,  one  of  the  first 
things  attended  to  was  to  invite  the  Corean  government  to  resume 
ancient  friendship  and  vassalage.  This  summons,  coming  from 
a source  unrecognized  for  eight  centuries,  and  to  a regent  swollen 
with  pride  at  his  victory  over  the  French  and  his  success  in  extir- 
pating the  Christian  religion,  was  spurned  with  defiance.  An  in- 
solent and  even  scurrilous  letter  was  returned  to  the  mikado’s 
government.  The  military  classes,  stung  with  rage,  formed  a war 
party,  but  the  cabinet  of  Japan  vetoed  the  scheme  and  in  October, 
1873,  Saigo,  the  leader  of  the  war  party,  resigned  and  was  re- 
turned to  Satsuma  to  brood  over  his  defeat. 

In  1873  the  young  king  of  Corea  attained  his  majority.  His 
father  Tai-wen  Kun,  the  Regent,  by  the  act  of  the  king  was  re- 
lieved of  office  and  his  bloody  and  cruel  lease  of  power  came  to 
an  end.  The  young  sovereign  proved  himself  a man  of  some 
mental  vigor  and  independent  judgment,  not  merely  trusting  to 
his  ministers,  but  opening  important  documents  in  person.  He 
was  ably  seconded  by  his  wife,  to  whom  was  born  in  the  same 
year  an  heir  to  the  throne. 

The  neutral  belt  of  land,  long  inhabited  by  deer  and  tigers,  had 
within  the  last  few  decades  been  overspread  with  squatters,  brig- 
ands, and  outlaws.  The  depredations  of  these  border  ruffians 
18 


364 


NEUTRAL  STRIP  ABOLISHED. 


had  become  intolerable  both  to  China  and  Corea.  In  1875  Li 
Hung  Chang  sending  a force  of  picked  Chinese  troops  with  a 
gunboat  to  the  Yalu  broke  up  the  nest  of  robbers  and  allowed 
settlers  to  enter  the  land.  Two  years  later  the  Peking  government 
shifted  its  frontier  to  tlie  Yalu  River,  and  Corean  and  Chinese 
territory  was  separated  only  by  flowing  water.  The  neutral  strip 
was  no  more. 

In  1875  some  sailors  of  one  of  the  Japanese  ironclads,  landing 
near  Kang-wa  for  water,  were  fired  on  by  Corean  soldiers  under 
the  idea  that  they  were  Americans  or  Frenchmen.  The  Japanese 
before  this  time  had  adopted  uniforms  of  foreign  style  for  their 
navy.  Retaliating,  the  Japanese  two  days  later  stormed  and  dis- 
mantled the  fort,  shot  most  of  the  garrison,  and  carried  the  spoils 
to  the  ships.  The  news  of  this  affair  brought  the  wavering  minds 
of  both  the  peace  and  the  war  party  of  Japan  to  a decision.  An 
envoy  was  dispatched  to  Peking  to  find  out  the  exact  relation  of 
China  to  Corea,  and  secure  her  neutrality.  At  the  same  time  an- 
other was  sent  with  the  fleet  to  the  Han  River,  to  make  if  possi- 
ble a treaty  of  friendship  and  open  ports.  General  Kuroda  hav- 
ing charge  of  the  latter  embassy,  with  men  of  war,  transports, 
and  marines,  reached  Seoul  February  the  6th,  1876.  About  the 
same  time  a courier  from  Peking  arrived  in  the  capital,  bearing 
the  Chinese  imperial  recommendation  that  a treaty  be  made  with 
the  Japanese.  The  temper  of  the  young  king  had  been  mani- 
fested long  before  this  by  his  rebuking  the  district  magistrate  of 
Kang-wa  for  allowing  soldiers  to  fire  on  peaceably  disposed  people, 
and  ordering  the  offender  to  degradation  and  exile.  Arinori 
Mori  in  Peking  had  received  a written  disclaimer  of  China’s  re- 
sponsibility over  Corea,  by  which  stroke  of  policy  the  Middle 
Kingdom  freed  herself  from  all  possible  claims  of  indemnity  from 
France,  the  United  States,  and  Japan. 

After  several  days  of  negotiation  the  details  of  the  treaty  were 
settled,  and  on  February  27  the  treaty  in  which  Chosen  was  rec- 
ognized as  an  independent  nation  was  signed  and  attested. 
The  first  Corean  embassy  which  had  been  accredited  to  the  mi- 
kado’s court  since  the  Twelfth  century,  sailed  from  Fusanin  a Jap- 
anese steamer,  landing  at  Yokohama,  May  29.  By  railroad  and 
steam  cars  they  reached  Tokio,  and  on  the  first  of  J une  the  envoy 


JAPAN  AND  COREA  MAKE  TREATY. 


365 


had  audience  of  the  mikado.  For  three  weeks  the  Japanese 
amused,  enlightened  and  startled  their  guests  by  showing  them 
their  war  ships,  arsenals,  artilleiy,  torpedoes,  schools,  buildings, 
factories,  and  offices,  equipped  with  steam  and  electricity,  the 
ripened  fruit  of  the  seed  planted  by  Perry  in  1854.  All  attempts 
of  foreigners  to  hold  any  communication  with  them  were  firmly 
rejected  by  the  Coreans.  Among  the  callers  with  diplomatic 
powers  from  the  outside  world  in  1881,  each  eager  and  ambitious 
to  be  the  first  in  wresting  the  coveted  prize  of  a treaty,  were  two 
British  captains  of  men-of-war  and  a French  naval  officer,  all  of 
whom  sailed  away  with  rebuffs. 

Under  the  new  treaty  Fusan  soon  became  a bustling  place  of 
trade  with  a Japanese  population  of  some  two  thousand.  Public 
buildings  were  erected  for  the  »Tapanese  consulate,  chamber  of 
commerce,  bank,  steamship  company,  and  hospitals.  A news- 
paper was  established,  and  after  a few  years  of  mutual  contact  at 
Fusan  the  Coreans,  though  finding  the  Japanese  as  troublesome 
as  the  latter  discovered  foreigners  to  be  after  their  own  ports  were 
opened,  with  much  experience  settled  down  to  endure  them  for 
the  sake  of  a trade  which  was  undoubtedly  enriching  the  country. 
Gensan  was  opened  May  1,  1880.  An  exposition  of  Japanese, 
European,  and  American  goods  was  established  for  the  benefit  of 
trade  with  the  Coreans. 

Russia,  England,  France,  Italy,  and  the  United  States  all  made 
efforts  in  the  next  few  months  to  make  treaties  with  Corea,  and 
all  were  politely  rejected.  Early  in  1881  Chinese  and  Japanese 
influence  began  to  be  enlisted  in  favor  of  the  United  States  in  the 
effort  to  make  a treaty.  Li  Hung  Chang,  China’s  liberal  states- 
man, wrote  a letter  to  a Corean  gentleman  in  which  he  advised 
the  country  to  seek  the  friendship  of  the  United  States.  The 
Chinese  secretary  of  legation  at  Tokio  also  declared  to  the  Co- 
reans that  Americans  were  the  natural  friends  of  Asiatic  nations, 
and  should  be  welcomed.  It  began  to  look  more  hopeful  for  the 
United  States  to  secure  her  treaty  through  the  influence  of  the 
Chinese  than  that  of  the  Japanese,  on  whom  we  had  previously 
depended.  One  of  the  most  important  moves  in  the  advancement 
of  Corea’s  civilization  was  the  sending  of  a party  of  thirty-four 
prominent  men  to  visit  Japan,  and  further  study  the  problem  of 


366 


AMERICAN  TREATY  SIGNED. 


how  far  western  ideas  were  adapted  to  an  oriental  state.  The 
leader  of  this  party,  after  his  return  from  Japan,  was  dispatched 
on  a mission  to  China,  where  his  conference  was  chiefly  with  Li 
Hung  Chang.  He  had  now  a good  opportunity  of  judging  the 
relative  merits  of  Japan  and  China.  The  results  of  this  mission 
were  soon  apparent,  for  shortly  after,  eighty  young  men  were  sent 
to  Tien-tsin  wliere  they  began  to  diligently  pursue  their  studies  of 
western  civilization  as  it  had  impressed  itself  on  China  in  the 
arsenals  and  schools. 

The  spirit  of  progress  made  advance  from  the  beginning  of 
1882,  but  discussion  reached  fever  heat  in  deciding  whether  the 
favor  of  Japan  or  China  should  be  most  sought,  and  which  for- 
eign nation  should  be  first  admitted  to  treaty  rights.  An  event 
not  unlooked-for,  increased  the  power  of  the  progressionists. 
Kozaikai  urged  the  plea  of  expulsion  of  foreigners  in  such  intem- 
perate language  that  he  was  accused  of  reproaching  the  sovereign. 
At  the  same  time  a conspiracy  against  the  life  of  the  king  was 
discovered.  Kozaikai  was  put  to  death,  many  of  the  conspirators 
were  exiled,  and  the  ringleaders  were  sentenced  to  be  broken 
alive  on  the  wheel.  The  progressionists  had  now  the  upper  hand, 
and  early  in  the  spring  two  envoys  went  to  Tien-tsin  to  inform 
Americans  and  Chinese  that  the  Corean  government  was  ready 
to  make  a treaty,  ^^leanwhile  Japanese  officers  were  drilling 
the  Corean  soldiers  in  Seoul. 

The  American  diplomatic  agent.  Commodore  R.  W.  Shufeldt, 
arrived  in  the  Swatara  off  Chemulpo  IMay  7.  Accompanied  by 
three  officers  he  went  six  miles  into  the  interior,  to  the  office  of 
the  Corean  magistrate,  to  formulate  the  treaty.  Two  days  after- 
ward the  treaty  document  was  signed,  in  a temporary  pavilion  on 
a point  of  land  opposite  the  ship.  Both  on  the  American  and 
Corean  side  this  result  had  been  brought  about  only  after  severe 
toil  and  prolonged  effort. 

Four  days  after  the  signing  of  the  x4merican  treaty,  the  crown- 
prince,  a lad  of  nine  years  old,  was  married  in  Seoul.  This  year 
will  be  forever  known  as  the  year  of  the  treaties.  ^Yithin  a few 
months  treaties  were  signed  by  Corea  with  Great  Britain,  France, 
Germany,  Italy  and  China.  Within  a week  there  appeared  in  the 
harbor  of  Chemulpo  two  xYmerican,  three  British,  one  French,  one 


MAP  SHOWING  JAPAN,  CORKA  AND  PART  OF  CHINA. 


1 


i 


OUTBREAK  IN  SEOUL. 


369 


Japanese,  one  German  and  five  Chinese  armed  vessels ; all  of  them 
except  the  French  had  left  by  Jane  8,  to  tlie  great  relief  of  the 
country  people,  many  of  whom  had  fled  to  the  hills  when  the  big 
guns  began  to  waste  their  powder  in  salutes. 

The  Japanese  legation  in  Seoul  now  numbered  about  forty  per- 
sons. They  seemed  to  suspect  no  imminent  danger,  although  the 
old  fanatic  and  tyrant  Tai-weii  Kuii  was  still  alive  arid  plotting. 
He  was  the  centre  of  all  the  elements  hostile  to  innovation,  and 
being  a man  of  unusual  ability,  was  possessed  of  immense  influ- 
ence. During  the  nine  years  of  his  nominal  retirement  from  of- 
fice, this  bigoted  Confucianist  who  refused  to  know  anything  of 
the  outer  world  waited  his  opportunity  to  make  trouble.  Just 
then  the  populace  was  most  excited  over  the  near  presence  of  the 
foreigners  at  Chemulpo,  the  usual  rainfall  was  withheld,  and  in 
the  consequent  drought  the  rice  crop  was  threatened  with  total 
failure.  The  sorcerers  and  the  anti-foreign  party  took  advantage 
of  the  situation  to  play  on  the  fears  of  the  superstitious  people. 
The  spirits  displeased  at  the  intrusion  of  the  western  devils  were 
angry,  and  were  cursing  the  land. 

While  the  king  was  out  in  the  open  air  praying  for  rain  July 
23,  a mob  of  sympathizers  with  the  old  regent  attempted  to  seize 
him.  The  king  escaped  to  the  castle.  Some  mischief-maker  then 
started  tlie  report  that  the  Japanese  had  attacked  the  royal  castle 
and  had  seized  the  king  and  queen.  Forthwith  the  mob  rushed 
with  frantic  violence  upon  the  legation,  murdering  the  Japanese 
policemen  and  students  whom  they  met  on  the  streets,  and  the 
Japanese  military  instructors  in  the  barracks.  Not  satisfied  with 
this,  the  rioters,  numbering  four  thousand  men,  attacked  and  de- 
stroyed the  houses  of  the  ministers  favoring  intercourse.  Many 
of  the  Mins  and  seven  Japanese  were  killed.  The  Japanese  le- 
gation attaches  made  a brave  defence  to  the  night  attack  which 
was  made  on  them.  Armed  only  with  swords  and  pistols,  the 
Japanese  formed  themselves  into  a circle,  charged  the  mob,  and 
cut  their  way  through  it.  After  an  all  night  march  through  a se- 
vere storm,  the  little  band  fighting  its  way  for  much  of  the  time, 
reached  In-chiun  at  three  o’clock  the  next  day.  The  governor  re- 
ceived them  kindly  and  supplied  food  and  dry  clothing,  then  post- 
ing sentinels  to  watch  so  that  the  Japanese  could  get  some  rest. 


370 


JA.PANESE  FORCE  RESPECT. 


Ill  ail  hour  the  mob  attacked  them  there,  and  they  were  again 
compelled  to  cut  their  way  out.  They  now  made  for  Chemulpo, 
the  seaport  of  the  city,  and  about  midiiiglit,  having  procured  a 
junk,  they  put  to  sea.  The  next  morning  they  were  taken  on 
board  a British  vessel  which  was  surveying  the  coast,  and  a few 
days  later  were  landed  at  Nagasaki. 

Without  hesitation  the  Japanese  government  began  prepara- 
tions for  a military  and  naval  attack.  Hanabusa,  the  minister  to 
Corea  and  his  suite  were  sent  back  to  Seoul,  escorted  by  a mili- 
tary force.  He  was  received  with  courtesy  in  the  capital  whence 
he  had  been  driven  three  weeks  ago.  The  fleet  of  Chinese  war 
ships  was  also  at  hand,  and  everything  was  apparently  under  the 
control  of  Tai-wen  Kun,  who  now  professed  to  be  friendly  to  for- 
eigners. At  his  audience  with  the  king, -Hanabusa  presented  the 
demands  of  his  government.  These  were  nominally  agreed  to, 
but  several  days  passing  without  satisfactory  action,  Hanabusa 
having  exhausted  remonstrance  and  argument  left  Seoul  and  re- 
turned to  his  ship.  This  unexpected  move,  a menace  of  war, 
brouglit  the  usurper  to  terms.  On  receipt  of  Tai-wen  Kun’s 
apologies,  the  Japanese  envoy  returned  to  the  capital  and  full 
agreement  was  given  to  all  the  demands  of  Japan  by  the  Corean 
government.  The  insurgents  were  arrested  and  punished,  the 
heavy  indemnity  was  paid,  and  an  apology  was  sent  by  a special 
embassy  to  Japan.  Within  the  next  few  days  Tai-wen  Kun  was 
taken  on  board  a Chinese  ship  at  the  orders  of  Li  Hung  Chang 
and  taken  to  Tien-tsin.  It  is  generally  believed  that  this  action 
was  practically  a kidnapping,  but  whether  to  rescue  Tai-wen 
Kun  from  the  dangers  which  threatened  him  or  to  maintain 
China’s  old  theory  of  sovereign  control  over  Corean  rulers  it  is 
hard  to  know. 

The  treaty  negotiated  with  the  United  States  was  duly  ratified 
by  our  senate,  and  Lucius  H.  Foote  was  appointed  minister  to 
Corea.  General  Foote  reached  Chemulpo  in  the  United  States 
steamship  Monocacy  May  13,  and  the  formal  ratifications  of  the 
treaty  were  exchanged  in  Seoul  six  days  later.  The  guns  of  the 
Monocacy,  the  same  which  shelled  the  Han  forts  in  1870,  fired  the 
first  salute  ever  given  to  the  Corean  flag.  The  king  responded  by 
sending  to  the  United  States  an  embassy  of  eleven  persons  led  by 


COREANS  IN  AMERICA. 


371 


Min  Yong  Ik  and- Hong  Yong  Sik,  members  respectively  of  the 
conservative  and  liberal  parties. 

Their  interview  with  President  Arthur  was  in  the  parlors  of 
the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  New  York,  on  September  17.  All  the 
Coreans  were  dressed  in  their  national  custom,  which  they  wore 
habitually  while  in  America.  After  spending  some  weeks  in  the 
study  of  American  Institutions  in  several  cities,  part  of  the  em- 
bassy returned  home  by  way  of  San  Francisco,  leaving  one  of 
their  number  at  Salem,  Mass.,  to  remain  as  a student ; while  Min 
Yong  Ik  and  two  secretaries  embarked  on  the  United  States 
steamship  Trenton,  and  after  visiting  Europe,  reached  Seoul  in 
June,  1884. 

We  have  now  reached  a point  in  Corean  history  from  which 
a continuance  can  be  better  made  in  a later  chapter.  Almost 
from  the  time  of  the  return  of  the  Corean  embassy  from  the 
United  States,  the  political  ferment  increased,  until  a few  months 
after  began  the  disorders  which  culminated  ten  years  later  in  the 
present  Japanese-Chinese  war.  These  events  will  therefore  be  re- 
lated in  the  chapter  which  is  to  follow,  descriptive  of  the  causes 
of  the  war,  and  the  relations  of  the  three  oriental  nations  at  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities. 


GEOGRAPHY,  GOVERNMENT,  CLIMATE  AND  PRO- 
UCTS  OF  COREA. 


Geographical  Limits  of  Corea— Characteristics  of  the  Coast  Line— The  Surface  Configura- 
tion of  the  Country— Isolation  Made  Easy  by  the  Character  of  its  Boundaries— Kivers  of  the 
Peninsula— The  Climate— Forests,  Plants,  and  Animals— Products  of  the  Soil  and  of  the  Mine 
—Extent  of  Foreign  Trade- The  Eight  provinces  of  Corea,  Their  Extent,  Cities,  and  History 
—Government  of  the  Corean  Kingdom— The  Dignitaries  and  their  Duties— Corruption  in 
the  Administration  of  Official  Duties— Buying  and  Selling  Office- The  Executive  and  the 
Judiciary. 

For  many  a year  the  country  of  Corea  has  been  known  in  little 
more  than  name.  Its  territory  is  a peninsula  on  the  east  coast  of 
Asia,  between  China  on  the  continent,  and  the  Japanese  islands 
to  the  eastward.  It  extends  from  thirty-four  degrees  and  thirty 
minutes  to  forty-three  degrees  north  latitude,  and  from  one 
hundred  and  twenty-four  degrees  and  thirty  minutes  to  one 
hundred  and  thirty  degrees  and  thirty  minutes  east  longitude, 
between  the  Sea  of  Japan  and  the  Yellow  Sea.  The  Yellow  Sea 
separates  it  from  the  southern  provinces  of  China,  while  the  Sea 
of  Japan  and  the  Strait  of  Corea  separate  it  from  the  Japanese 
islands.  It  has  a coast  line  of  about  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  forty  miles,  and  a total  area  of  about  ninety  thousand  square 
miles.  The  peninsula,  with  its  outlying  islands,  is  nearly  equal 
in  size  to  Minnesota  or  to  Great  Britian.  In  general  shape  and 
relative  position  to  the  Asiatic  continent  it  resembles  Florida. 
Tradition  and  geological  indications  lead  to  the  belief  that  an- 
ciently the  Chinese  promontory  and  province  of  Shan-tung,  and 
the  Corean  peninsula  were  connected,  and  that  dry  land  once 
covered  the  space  filled  by  the  waters  joining  tlie  Gulf  of  Pechili 
and  the  Yellow  Sea.  These  waters  are  so  shallow  that  the  eleva- 
tion of  their  bottoms  but  a few  feet  would  restore  their  area  to 
the  land  surface  of  the  globe.  On  the  other  side  also,  the  Sea 
of  Japan  is  very  shallow  and  the  Straits  of  Corea  at  their  greatest 
depth  have  but  eighty-three  feet  of  water. 

The  east  coast  is  high,  mountainous,  and  but  slightly  indented, 
372 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  COASTS  OF  COREA. 


373 


with  very  few  islands  or  harbors.  The  south  and  west  shores  are 
deeply  and  manifoldly  scooped  and  fringed  with  numerous 
islands.  From  these  island-skirted  shores,  especially  on  the  west 
coast,  mud  banks  extend  out  to  sea  beyond  sight.  While  the 
tide  on  the  east  coast  is  very  slight,  only  two  feet  at  Gensan,  it 
increases  on  the  south  and  west  coasts  in  a north  direction,  rising 
to  thirty -three  feet  at  Chemulpo.  The  rapid  rise  and  fall  of  tides, 
and  the  vast  area  of  mud  left  bare  at  low  water,  cause  frequent 
fogs,  and  render  the  numerous  inlets  little  available  except  for 
native  craft.  On  the  west  coast  the  rivers  are  frozen  in  winter, 
but  the  east  coast  is  open  the  whole  winter  through. 

Quelpaert,  the  largest  island,  forty  by  seventeen  miles,  lies 
sixty  miles  south  of  the  main  land.  Port  Hamilton,  between 
Quelpaert  and  Corea,  was  for  a time  an  English  possession,  but  in 
1886  was  given  to  China.  The  Russians  are  generally  believed  to 
have  an  overweening  desire  for  the  magnificent  harbor  of  Port 
Lazaref  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Corean  mainland.  In  its  policy 
of  exclusion  of  all  foreigners,  the  government  has  had  its  tasks 
facilitated  by  the  inaccessible  and  dangerous  nature  of  the 
approaches  to  the  coast.  The  high  mountain  ranges  and  steep 
rocks  of  the  east  coast,  and  the  thousands  of  islands,  banks, 
shoals  and  reefs  extending  for  miles  into  the  sea  on  the  western 
and  southern  shores,  unite  to  make  approach  exceedingly  difficult, 
even  with  the  best  charts  and  surveys  at  hand. 

In  the  middle  of  the  northern  boundary  of  Corea,  is  the  most 
notable  natural  feature  of  the  peninsula.  It  is  a great  mount- 
ain, the  colossal  Paik-tu  or  “ ever  white  ” mountain,  as  it  is  known 
from  the  snow  that  rests  upon  its  summit.  When  the  Man- 
choorians  pushed  the  Coreans  farther  and  farther  back,  they 
reached  this  mountain,  which  marked  the  natural  barrier  which 
they  were  able  to  make  their  permanent  boundary  line.  Accord- 
ing to  native  account,  which  in  Corea  is  seriously  believed,ethe 
highest  peak  of  this  mountain  reaches  the  moderate  elevation  of 
forty-four  miles.  It  is  famous  as  the  birthplace  of  Corean  folk 
lore,  and  a great  deal  that  is  mythical  hangs  about  it  still.  On 
the  top  of  the  peak  is  a lake  thirty  miles  in  circumference.  From 
this  lake  fiow  two  streams,  one  to  the  north-east,  the  Tumen, 
which  enters  the  Sea  of  Japan ; and  the  other  to  the  south-west, 


374 


RIVERS  OF  THE  PENINSULA. 


the  Yalu  river,  which  flows  into  the  Corean  bay  at  the  head  of 
the  Yellow  Sea.  Corea  is  therefore  in  reality  an  island.  These 
two  rivers  and  the  lake  forming  the  northern  boundary  are  about 
four  hundred  and  sixty  miles  from  the  ocean  at  the  southern  end 
of  the  peninsula.  The  greatest  width  of  the  country  is  three 
hundred  and  sixty  miles  and  its  narrowest  about  sixty  miles. 

The  Tumen  river  separates  Corea  from  Manchooria,  except  in 
the.  last  few  miles  of  its  course,  when  it  flows  by  Russian  terri- 
tory, the  south-eastern  corner  of  Siberia.  The  Yalu  river  also 
divides  Corea  from  Manchooria.  The  rivers  of  Corea  are  not  of 
great  importance  except  for  drainage  and  water  supply,  being 
navigable  but  for  short  distances.  On  the  west  coast  the  chief 
rivers  are  the  Yalu,  the  Ching-chong,  the  Tatong,  the  Han,  the 
Kum ; the  Yalu  is  navigable  for  about  one  hundred  and  seventy 
miles  and  is  by  far  the  greatest  of  all  in  the  peninsula.  The  Han 
is  navigable  to  a little  above  Seoul,  eighty  miles ; the  Tatong  to 
Ping-Yang,  seventy-five  miles ; and  the  Kum  is  navigable  for 
small  boats  for  about  thirty  miles.  In  the  south-eastern  part  of 
the  peninsula  the  Nak-tong  is  navigable  for  small  boats  to  a dis- 
tance of  one  hundred  and  forty  miles.  The  Tumen  river,  which 
forms  the  north-eastern  boundary  between  Corea  and  Siberia,  is 
not  navigable  except  near  the  mouth.  It  drains  a mountainous 
and  rainy  country.  Ordinarily  it  is  shallow  and  quiet,  but  in 
spring  its  current  becomes  very  turbulent  and  swollen. 

Occupying  about  the  same  latitude  as  Italy,  Corea  is  also,  like 
Italy,  hemmed  in  on  the  north  by  mountain  ranges,  and  traversed 
from  north  to  south  by  another  chain.  The  whole  peninsula  is 
very  mountainous,  some  of  the  peaks  rising  to  a height  of  eight 
thousand  feet. 

The  climate  of  the  country  is  excellent,  bracing  in  the  north, 
with  the  south  tempered  by  the  ocean  breezes  in  summer.  The 
winters  in  the  north  are  colder  than  those  of  American  states  in 
the  same  latitude,  and  the  summers  are  hotter.  The  heat  is 
tempered  by  sea  breezes,  but  in  the  narrow  enclosed  valleys  it 
becomes  very  intense.  The  Han  is  frozen  at  Seoul  for  three 
months  in  the  year,  sufiiciently  to  be  used  as  a cart  road,  while 
the  Tumen  is  usually  frozen  for  five  months. 

Various  kinds  of  timber  abound,  except  in  the  west,  where 


FAUNA  AND  FLORA. 


375 


wood  is  scarce  and  is  sparingly  used  ; and  in  other  parts  the  want 
of  coal  has  caused  the  wasteful  destruction  of  many  a forest. 
The  fauna  is  very  considerable  and  besides  tigers,  leopa.rds,  and 
deer,  includes  pigs,  wild  cats,  badgers,  foxes,  beavers,  otters, 
martens,  bears,  and  a great  variety  of  birds.  The  salamander  is 
found  in  the  streams  as  in  western  Japan.  The  domestic  animals 
are  few.  The  cattle  are  excellent,  the  bull  being  the  usual  beast 
of  burden,  the  pony  very  small  but  hardy,  fowls  good,  the  pigs 
inferior. 

Immense  numbers  of  oxen  are  found  in  the  south,  furnishing 
the  meat  diet  craved  by  the  people,  who  eat  much  more  of  fatty 

food  than  the  Japanese. 
Goats  are  rare.  Sheep  are 
imported  from  China  only 
for  sacrificial  purposes.  The 
dog  serves  for  food  as  well  as 
for  companionship  and  de- 
fense. Of  birds  the  pheas- 
ants, falcons,  eagle,  crane, 
and  stork  are  common. 

Among  the  products  are 
rice,  wheat,  beans,  cotton, 
hemp,  corn,  sesame,  and 
perilla.  Ginseng  grow's  wild 
in  the  Range  mountains  and 
is  also  much  cultivated  about 
Kai-seng,  the  duties  upon  it,  notwithstanding  much  smuggling, 
yielded  about  half  a million  dollars  annually. 

Iron  ore  of  excellent  quality  is  mined ; and  there  are  copper 
mines  in  several  places.  The  output  of  the  silver  mines  is  very 
small,  but  the  customs  returns  for  1886  show  the  value  of  gold^ 
exported  that  year  to  be  $503,296.  The  principal  industries  are 
the  manufacture  of  paper,  mats  woven  of  grass,  split-bamboo 
blinds,  oil  paper,  and  silk.  The  total  value  of  the  foreign  im- 
ports in  1887  was  $2,300,000,  two-thirds  representing  cotton 
goods  ; the  native  exports  reached  about  $700,000,  chiefly  beans 
and  cow  hides.  The  foreign  vessels  entering  the  treaty  ports 
yearly  number  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty,  of  some  two  hun- 


376 


INDUSTRIES  AND  COMMERCIAL  LIFE. 


dred  thousand  tons  burden.  Three-fourths  of  the  trade  is  with 
Japan  and  more  than  one-fifth  with  China;  British  goods  go  by 
way  of  these  countries.  Until  1888  business  was  done  chiefly 
by  barter,  imports  being  exchanged  largely  for  gold  dust,  and 
Japanese  silk  piece  goods  being  a current  exchange  for  trade 
inland.  In  that  year  the  mint  at  Seoul  was  completed,  and  a 
beneficial  effect  on  commerce  resulted  from  the  introduction  of  a 
convenient  and  sufficient  coinage.  Seoul  is  connected  by  tele- 
graph with  Taku, 

Port  Arthur, 

Chemulpo,  Gen- 
san,  and  Fusan. 

Corea  is  divided 
into  eight  pro- 
vinces, three  on  the 
east  coast  and  five 
on  the  west  coast. 

These  eight  pro- 
vinces are  divided 
into  sixty  districts 
with  about  three 
hundred  and  sixty 
cities,  only  sixty 
of  which  however 
are  entitled  to  the 
name,  the  remain- 
der distinguishing 
themselves  from 
the  larger  hamlets 
and  villages  merely  by  the  walled-in  residence  of  the  chief  govern- 
ment official.  Only  a portion  of  each  real  city  is  walled  in  ; but 
it  must  not  be  thought  that  these  walls  are  in  any  way  similar  to 
those  to  be  found  in  China,  where  even  second  and  third  rate  cities 
are  protected  by  high  and  strong  fortifications  with  moats.  Corean 
walls  are  usually  about  six  feet  high,  miserably  constructed,  of 
irregular  and  uneven  stone  blocks,  and  nearlj^  every  one  of  them 
would  tumble  down  at  the  first  shock  of  a ball  fired  from  a 
modern  gun. 


COREAN  CITY  WALL. 


CHINESE  PROTECTED  CRUISER  CHIH-YUEN. 
Sunk  at  the  Battle  of  the  Valu. 


} 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NEUTRAL  STRIP. 


379 


Corea  has  for  centuries  successfully  carried  out  the  policy  of 
isolation.  Instead  of  a peninsula,  her  rulers  strove  to  make  her 
an  accessible  island,  and  insulate  her  from  the  shock  of  change. 
She  has  built,  not  a great  wall  of  masonry,  but  a barrier  of  sea 
and  river-flood,  of  mountain  and  devastated  land,  of  palisade  and 
cordon  of  armed  sentinels.  Frost  and  snow,  storm  and  winter, 
she  hailed  as  her  allies.  Not  content  with  the  sea  border,  she 
desolated  her  shores  lest  they  should  tempt  the  foreigner  to  land. 
In  addition  to  this,  between  her  Chinese  neighbor  and  herself  she 
placed  a neutral  space  of  unplanted,  unoccupied  land.  This  strip 
of  forest  and  desolated  plain  twenty  leagues  wide,  has  stretched 
for  three  centuries  between  Corea  and  Manchooria.  To  form  it, 
four  cities  and  many  villages  were  suppressed  and  left  in  ruins. 
The  soil  of  these  former  solitudes  is  very  good,  the  roads  easy,  and 
the  hills  not  high.  The  southern  boundary  of  this  neutral  ground 
has  been  the  boundary  of  Corea,  while  the  northern  bouiKlary 
has  been  a wall  of  stakes,  palisades  and  stone.  Two  centuries 
ago,  this  line  of  walls  was  strong,  high,  guarded  and  kept  in 
repair,  but  year  by  year  at  last,  during  a long  era  of  peace,  they 
were  suffered  to  fall  into  decay,  and  except  for  their  ruins  «xist 
no  longer.  For  centuries  only  the  wild  beasts,  fugitives  from 
justice,  and  outlaws  from  both  countries  have  inhabited  this  fer- 
tile but  forbidden  territory.  Occasionally  borderers  would  culti- 
vate portions  of  it,  but  gathered  the  produce  by  night  or  stealth- 
ily by  day,  venturing  on  it  as  prisoners  would  step  over  the  dead 
line.  Of  late  years  the  Chinese  government  has  respected  the 
neutrality  of  this  barrier  less  and  less.  Within  a generation  large 
portions  of  this  neutral  strip  have  been  occupied ; parts  of  it 
have  been  surveyed  and  staked  out  by  Chinese  surveyors,  and  the 
Corean  government  has  been  too  feeble  to  prevent  the  occu- 
pation. Though  no  towns  or  villages  are  marked  on  the  map  of 
this  neutral  territory,  yet  already  a considerable  number  of  small 
settlements  exist  upon  it,  and  it  was  through  them  that  the  over- 
land marches  of  the  Japanese  army  from  Corea  into  Manchooria 
had  to  be  made. 

The  province  which  borders  this  neutral  territory,  is  that  of 
Ping-Yang  or  “Peaceful  Quiet.”  It  is  the  border  land  of  the 
kingdom,  containing  what  was  for  centuries  the  only  acknowl- 


380 


PROVINCE  OF  PING-YANG. 


edged  gate  of  entrance  and  outlet  to  the  one  neighbor  which 
Corea  willingly  acknowledged  as  her  superior.  The  battle  of 
Ping-Yang  recently  fought,  is  only  one  of  many  which  have 
interrupted  the  harmony  of  the  province  of  “ Peaceful  Quiet.” 
The  town  nearest  the  frontier  and  the  gateway  of  the  kingdom  is 
Wi-ju.  It  is  situated  on  a hill  overlooking  the  Yalu  river,  and 
surrounded  by  a wall  of  light  colored  stone.  The  annual 
' embassy  always  departed  for  its  overland  journey  to  China 
’ through  its  gates.  Here  also  are  the  custom  house  and  vigilant 
guards,  whose  chief  business  it  was  to  scrutinize  all  persons 
entering  or  leaving  Corea.  Nevertheless  most  of  the  French 
missionaries  have  entered  the  mysterious  peninsula  through  this 
loop-hole,  disguising  themselves  as  wood  cutters,  crossing  the 
Yalu  river  on  the  ice,  creeping  through  the  water  drains  in  the 
grand  wall,  and  passing  through  this  town,  or  they  have  been 
met  by  friends  at  appointed  places  along  the  border,  and  thence 
have  traveled  to  the  capital.  Further  details  as  to  the  political 
condition  of  this  neutral  strip  will  be  included  in  a succeeding 
chapter,  preliminary  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The  Tatong 
river,  which  forms  the  southern  boundary  of  the  province,  is  the 
Rubicon  of  Corean  history.  At  various  epochs  in  ancient  times 
it  was  the  boundary  river  of  China  or  of  the  rival  states  within 
the  peninsula.  About  fifty  miles  from  its  mouth  is  the  city  of 
Ping-Yang,  the  metropolis  and  capital  of  the  province  and  the 
royal  seat  of  authority  from  before  the  Christian  era  to  the 
tenth  century.  Its  situation  renders  it  a natural  stronghold.  It 
has  been  many  times  besieged  by  Chinese  and  Japanese  armies, 
and  near  it  many  battles  have  been  fought. 

The  next  province  to  the  south  is  that  of  Hwanghai  or  the 
“Yellow  Sea”  province.  This  is  the  land  of  Corea  that  projects 
into  the  Yellow  Sea  directly  opposite  the  Shan-tung  promontory 
of  China,  on  which  are  the  ports  of  Chefoo  and  Wei-hai-wei. 
Tien-tsin,  the  seaport  of  Peking,  is  a little  farther  east.  From 
these  ports  since  the  most  ancient  times,  the  Chinese  armadas 
have  sailed  and  invading  armies  have  embarked  for  Corea.  Over 
and  over  again  has  the  river  Tatong  been  crowded  with  fleets  of 
junks,  fluttering  the  dragon  banners  at  their  peaks.  To  guard 
against  these  invasions  signal  fires  were  lighted  on  the  hill-tops 


WHERE  INVADING  ARMIES  FOUGHT. 


381 


which  formed  a cordon  of  flame  and  sped  the  alarm  from  coast  to 
capital  in  a few  hours.  This  province  has  been  the  camping 
ground  of  the  armies  of  many  nations.  Here,  beside  the  border 
forays  which  engaged  the  troops  of  the  rival  kingdom,  the 
Japanese,  Chinese,  Mongols,  and  Manchoos  have  contended  for 
victory  again  and  again.  The  principal  cities  of  this  province 
are  Hai-chiu  the  capital,  Hwang-ju  an  old  baronial  walled  city, 
and  the  commercial  city  of  Sunto  or  Kai-seng.  Rock  salt,  flints, 
ginseng,  varnish,  and  brushes  made  of  the  hair  of  wolf  tails,  are 
the  principal  products  of  the  province. 

Kiung-kei  is  the  province  which  contains  the  national  capital, 

although  it  is  the 
smallest  of  all. 
The  city  of  Han 
Yang,  or  Seoul,  is 
on  the  north  side 
of  the  river,  forty 
or  fifty  miles  from 
its  mouth.  The 
name  Han  Yang 
means  “the  fort- 
ress on  the  Han 
river,”  while  the 
common  term  ap- 
plied to  the  royal 
city  is  Seoul,  which 
GATE  OP  SEOUL.  meaiis  “ the  capi- 

tal.” The  popula- 
tion of  the  city  is  between  two  hundred  thousand  and  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand.  The  natural  advantages  of  Seoul  are  excel- 
lent, as  it  is  well  protected  by  surrounding  mountains,  and  its 
suburbs  reach  the  navigable  river.  The  scenery  from  the  city  is 
magnificent.  The  walls  are  of  masonry,  averaging  about  twenty 
feet  in  height,  with  arched  stone  bridges  over  the  water  courses. 
The  streets  are  narrow  and  tortuous.  The  king’s  castle  is  in  the 
northern  part.  The  islands  in  the  river  near  the  capital  are 
inhabited  by  fishermen. 

Four  great  fortresses  guard  the  approaches  to  the  royal  city, 


382 


SEOUL  AND  ITS  FORTIFICATIONS. 


all  of  which  have  been  the  scene  of  siege  and  battle  in  time  past. 
The  fortresses  in  succession  are  Suwen  to  the  south,  Kwang-chiu 
to  the  south-east,  Sunto  to  the  north  and  Kang-wa  to  the  west. 
On  the  walls  of  the  first  three  have  been  set  the  banners  of  the 
hosts  of  Ming  from  China  and  of  Taiko  from  Japan,  in  the  wars 
at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  Manchoo  standard  in 
1637  and  the  French  eagles  in  1866  w'ere  planted  on  the 
ramparts  of  Kang-wa.  Beside  these  castled  cities  there  are 
forts  and  redoubts  along  the  river  banks  crowning  most  of  the 
commanding  headlands.  Over  these  the  stars  and  stripes  fioated 
for  three  daj^s  in  1871  when  the  American  forces  captured  the 
strongholds. 

Sunto  is  one  of  the  most  important,  if  not  the  chief  commercial 
city  in  the  kingdom,  and  from  960  to  1392  it  was  the  national 
capital.  The  chief  staple  of  manufacture  and  sale  is  the  coarse 
cotton  cloth  which  forms  the  national  dress.  Kang-wa  on 
the  island  of  the  same  name,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Han  river,  is 
the  favorite  fortress  to  which  the  royal  family  are  sent  for  safety 
in  time  of  war,  or  are  banished  in  case  of  deposition. 

The  province  Chung  Chong  or  “ Serene  Loyalty  ” is  the  next 
one  to  the  southward  facing  the  Yellow  Sea.  In  the  history  of 
Corean  Christianity  this  province  will  be  remembered  as  the 
nursery  of  the  faith.  Here  were  made  the  most  converts  to  the 
teachings  of  the  French  missionaries,  and  here  persecutions  were 
most  violent.  When  the  Japanese  armies  of  invasion  reached 
the  capital  in  1592,  it  was  over  the  great  highways  from  Fusan 
which  cross  this  province.  Chion-Chiu,  the  fortress  on  whose 
fate  the  capital  depended,  lies  in  the  north-east  of  the  province. 
The  province  contains  ten  walled  cities,  and  like  all  its  fellows  it 
is  divided  into  departments,  right  and  left. 

The  most  southern  of  the  eight  provinces,  Chulla  or  “Complete 
Network  ” is  also  the  warmest  and  most  fertile.  It  is  nearest  to 
Shanghai  and  to  the  track  of  foreign  commerce.  Considerable 
quantities  of  hides,  bones,  horns,  leather,  and  tallow  are  exported 
to  Japan.  The  beef  supplied  from  the  herds  of  cattle  in  the  pas- 
tures of  Chulla  is  famous,  and  troops  of  horses  graze  on  the  pas- 
ture land.  The  province  is  well  furnished  with  ports  and  harbors. 
Christianity  had  quite  a hold  in  this  province,  and  when  Corea 


NAVAL  ATTACK  ON  THE  CIIEN-YUEN  BEFORE  CHEMULPO. 
Japanese  Drawing. 


THE  SOUTH  OF  THE  PENINSULA. 


385 


was  partly  opened  to  the  world  there  were  many  believers 
found  in  the  north  who  were  descendants  of  Christian  martyrs. 
The  capital  is  Chon-chiii.  The  soil  of  the  province  was  the  scene 
of  many  battles  during  the  Chinese  invasions- of  1592-97. 

The  island  of  Quelpaert  is  about  sixty  miles  south  of  the  main-  • 
land.  It  is  mountainous,  with  one  peak  called  Han-ra  more  than 
six  thousand  five  hundred  feet  high.  On  its  top  are  three  extinct 
craters  within  each  of  which  is  a lake  of  pure  water.  Corean 
children  are  taught  to  believe  that  the  three  first  created  men  of 
the  world  still  dwell  on  these  lofty  heights. 

The  most  south-easterly  province  of  Corea,  and  therefore  the 
nearest  to  Japan,  is  Kiung-sang  or  the  “Province  of  Respectful 
Congratulation.’^  It  is  one  of  the  richest  of  the  eight  provinces 
as  well  as  the  most  populous,  and  the  seat  of  many  historical 
associations  with  Japan.  The  city  of  Kion-chiu  was  the  capital 
of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Shinra,  and  from  here  to  Kioto,  from 
the  third  to  the  tenth  century,  the  relations  of  war  and  peace, 
letters  and  religion  were  continuous  and  fruitful.  The  province 
has  always  been  the  gateway  of  entrance  and  exit  to  the  Japan- 
ese. Fusan,  the  port  which  was  held  by  the  Japanese  from  very 
ancient  times,  is  well  at  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the  penin- 
sula. Its  fortifications  are  excellent,  and  its  harbor  well  protected. 
Populous  cities  encircle  the  bay  on  which  Fusan  stands,  and  from 
this  point  extend  two  great  roads  to  Seoul.  The  influence  of  cen- 
turies of  close  intercourse  with  their  neighbors,  the  Japanese,  is 
strongly  marked  in  this  province. 

The  “River  Meadow,” or  Kang-wen  province  fronts  Japan  from 
the  middle  of  the  eastern  coast  directly  north  of  Kiung-sang.  It 
is  a province  of  beautiful  scenery  and  precipitous  mountains.  The 
capital  is  Wen-chiu.  The  women  of  the  province  are  said  to  be 
the  most  beautiful  in  Corea. 

Ham-kiung,  or  complete  view,  is  that  part  of  Corean  territory 
adjoining  the  boundary  of  Russia.  The  south-eastern  boundary 
of  Siberia,  which  has  been  pushed  farther  south  after  every  Euro- 
pean war  with  China,  touched  the  Tumen  river,  the  northern 
boundary  of  Corea,  in  1858.  It  is  but  a little  ways  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Tumen  river  to  the  forts  of  Vladivostok  and  Possiet 
in  Russian  territory.  From  these  cities  extends  a telegraph 
19 


386 


GREAT  COREAN-MANCHOORIAN  FAIR. 


across  Siberia  to  the  cities  of  European  Russia,  and  here  will  be  the 
terminus  of  the  great  Trans-Siberian  railway  now  under  construc- 
tion. Possiet  is  connected  with  Nagasaki  by  an  electric  cable.  In 
the  event  of  a war  between  China  and  Russia,  the  Czar  would 
most  probably  make  Corea  the  basis  of  operations.  Thousands 
of  Coreans  have  left  their  own  country  to  dwell  in  the  neighboring 
portions  of  Siberia,  and  most  of  them  are  from  the  province  of 
Ham-kiung.  Persecuted  Christians  from  all  over  the  Corean  pen- 
insula have  however  escaped  to  Russia  for  protection  for  many 
years.  The  port  of  Gensan  near  Port  Lazaref,  fronting  Broughton’s 
Bay  has  been  opened  for  trade  since  May  1, 1880,  and  has  been  an 
important  strategic  and  commercial  point  ever  since.  The  capital 
city  of  this  province  is  Ham-hung  and  there  are  fourteen  other 
walled  cities  within  its  limits.  Until  the  Russians  occupied  the 
adjoining  territory,  an  annual  fair  was  held  at  the  Corea  city  of 
Kion-wen  which  lies  close  to  the  border.  Here  the  Manchoo  and 
Chinese  merchants  bartered  their  wares  for  those  of  Corean,  the 
traffic  lasting  but  two  or  three  days  and  sometimes  only  one  day. 
At  the  end  of  the  fair  any  lingering  Chinese  not  soon  across  the 
border  was  urged  over  at  the  point  of  a spear.  Foreigners  found 
within  the  Corean  limits  at  any  other  time  were  apt  to  be  ruth- 
lessly murdered. 

The  government  of  Corea,  since  the  amalgamation  of  the  differ- 
ent tribes  and  union  of  the  various  states  five  hundred  years 
ago,  has  devolved  upon  an  independent  king,  an  hereditary  mon- 
arch whose  rule  was  absolute  and  supreme.  Next  in  authority  to 
the  king  are  the  three  Chong,  or  high  ministers.  The  chief  of 
these  is  the  greatest  dignitary  of  the  kingdom,  and  in  time  of  mi- 
nority or  inability  of  the  king  wields  royal  authority.  The  father 
of  the  present  king  ruled  as  regent  up  to  the  time  when  his  son 
reached  his  majority  in  1874.  After  the  king  and  the  three  prime 
ministers,  come  the  six  heads  of  departments  of  government  which 
rank  next.  These  six  department  ministers  are  assisted  by  two  other 
associates,  the  C ham-pan  and  the  Cham-e.  These  four  grades  and 
twenty-one  dignitaries  constitute  the  royal  council  of  Dai-jin, 
though  the  actual  authority  is  in  the  three  ministers.  All  of  the 
department  ministers  make  daily  reports  of  their  affairs,  and  refer 
matters  of  importance  to  the  supreme  council.  There  are  also 


FORMS  OF  GOVERNMENT  IN  COREA. 


387 


three  chamberlains  who  record  every  day  the  acts  and  words  of 
the  king.  A daily  government  gazette  called  the  Cho-po  is  issued 
for  information  on  official  matters.  The  general  cast  and  method 
of  procedure  in  the  court  and  governmsnt  were  copied  in  the  be- 
ginning after  the  great  model  in  Peking.  The  rule  of  the  king 
in  Corea  is  absolute,  and  his  will  alone  is  law.  There  has  always 
existed,  indeed,  the  office  of  a high  functionary  whose  special  duty 
consists  in  watching  and  controlling  the  royal  actions.  Formerly 
this  office  really  had  some  significance,  but  of  late  years  it  has 

possessed  none  whatever.  Another 
very  curious  institution  has  been 
that  of  the  declared  or  official 
favorite,  a position  generally  filled 
by  some  member  of  a noble  family, 
or  by  one  of  the  ministers  whose 
influence  for  good  or  for  evil  was 
paramount  with  his  royal  master. 

The  titles  of  the  prime  ministers 
are  Chief  of  The  Just  Government, 
The  Just  Governor  of  the  Left, 
and  The  Just  Governor  of  the 
Right.  The  six  department  min- 
isters are  those  of  the  interior,  or 
office  and  public  employ,  finance, 
war,  education,  punishments  or 
justice,  and  public  works.  The 
duties  of  the  minister  of  foreign 

COREAN  MAGISTRATE  AND  SERYANT.^^^.^,^ 


education. 

Each  of  the  eight  provinces  is  under  the  direction  of  a Kam-sa 
or  governor.  The  cities  are  divided  into  six  classes,  and  are 
governed  by  officers  of  corresponding  rank.  Towns  are  given  in 
charge  of  the  petty  magistrates,  there  being  twelve  ranks  or 
dignities  in  the  official  class.  In  theory,  any  male  Corean  able  to 
pass  the  government  examination  is  eligible  to  office,  but  the 
greater  number  of  the  best  positions  are  secured  by  the  nobles 
and  their  friends.  The  terms  of  office  in  these  posts,  from  that 
of  provincial  governorship  down  to  the  lowest  are  only  for  two  or 


388 


FORMS  OF  GOVERNMENT  IN  COREA. 


three  years.  At  the  end  of  that  time  the  incumbent  pays  pur- 
chase money  and  is  removed  to  another  place.  The  natural  result 
of  this  system  is  that  the  officials  take  little  interest  in  their 
offices  except  to  extort  as  much  profit  as  possible  from  the  people 
whom  they  are  governing.  With  offices  and  honors  sold  to  the 
highest  bidder,  the  high  officers  sell  justice  and  plunder  their  sub- 
ordinates, while  these  again  try  to  indemnify  themselves  by 
further  extortion. 

The  magistrates  lay  great  stress  on  the  trifles  of  etiquette,  and 
sumptuaiy  laws  exist  referring  to  all  sorts  of  the  small  things  of 
life.  The  rule  of  the  local  authorities  is  very  minute  in  all  its 
ramifications.  The  system  of  making  every  five  houses  a social 
unit  is  universal.  Every  subject  of  the  sovereign  except  nobles 
of  rank  must  possess  a passport  testifying  to  his  personality  and 
must  show  his  ticket  on  demand. 

Civil  matters  are  decided  by  the  ordinary  civil  magistrate, 
while  criminal  cases  are  tried  by  the  military  commandant. 
Very  important  cases  are  referred  to  the  governor  of  the  province, 
and  thence  appealed  to  the  high  court  in  the  capital. 


‘z; ■•••*•  r^;'t'.‘  '•  • • ^ ^ 


r ' , - 

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JAPANESE  NAVAL  ATTACK  ON  THE  FORTS  AT  WEI-IIATAVET,  Fkkruary  3rd. 


A 


COREAN  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  MANNERS  OF 

LIFE. 


Physique  of  the  People— Rigid  Caste  System— Slavery— Guilds  and  Trade  Unions— Po- 
sition of  Women— Nameless  and  Oppressed— Marriage  and  Family  Life— Burial  and  Mourn- 
ing Customs— Dress  and  Diet— Homes— Home  Life— Children— Education— Outdoor  Life— 
Music— Literature— Language— Religion. 

The  Corean  people  are  mainly  of  a Mongolian  type,  though 
there  is  some  evidence  that  there  is  a Caucasian  element  in  the 
stock.  They  are  a little  larger  and  steadier  of  physique  than  the 
Japanese,  or  the  Chinese  of  the  south,  more  nearly  approaching 
to  the  northern  Chinese  and  even  to  the  tribes  in  the  northeast  of 
Asia.  Frequently  individuals  are  met,  with  hair  not  quite  black, 
and  even  blue  eyes  and  an  almost  English  style  of  face.  The 
characteristics  of  the  people  are  distinguished  to  advantage  from 
that  of  their  Chinese  neighbors  by  the  openness  and  frankness  of 
their  demeanor.  The  Coreans,  even  of  the  lower  classes,  are 
grave  and  sedate  by  nature,  which,  however,  does  not  exclude  a 
spirit  of  frank  gayety  shown  on  nearer  acquaintance.  They  are 
thoroughly  honest,  faithful  and  good  natured,  and  attach  them- 
selves with  an  almost  childlike  confidence  even  to  strangers  and 
foreigners,  when  once  they  begin  to  trust  in  their  sincerity. 

Firm,  sure,  and  quick  in  his  walk,  the  Corean  possesses  greater 
ease  and  a freer  motion  than  the  Chinese,  to  whom  they  are  su- 
perior in  height  and  bodily  strength.  On  the  other  hand  it  can- 
not be  denied  that  the  Coreans  rank  considerably  below  the 
Chinese  in  cultivation  of  good  manners,  and  they  are  wanting  in 
that  little  polish  which  is  not  absent  even  among  the  lower  classes 
of  China  and  Japan. 

The  peculiarity  of  the  Corean  race  and  the  difference  between 
the  same  and  the  neighboring  nations,  shows  itself  mainly  in  the 
strict  and  rigid  division  of  the  castes  which  part  the  various  ranks 
of  the  population  of  the  peninsula  from  each  other,  showing  some 
analogy  to  the  caste  institutions  prevailing  among  the  Hindus  in 
India.  There  exists,  however,  this  notable  diiference  between 
the  two,  that  while  with  the  latter  this  separation  is  based  upon 

C391) 


392 


SYSTEM  OF  CASTE. 


religious  principles  and  customs,  no  religious  movement  appears 
as  its  cause  in  Corea,  where  its  origin  seems  solely  attributable  to 
political  reasons,  which  have  been  maintained  and  kept  up  to  our 
times  by  the  government  for  reasons  of  its  own.  The  forms  of* 
Corean  society  to  this  day  are  derived  from  feudal  ranks  and  di- 
visions. The  fruit  and  legacy  of  feudalism  are  seen  in  the  serf- 
dom or  slavery  which  is  Corea’s  peculiar  domestic  institution. 

Speaking  in  general  terms,  society  has  four  grades,  following 
the  king.  These  are  the  nobles  and  the  three  classes  which  come 
after  them,  in  the  last  of  which  are  “the  seven  low  callings.”  In 
detail  the  grades  may  be  counted  bj^  the  scores.  In  the  lowest 
grade  of  the  fourth  class  are  “ the  seven  vile  callings,”  that  is,  the 
merchant,  boatman,  jailer,  postal  or  mail  slave,  monk,  butcher, 
and  sorcerer.  The  first  and  foremost  rank,  immediately  after  the 
king  and  the  members  of  the  royal  family,  who  stand  absolutely 
above  and  beyond  these  castes,  is  taken  up  by  the  so-called  nobles, 
descendants  of  the  old  families  of  chieftains,  who  are  again  sub- 
divided into  two  degrees,  the  civil  and  the  military  nobility. 
These  two  classes  of  nobles,  in  the  course  of  time,  had  possessed 
themselves  of  the  exclusive  right  of  occupying  public  office.  Fol- 
lowing upon  these  we  find  the  caste  of  the  half  nobles,  numeri- 
cally a very  weak  class,  which  forms  the  transition  from  the  no- 
bility to  the  civic  classes.  These  also  enjoy  the  right  to  fill  cer- 
tain offices  from  their  ranks,  principally  those  of  government  sec- 
retaries and  translators  of  Chinese.  After  these  come  the  civic 
caste,  which  consists  of  the  better  and  wealthier  portion  of  the 
city  inhabitants.  This  class  counts  amongst  its  numbers  the  mer- 
chants, manufacturers,  and  most  kinds  of  artisans.  Next  follows 
the  people’s  caste,  which  comprising  the  bulk  of  the  people  is  I 
naturally  the  most  numerous  of  all  and  includes  all  villagers,! 
farmers,  shepherds,  huntsmen,  fishermen,  and  the  like. 

The  nobles  are  usually  the  slave  holders,  many  of  them  having 
in  their  households  large  numbers  whom  they  have  inherited 
along  with  their  ancestral  chattels.  The  master  has  a right  to 
sell  or  otherwise  dispose  of  the  children  of  his  slaves  if  he  so 
choose.  Slavery  or  serfdom  in  Corea  is  in  a continuous  state 
of  decline,  and  the  number  of  slaves  constantly  diminishing. 
The  slaves  are  those  who  are  born  in  a state  of  servitude,  those 


SLAVERY  OR  SERFDOM. 


393 


who  sell  themselves  as  slaves,  and  those  who  are  sold  to  be  such 
by  their  parents  in  times  of  famine  or  for  debt.  Infants  exposed 
or  abandoned  that  are  picked  up  and  educated  become  slaves,  but 
their  offspring  are  born  free.  The  serfdom  is  really  very  mild. 
Only  the  active  young  men  are  held  to  field  labor,  the  young 
women  being  kept  as  domestics.  When  old  enough  to  marry,  the 
males  are  let  free  by  an  annual  payment  of  a sum  of  money  for  a 
term  of  years.  Outside  of  private  ownership  of  slaves,  there  is  a 
species  of  government  slavery  which  illustrates  the  persistency  of 


STATESMAN  ON  MONOCYCLE. — Native  Drawing, 


one  feature  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Korai  perpetuated  through 
twenty  centuries.  It  is  the  law  that  in  case  of  the  condemnation 
of  a great  criminal,  the  ban  shall  fall  upon  his  wife  and  children, 
who  at  once  become  the  slaves  of  the  judge.  These  unfortunates 
do  not  have  the  privilege  of  honorably  serving  the  magistrate,  but 
usually  pass  their  existence  in  waiting  on  the  menials  in  the 
various  government  offices.  Only  a few  of  the  government  slaves 
are  such  by  birth,  most  of  them  having  become  so  through 
judicial  condemnation  in  criminal  cases ; but  this  latter  class  fare 


394 


GUILDS  AND  LABOR  UNIONS. 


far  worse  than  the  ordinary  slaves.  They  are  chiefly  females,  and 
are  treated  little  better  than  beasts.  Nothing  can  equal  the  con- 
tempt in  which  they  are  held. 

By  union  and  organization  it  has  come  to  pass  that  the  common 
people  and  the  serfs  themselves  in  Corea  have  won  a certain 
degree  of  social  freedom  that  is  increasing.  The  spirit  of  asso- 
ciation is  spread  among 
the  Coreans  of  all  class- 
es, from  the  highest 
families  to  the  meanest 
slaves.  All  those  who 
have  any  kind  of  work 
or  interest  in  common, 
form  guilds,  corpora- 
tions or  societies  which 
have  a common  fund 
contributed  to  by  all  for 
aid  in  time  of  need. 
Very  powerful  trade 
unions  exist  among  the 
mechanics  and  laborers, 
such  as  hat-weavers, 
coffin-makers,  carpen- 
ters, and  masons.  These 
societies  enable  each 
class  to  possess  a mo- 
nopoly of  trade  which 
even  a noble  vainly  tries 
to  break.  Sometimes 
they  hold  this  right  by 

COREAN  BRUSH  CUTTER. — Native  Drawing,  writ  purchased  or  ob- 
tained from  govern- 
ment, though  usually  it  is  by  prescription.  Most  of  the  guilds 
are  taxed  by  the  government  for  their  monopoly  enjoyed.  They 
have  their  chief  or  head  man  who  possesses  almost  despotic 
power,  even  in  some  guilds  of  life  and  death. 

One  of  the  most  powerful  and  best  organized  guilds  is  that  of 
the  porters.  The  interior  commerce  of  the  country  being  almost 


GUILDS  AND  LABOR  UNIONS. 


395 


entirely  on  the  backs  of  men  and  pack  horses,  these  people  have 
the  monopoly  of  it.'  They  number  about  ten  thousand,  and  are 
divided  by  provinces  and  districts  under  the  orders  of  chiefs  and 
inspectors.  They  have  very  severe  rules  for  the  government  of 
their  guild,  and  crimes  among  them  are  punished  with  death  at 
the  order  of  their  chief.  They  are  so  powerful  that  they  pretend 
that  even  the  government  dare  not  interfere  with  them.  They 
are  honest  and  faithful  in  their  business,  delivering  packages  with 


PORTERS  WITH  CHAIR. — Native  Drawing, 


certainty  to  the  most  remote  places  in  the  kingdom.  When  they 
have  received  an  insult,  or  injustice,  or  too  low  wages,  they 
“ strike  ” in  a body  and  retire  from  the  district.  This  puts  a stop 
to  all  travel  and  business  until  the  grievances  are  settled,  or  sub- 
mission to  their  own  terms  is  made.  Owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
country  at  large  is  so  lacking  in  the  shops  and  stores  common  in 
other  countries,  and  that  instead  fairs  on  set  days  are  so  numerous 
in  the  towns  and  villages,  the  guild  of  peddlers  and  hucksters  is 


396 


WOMAN’S  SECLUSION. 


very  large  and  influential.  This  class  includes  probably  two 
hundred  thousand  able  bodied  persons  who  in  the  various  provinces 
move  freely  among  the  people,  and  are  thus  useful  to  government 
as  spies,  detectives,  messengers,  and  in  time  of  need,  soldiers. 

The  Corean  woman  has  little  moral  existence.  She  is  an  in- 
strument of  pleasure  or  of  labor,  but  never  man's  companion  or 
equal.  She  has  no  name.  In  childhood  she  receives  indeed  a sur- 
name by  which  she  is  known  in  the  family  and  by  near  friends, 
but  as  she  grows  up  none  but  her  father  and  mother  employ  this 
appellation  ; to  all  others  she  is  “ the  sister  ’’  of  such  a one  or  “ the 
daughter  ” of  so  and  so.  After  her  marriage  her  name  is  buried, 
and  she  is  absolutely  nameless.  Her  own  parents  allude  to  her 
by  employing  the  name  of  the  district  or  ward  in  which  she  is 
married.  When  she  bears  children  she  is  “ the  mother  ” of  so  and 
so.  When  a woman  appears  for  trial  before  a magistrate,  in  order 
to  save  time  and  trouble  she  receives  a special  name  for  the  time 
being. 

In  the  higher  classes  of  society  etiquette  requires  that  the 
children  be  separated  after  the  age  of  eight  or  ten  years.  After 
that  time  the  boys  dwell  entirely  in  the  men’s  apartments  to  study 
and  even  to  eat  and  drink;  the  girls  remain  secluded  in  the 
women’s  quarters.  The  boys  are  taught  that  it  is  a shameful 
thing  even  to  set  foot  in  the  female  part  of  the  house.  The  girls 
are  told  that  it  is  disgraceful  even  to  be  seen  by  males,  so  that 
gradually  they  seek  to  hide  themselves  when  any  of  the  male  sex 
appear.  These  customs,  continued  from  childhood  to  old  age, 
result  in  destroying  the  family  life.  A Corean  of  good  taste  only 
occasionally  holds  conversation  with  his  wife,  whom  he  regards  as 
being  far  beneath  him.  The  men  chat,  smoke,  and  enjoy 
themselves  in  the  outer  rooms,  and  the  women  receive  their 
parents  and  friends  in  the  inner  apartments.  The  men  seek  the 
society  of  their  male  neighbors,  and  the  women  on  their  part 
unite  together  for  local  gossip.  In  the  higher  classes,  when  a 
young  woman  has  arrived  to  marriageable  age  none  even  of  her 
own  relatives  except  those  nearest  of  kin,  is  allowed  to  see  or 
speak  to  her.  After  their  marriage  women  are  inaccessible.  They 
are  nearly  always  confined  to  their  apartments,  nor  can  they  even 
look  out  into  the  streets  without  permission  from  their  lords. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS. 


397 


There  is,  however,  another  side.  Though  counting  for  nothing 
in  society,  and  nearly  so  in  their  family,  they  are  surrounded  by 
a certain  sort  of  exterior  respect.  They  are  always  addressed  in 
the  formulas  of  the  most  polite  language.  The  men  always  step 
aside  in  the  street  to  allow  a woman  to  pass,  even  though  she  be 
of  the  poorer  classes.  There  is  also  a peculiar  custom  which 
exists  in  Seoul  which  exhibits  deference  to  the  comfort  of  the 
women.  A bell  in  the  castle  is  struck  at  sunset,  after  which  male 
citizens  are  not  allowed  to  gu  out  of  their  houses  even  to  visit 
their  neighbors.  Women,  on  the  contrary  are  permitted  the  free- 
dom of  the  streets  after  this  time,  consequently,  as  the}'  are  as- 
sured of  safety,  from  seeing  men  or  being  seen  by  them,  they 
take  their  exercise  and  enjoy  the  outdoors  most  heartily  and 
freely  at  night. 

Marriage  in  Corea  is  a thing  with  which  a woman  has  little  or 
nothing  to  do.  The  father  of  the  young  man  communicates  with 
the  father  of  the  girl  he  wishes  his  son  to  marry.  This  is  often 
done  without  consulting  the  tastes  o^  character  of  either,  and 
usually  through  a middleman  or  go-between.  The  fathers  settle 
the  time  of  the  wedding,  and  a favorable  day  is  appointed  by  the 
astrologers.  Under  this  aspect  marriage  seems  an  affair  of  small 
importance,  but  in  reality  it  is  marriage  only  that  gives  one  any 
civil  rank  or  influence  in  society.  Every  unmarried  person  is 
treated  as  a child.  He  may  commit  all  sorts  of  foolishness  with- 
out being  held  to  account.  His  capers  are  not  noticed,  for  he  is 
not  supposed  to  think  or  act  seriously.  Even  the  unmarried 
young  men  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  years  of  age  can  take  no  part 
in  social  reunions  or  speak  on  affairs  of  importance.  But  mar- 
riage is  emancipation.  Even  if  mated  at  twelve  or  thirteen  years 
of  age,  the  married  are  adults.  The  bride  takes  her  place  among 
the  matrons  and  the  young  man  has  a right  to  speak  among  the 
men  and  to  wear  a hat. 

The  badge  of  single  or  married  life  is  the  hair.  Before  mar- 
riage the  young  man  who  goes  bareheaded,  wears  a simple  tress 
hanging  down  his  back.  In  wedlock  the  hair  is  bound  up  on  the 
top  of  the  head  and  is  cultivated  on  all  parts  of  the  scalp.  Young 
persons  who  insist  on  remaining  single,  or  bachelors  who  have  not 
yet  found  a wife,  sometimes,  however,  secretly  cut  off  their  hair 


398 


THE  V^EDDING  DAY. 


or  get  it  done  by  fraud  in  order  to  pass  for  married  folks  and 
avoid  being  treated  as*  children.  Such  a custom  however  is  a 
gross  violation  of  morals  and  etiquette. 

On  the  evening  before  the  wedding  the  young  lady  who  is  to  be 
married  invites  one  of  her  friends  to  change  her  virginal  coiffure 
to  that  of  a married  woman.  The  bi  idegroom-to-be,  also  invites 
one  of  his  acquaintances  to  do  up  his  hair  in  manly  style.  On 
the  marriage  day  in  the  house  of  the  groom  a platform  is  set  up 
and  richly  adorned  with  decorative  cloths.  Parents,  friends,  and 
acquaintances  assemble  in  a crowd.  The  couple  to  be  married, 
who  may  never  have  seen  or  spoken  to  each  other,  are  brought 
in  and  take  their  places  on  the  platform  face  to  face.  There  they 
remain  for  a few  minutes.  They  salute  each  other  with  profound 
obeisance  but  utter  not  a word.  This  constitutes  the  ceremony 
of  marriage.  Each  then  retires  upon  either  side ; the  bride  to 
the  female,  and  the  groom  to  the  male  apartments,  where  feast- 
ing and  amusement  after  fashions  in  vogue  in  Chosen  take  place. 
The  expense  of  a wedding  is  considerable  and  the  bridegroom 
must  be  unstinting  in  his  hospitality.  Any  failure  in  this  particu- 
lar may  subject  him  to  unpleasant  practical  jokes.  ■ On  her  wed- 
ding day  the  young  bride  must  preserve  absolute  silence  both  on 
the  marriage  platform  and  in  the  nuptial  chamber.  Etiquette  re- 
quires this  at  least  among  the  nobility.  Though  overwhelmed 
with  questions  and  compliments,  silence  is  her  duty.  She  must 
rest  mute  and  impassive  as  a statue. 

It  is  the  reciprocal  salutation  before  witnesses  on  the  wedding 
dais  that  constitutes  legitimate  marriage.  From  that  moment  a 
husband  may  claim  a woman  as  his  wife.  Conjugal  fidelity,  oblig- 
atory on  the  woman,  is  not  required  of  the  husband,  and  a wife 
is  little  more  than  a slave  of  superior  rank.  Among  the  nobles 
the  young  bridegroom  spends  three  or  four  days  with  his  bride, 
and  then  absents  himself  from  her  for  a considerable  time  to  prove 
that  he  does  not  esteem  her  too  highly.  To  act  otherwise  would 
be  considered  in  very  bad  taste  and  highly  unfashionable. 

Habituated  from  infancy  to  such  a yoke  and  regarding  them- 
selves as  of  an  inferior  race,  most  women  submit  to  their  lot  with 
exemplary  resignation.  Having  no  idea  of  progress  or  of  an  in- 
fraction of  established  usage  they  bear  all  things.  They  become 


JAPANESE  WAR-SHIP  “YOSHTNO.” 

(During  tlie  Attack  on  Wei-hai-wei,  February  3rd,  1895.) 


i 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL. 


401 


devoted  and  obedient  wives,  jealous  of  the  reputation  and  well- 
being of  their  husbands.  The  woman  who  is  legally  espoused, 
whether  widow  or  slave,  enters  into  and  shares  the  entire  social 
estate  of  her  husband.  Even  if  she  be  not  noble  by  birth  she 
becomes  so  by  marrying  a noble.  It  is  not  proper  for  a widow  to 
remarry. 

The  fashion  of  mourning,  the  proper  time  and  place  to  shed 
tears,  and  express  grief,  according  to  regulations,  are  rigidly  pre- 
scribed in  an  official  treatise,  or  “ Guide  to  Mourners,”  published 
by  the  government.  The  corpse  must  be  placed  in  a coffin  of 
very  thick  wood,  and  preserved  during  many  months  in  a special 
room  prepared  and  ornamented  for  this  purpose.  It  is  proper  to 
weep  only  in  this  death  chamber,  but  this  must  be  done  three  or 
four  times  daily.  Before  entering  it  the  mourner  must  don  a 
special  suit  of  mourning  clothes.  At  the  new  and  full  moon  all 
the  relatives  are  invited  and  expected  to  assist  in  the  ceremonies. 
These  practices  continue  more  or  less  even  after  burial,  and  at  in- 
tervals during  several  years.  Often  a noble  will  go  out  to  weep 
at  the  tomb,  passing  days  and  nights  in  this  position.  Among  the 
poor,  who  have  not  the  means  to  provide  a death  chamber  and 
expensive  mourning,  the  coffin  is  kept  outside  their  houses  cov- 
ered with  mats  until  the  time  for  its  burial. 

Though  cremation  is  known  in  Corea,  the  most  usual  form  of 
disposing  of  the  dead  is  by  burial.  Children  are  wrapped  up  in 
the  clothes  and  bedding  in  which  they  die  and  are  thus  buried. 
As  all  unmarried  persons  are  reckoned  as  children  their  shroud 
and  burial  are  the  same.  With  the  married  the  process  is  more 
costly,  and  more  detailed  and  prolonged.  The  selection  of  a 
proper  site  for  their  tomb  is  a matter  of  profound  solicitude,  time, 
and  money ; for  the  geomancers  must  be  consulted  with  a fee. 
The  tombs  of  the  poor  consist  only  of  a grave  and  a low  mound 
of  earth.  With  the  richer  class  monuments  are  of  stone,  some- 
times neat  or  even  imposing,  sometimes  grotesque. 

Mourning  is  of  many  degress  and  lengths,  and  is  betokened  by 
dress,  abstinence  from  food  and  business,  visits  to  the  tomb,  offer- 
ings, tablets,  and  many  visible  indications  detailed  even  to  ab- 
surdity. Pure  or  nearly  pure  white  is  the  mourning  color,  as  a 
contrast  to  red,  the  color  of  rejoicing.  When  noblemen  don  the 


402 


MOURNING  CUSTOMS. 


peaked  liat  which  covers  the  face  as  well  as  the  head,  they  are  as 
dead  to  the  world,  not  to  be  spoken  to,  molested,  or  even  arrested, 
if  charged  with  crime.  This  Corean  mourning  hat  proved  the 
helmet  of  salvation  to  Christians  and  explains  the  safety  of  the 
French  missionaries  who  lived  so  long  in  disguise  under  its  shel- 
ter, unharmed  in  the  country  where  the  police  were  ever  on  their 
track.  The  Jesuits  were  not  slow  to  see  the  wonderful  protection 
promised  for  them,  and  availed  themselves  of  it  at  once  and 
always,  both  while  entering  the  well-guarded  frontier  and  while 
residing  in  the  country. 

Corean  architecture  is  in  a very  primitive  condition.  The 
castles,  fortifications,  temples,  monasteries,  and  public  buildings 
cannot  approach  the  magnificence  of  those  of  Japan  or  China. 
The  dwellings  .are  tiled  or  thatched  houses,  almost  invariably  one 
story  high.  In  the  smaller  towns  these  are  not  arranged  in  regu- 
lar streets  but  are  scattered  here  and  there.  Even  in  the  cities 
the  streets  are  narrow  and  tortuous.  In  the  rural  parts  the  houses 
of  the  wealthy  are  surrounded  by  beautiful  groves,  with  gardens 
circled  by  hedges  or  fences  of  rushes  or  split  bamboo.  The  cities 
show  a greater  display  of  red-tiled  roofs,  as  only  the  officials  and 
nobles  are  allowed  this  honor.  Shingles  are  not  much  used.  The 
thatchings  are  rice  or  barley  straw.  A low  wall  of  uncemented 
stone  five  or  six  feet  high,  surrounds  the  dwellings.  The  foun- 
dations are  laid  on  stone  set  in  the  earth,  and  the  floor  of  the 
humble  is  the  ground  itself.  The  people  one  grade  above  the 
poorest,  cover  the  hard  ground  with  sheets  of  oiled  paper  which 
serve  as  a carpet.  For  the  better  class  a floor  of  wood  is  raised 
a foot  or  so  above  the  earth. 

Bed  clothes  are  of  silk,  wadded  cotton,  thick  paper,  and  .furs. 
Cushions  or  bags  of  rice-chaff  form  the  pillows  of  the  rich.  The 
poor  man  uses  a smooth  log  of  wood  or  slightly  raised  portion  of 
' the  floor  to  rest  his  head  upon.  In  most  families  of  the  middle 
class,  the  “kang”  forms  the  vaulted  floor,  bed,  and  stove.  It  is 
as  if  we  should  make  a bedstead  of  bricks  and  put  foot-stoves  un- 
der it.  The  floor  is  bricked  over  or  built  of  stone,  over  flues 
which  run  from  the  fireplace  at  one  end  of  the  house  to  the  chim- 
ney at  the  other.  The  fire  which  does  the  cooking  is  thus  used 
to  warm  those  sitting  or  sleeping  in  the  room  beyond. 


COREAN  HOMES. 


403 


OOREAN  BOAT. — Native  Drawing, 

Among  the  well-to-do.  dog  skins  cover  the  floor  for  a carpet,  or 
tiger  skins  serve  as  rugs.  Matting  is  common. 

The  meals  are  served  on  the  floor  on  small  low  tables,  usually 
one  for  each  guest,  but  sometimes  one  for  a couple.  The  best 
table  service  is  of  porcelain  and  the  ordinary  sort  of  earthenware 
with  white  metal  or  copper  utensils.  The  tablecloths  are  of  fine 
glazed  paper  and  resemble  oiled  silk.  No  knives  or  forks  are 
used ; but  instead  chopsticks  and  what  is  more  common  than  in 


Three  rooms  are  the  rule  in  an  average  house,  and  these  are  for 
cooking,  eating,  and  sleeping.  In  the  kitchen  the  most  notable 
articles  are  the  large  earthen  jars  for  holding  rice,  barley  or  water. 
Each  of  them  is  big  enough  to  hold  a man  easily.  The  second 
room,  containing  the  “ kang,”  is  the  sleeping  apartment,  and  the 
next  is  the  best  room  or  parlor.  Little  furniture  is  the  rule. 
Coreans,  like  the  Japanese,  sit  not  cross-legged  but  on  their  heels. 


404 


MEALS,  FOOD  AND  DRINK. 


China  or  Japan,  spoons  are  used  at  every  meal.  The  walls  range 
in  quality  of  decoration  from  plain  mud  to  colored  plaster  and 
paper.  Pictures  are  not  known.  The  windows  are  square  and 
latticed  without  or  within,  covered  Avith  tough  oiled  paper,  and 
moving  in  grooves.  The  doors  are  of  wood,  paper,  or  plaited 
bamboo.  Glass  was  till  recently  a nearly  unknown  luxury  in 
Corea. 

The  Corean  liquor  by  preference  is  brewed  or  distilled  from 
rice,  millet,  or  barley.  These  alcoholic  drinks  are  of  various 
strength,  color,  and  smell,  ranging  from  beer  to  brandy.  No  trait 
of  the  Coreans  has  more  impressed  their  numerous  visitors  than 
their  love  of  all  kinds  of  strong  drink.  No  sooner  were  the 
ports  of  Corea  opened  to  commerce  than  the  Chinese  established 
liquor  stores,  while  European  wines,  brandies  and  Avhiskeys  have 
entered  to  increase  the  national  drunkenness.  Although  the 
Corean  lives  between  the  two  great  tea-producing  countries  of  the 
world,  he  scarcely  knows  the  taste  of  tea  and  the  fragrant  herb  is 
little  used  on  the  peninsula. 

The  staple  diet  has  in  it  much  more  of  meat  and  fat  than  that 
of  the  Japanese,  and  the  average  Corean  can  eat  twice  as  much 
as  the  Japanese.  Beef,  pork,  fowls,  venison,  fish,  and  game  are 
consumed  without  much  waste  and  rejected  material.  Dog  flesh 
is  on  sale  among  the  common  butchers’  meat.  The  women  cook 
rice  beautifully,  and  other  Avell-known  dishes  are  barley,  millet, 
beans,  potato,  lily-bulbs,  seaweeds,  acorns,  radishes,  turnips,  mac- 
aroni, vermicelli,  apples,  pears,  plums,  grapes,  persimmons,  and 
various  kinds  of  berries.  All  kinds  of  condiments  are  much  rel- 
ished. 

One  striking  fault  of  the  Coreans  at  the  table  is  their  voracity. 
In  this  respect  there  is  not  the  least  difference  between  the  rich 
and  poor,  noble  or  plebeian.  To  eat  much  is  an  honor,  and  the 
merit  of  a feast  consists  not  in  the  quality  but  in  the  quantity  of 
the  food  served.  Little  talking  is  done  while  euciiig,  for  each  sen- 
tence might  lose  a mouthful.  Hence,  since  a capacious  stomach 
is  a high  accomplishment,  mothers  use  every  means  to  develop  as 
elastic  a capacity  as  possible  in  their  children  from  very  infancy. 
The  Coreans  equal  the  Japanese  in  devouring  raAv  fish,  and  un- 
cooked food  of  all  kinds  is  swallowed  without  a wry  face.  Fish 


THE  BATTLE  AT  AS  AN. 
Japanese  Drawing. 


VORACITY  OF  THE  COREANS. 


407 


bones  do  not  scare  them.  These  they  eat  as  they  do  the  small 
bones  of  fowls. 

Nationally  and  individually  the  Coreans  are  very  deficient  in 
conveniences  for  the  toilet.  Bath  tubs  are  rare,  and  except  in 
the  warmer  days  of  summer,  when  the  river  and  sea  serve  for 
immersion,  the  natives  are  not  usually  found  under  water.  The 
need  of  soap  and  hot  water  has  been  noticed  by  travelers  and 
writers  of  every  nation.  The  men  are  very  proud  of  their  beards, 
and  honor  them  as 
a distinctive  glory 
and  mark  of  their 
sex.  Women  coil 
their  glossy  black 
tresses  into  mas* 
sive  knots  and 
fasten  them  with 
pins,  or  gold  and 
silver  rings. 

Corea  is  famous 
as  the  land  of  big 
hats.  Some  of 
these  head-cover- 
ings are  so  im- 
mense that  the 
human  head  en- 
cased in  one  of 
them  seems  as  but 
a hub  in  a cart 
wheel.  In  shape 
the  gentleman’s  corean  egg-seller. — Native  Drawing. 

hat  resembles  a flowerpot  inverted  in  the  center  of  a round 
table.  Two  feet  is  a common  diameter,  and  the  top,  which  rises 
in  a cone  nine  inches  higher,  is  only  three  inches  wide  at  the  apex. 
The  usual  material  is  bamboo,  split  to  the  fineness  of  a thread 
and  woven.  The  fabric  is  then  varnished  or  lacquered,  and  be- 
comes perfectly  weatherproof.  The  prevalence  of  cotton  cloth- 
ing, easily  soaked  and  rendered  uncomfortable,  requires  the  ample 
20 


408 


COSTUME  OF  MEN  AND  WOMEN. 


protection  for  the  back  and  shoulders  which  these  umbrella-like 
hats  furnish. 

The  wardrobe  of  the  upper  classes  consists  of  the  ceremonial 
and  the  house  dress.  The  former  as  a rule  is  of  fine  silk,  and  the 
latter  of  coarser  silk  or  cotton.  They  are  of  pink,  blue,  and  other 
rich  colors.  The  official  robe  is  a long  garment  like  a wrapper, 
with  loose  baggy  sleeves.  There  are  few  tailors’  shops,  the 
women  of  each  household  making  the  family  outfit.  The  under- 
dress of  both  sexes  is  a short  jacket  with  tight  sleeves,  which  for 
men  reaches  to  the  thighs,  and  for  women  only  to  the  waist,  and 
a pair  of  drawers  reaching  from  waist  to  ankle.  The  females 
wear  a petticoat  over  this  garment,  so  that  the  Coreans  say  they 
dress  like  western  women,  and  foreign-made  hosiery  and  under- 
garments are  in  demand.  Their  general  style  of  costume  is  that 
of  the  wrapper,  stiff,  wide,  and  inflated,  with  abundant  starch  in 
summer,  but  clinging  and  baggy  in  winter.  The  white  dress  of 
the  Corean  makes  his  complexion  look  darker  than  it  really  is. 
Footgear  is  either  of  native  or  of  Chinese  make.  The  laborer 
contents  himself  with  sandals  woven  from  rice-straw,  which 
usually  last  but  a few  days.  Small  feet  do  not  seem  to  be  con- 
sidered a beauty,  and  the  foot  binding  of  the  Chinese  is  unknown 
in  Cho-sen. 

Judging  from  a collection  of  the  toys  of  Corean  children,  and 
from  their  many  terms  of  affection,  and  words  relating  to  games 
and  sports,  festivals  and  recreation,  and  nursery  stories,  the  life 
of  the  little  ones  must  be  pleasant.  In  the  capital  and  among  the 
higher  classes,  children’s  toys  are  very  handsome,  ranking  as  real 
works  of  art.  They  have  many  games  played  by  the  little  ones 
quite  similar  to  those  of  our  own  babies,  and  they  delight  in  pets, 
such  as  monkeys  and  puppies. 

At  school  the  pupils  study  out  loud  and  noisily,  according 
to  the  method  all  over  Asia.  Besides  learning  the  Chinese 
characters  and  the  vernacular  alphabet,  the  children  master 
arithmetic  and  writing.  The  normal  Corean  is  fond  of  his 
children,  especially  of  sons,  who  in  his  eyes  are  worth  ten  times  as 
much  as  daughters.  Such  a thing  as  exposure  of  children  is  little 
known.  The  first  thing  inculcated  in  a child’s  mind  is  respect  for 
his  father.  All  insubordination  is  immediately  and  sternly  le^ 


CLANNISH  SPIRIT. 


409 


pressed.  Far  different  is  it  with  the  mother.  She  yields  to  her 
boy’s  caprices,  and  laughs  at  his  faults  and  vices  without  rebuke, 
while  the  child  soon  learns  that  a mother's  authority  is  next  to 
nothing. 

Primogeniture  is  the  rigid  rule.  Younger  sons  at  the  time  of 
their  marriage,  or  at  other  important  periods  of  life  receive 
paternal  gifts,  but  the  bulk  of  the  property  belongs  to  the  oldest 
son,  on  whom  the  younger  sons  look  as  their  father.  He  is  the 
head  of  the  family,  and  regards  his  father’s  children  as  his  own. 
In  all  eastern  Asia  the  bonds  of  family  are  much  closer  than 
among  Caucasian  people  of  the  present  time.  All  the  kindred, 
even  to  the  fifteenth  or  twentieth  degree,  whatever  their  social 
position,  rich  or  poor,  educated  or  illiterate,  officials  or  beggars, 
form  a clan  or  more  properly  one  single  family,  all  of  whose 
members  have  mutual  interests  to  sustain.  The  house  of  one  is 
the  house  of  the  other,  and  each  will  assist  to  his  utmost,  another 
of  the  clan  to  get  money,  office,  or  advantage.  The  law  recognizes 
this  system  by  levying  on  the  clan  the  taxes  and  debts  which  in- 
dividuals of  it  cannot  pay,  holding  the  clan  responsible  for  the  in- 
dividual. To  this  they  submit  without  complaint  or  protest.  In- 
stead of  the  family  being  a unit,  as  with  us,  it  is  only  the  frag- 
ment of  a clan,  a segment  in  the  great  circle  of  kindred.  The 
Coreans  are  fully  as  clannish  as  the  Chinese,  and  in  this  lies 
one  great  obstacle  to  Christianity  or  to  any  kind  of  individual 
reform. 

China  gave  her  culture  to  Corea  and  Corea  passed  it  on  to 
Japan-  If  we  may  believe  Corean  tales,  then  the  Coreans  have  pos- 
sessed letters  and  writing  during  three  thousand  }"ears.  It  is 
certain  that  since  the  opening  of  the  Christian  era  the  light  of 
China’s  philosophy  has  shone  steadily  among  Corean  scholars.  In 
spite  of  their  national  system  of  writing,  the  influence  of  the 
finished  philosophy  and  culture  of  China  has  been  so  great  that 
the  hopelessness  of  producing  a copy  equal  to  the  original  became 
at  once  apparent  to  the  Corean  mind.  The  culture  of  their  native 
tongue  has  been  neglected  by  Corean  scholars.  The  consequence 
is  that  after  so  many  centuries  of  national  life  Corea  possesses  no 
literature  worthy  of  the  name. 

At  present  Corean  literary  men  possess  a highly  critical 


410 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE. 


knowledge  of  Chinese.  Most  intelligent  scholars  read  the 
classics  with  ease  and  fluency.  Penmanship  is  an  art  as  much 
prized  and  as  widely  practiced  as  in  Japan,  and  reading  and 
writing  constitute  education.  Corea  has  most  closely  imitated  her 
teacher,  China,  in  the  use  of  education.  She  fosters  education  by 
making  scholastic  ability  as  tested  in  the  literary  examination,  the 
basis  of  appointment  to  office.  This  civil  service  reform  was 
established  by  the  now  ruling  dynasty  early  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  The  Corean  child,  neglecting  his  own  language,  liter- 
ature, and  history,  studies  those  of  China  and  the  philosophy  of 
Confucius,  so  that  his  education  is  practically  that  of  the  young 
man  in  China.  The  same  classics  are  studied  and  the  same  at- 
tention is  paid  to  memory  cultivation.  The  competitive  exami- 
nations too  are  very  similar  to  those  of  China,  and  corresponding 
degrees  are  granted.  The  system  of  literary  examinations,  which 
for  two  or  three  centuries  after  its  establishment  was  vigorously 
maintained  with  impartiality,  is  at  present  in  a state  of  decay, 
bribery  and  official  favor  being  the  causes  of  its  decline. 

The  special  schools  of  languages,  mathematics,  medicine,  art 
etc.,  are  under  the  patronage  of  the  government,  but  amount  to 
very  little.  The  school  of  astronomy  and  the  choice  of  fortunate 
days  for  state  occasions  is  for  the  special  service  of  the  king. 
There  is  also  a school  of  interpreters,  charts,  law,  and  horology. 

Although  the  Chinese  language,  writing  and  literature  form 
the  basis  of  education  and  culture  in  Chosen,  yet  the  native 
language  is  distinct  in  structure  from  the  Chinese,  having  little  in 
common  with  it.  The  latter  is  monosyllabic,  while  the  Corean  is 
polysyllabic,  as  is  the  Japanese  which  the  Corean  closely  re- 
sembles. No  other  language  is  so  nearly  affiliated  to  the  Japanese 
as  is  the  Corean.  The  Corean  alphabet,  one  of  the  most  simple 
and  perfect  in  the  world,  consists  of  twenty -five  letters,  eleven 
vowels  and  fourteen  consonants.  They  are  made  with  easy 
strokes  in  which  straight  lines,  circles,  and  dots  only  are  used. 

As  in  Japan,  so  in  Corea  three  styles  of  languages  prevail,  and 
are  used  as  follows  : Pure  Chinese  without  any  admixture  of 
Corean,  in  books  and  writings  on  science,  history  and  govern- 
ment, and  in  the  theses  of  the  students  and  literary  men  ; in  the 
books  composed  in  the  Corean  language  the  vernacular  syntax 


JAPANESE  SOLDIERS  DESCENDING  FROM  THE  CASTLE  AT  FENG-IIWANG. 

Japanese  Drawing. 


LANGUAGE. 


413 


serves  as  the  framework,  but  the  vocabulary  is  largely  Chinese  ; 
the  Corean  book  style  of  composition  which  is  written  in  the  pure 
Corean  language.  Every  one  in  Corea  speaks  the  vernacular  and 
not  Chinese. 

The  books  which  have  been  written  in  Corean,  are  chiefly  primers 
or  manuals  of  history,  books  on  etiquette  and  ritual,  and  geog- 
raphy. There  are  also  a few  works  of  poetry  written  in  the 
vulgar  dialect. 


COREAN  BAND  OF  MUSICIANS. — Native  Drawing 


In  passionate  fondness  for  music  the  Coreans  decidedly  surpass 
all  other  Asiatic  nations.  Their  knowledge  is  indeed  primitive, 
however,  not  superior  to  that  of  their  neighbors,  and  their  instru- 
ments are  of  rude  workmanship  and  construction.  The  principal 
of  these  instruments  are  the  gong,  the  flute,  and  the  two-stringed 
guitar,  combining  to  make  a music  anything  but  harmonious. 
They  always  sing  in  falsetto,  like  the  Chinese,  in  a monotonous 
and  melancholy  manner.  The  Coreans  however  possess  a musical 


414 


RELIGION. 


ear,  and  they  know  how  to  appreciate  and  like  to  listen  to  foreign 
music  very  much,  while  the  Chinese  have  not  the  slighest  idea  of 
harmony,  and  placing  our  music  far  below  their  own,  look  down 
upon  our  art  with  something  like  a feeling  of  pity. 

The  fibres  of  Corean  superstition,  and  the  actual  religion  of  the 
people  of  to-day,  have  not  radically  changed  during  twenty 
centuries  in  spite  of  Buddhism.  The  worship  of  the  spirits  of 
nature  and  the  other  popular  gods  is  still  reflected  in  superstition 
and  practice.  The  Chinese  Fung  Shuy,  which  in  Corean  be- 
comes Pung-siu,  is  a system  of  superstition  concerning  the  direc- 
tion of  the  everyday  things  of  life,  which  is  nearly  as  powerful  in 
Corea  as  in  the  parent  country.  Upon  this  system,  and  perhaps 
nearly  equal  in  age  with  it,  is  the  cult  of  ancestral  worship  which 
has  existed  in  Chinese  Asia  from  unrecorded  time.  Confucius 
found  it  in  his  day  and  made  it  the  basis  of  his  teachings,  as  it 
had  already  been  of  the  religious  and  ancient  documents  of  which 
he  was  the  editor.  The  Corean  system  of  ancestral  worship  pre- 
sents no  feature  radically  different  from  the  Chinese.  Confuci- 
anism, or  the  Chinese  system  of  ethics,  holds  about  the  same 
position  that  it  does  in  China.  Taoism  seems  to  be  little  studied. 

In  Corean  mouths  Buddha  becomes  Pul  and  his  “ way  ” or 
doctrine  Pul-to  or  Pul-chie.  The  faith  from  India  has  made 
thorough  conquest  of  the  southern  half  of  the  peninsula,  but  has 
only  partially  leavened  the  northern  portion  where  the  grosser 
heathenism  prevails.  The  palmy  days  of  Corean  Buddhism  were 
during  the  era  of  Korai,  905  to  1392  A.  D.  In  its  development, 
Corean  Buddhism  has  frequently  been  a potent  influence  in 
national  affairs,  and  the  power  of  the  bonzes  has  at  times  been  so 
great  as  to  practically  control  the  court  and  nullify  decrees  of  the 
king.  As  in  Japan  the  frequent  wars  have  developed  the  forma- 
tion of  a clerical  militia,  able  to  garrison  and  defend  their  fortified 
monasteries,  and  even  to  change  the  fortune  of  war  by  the  valor 
of  their  exploits.  There  are  three  distinct  classes  or  grades  of  the 
bonzes  or  priests.  The  student  monks  devote  themselves  to  learn- 
ing and  to  the  composition  of  books  and  to  Buddhist  rituals. 
Then  there  are  the  mendicant  and  traveling  bonzes  who  solicit 
alms  and  contributions  for  the  erection  and  maintenance  of 
the  temples  and  monastic  establishments.  Finally  the  military 


BUDDHISM. 


416 


bonzes  act  as  garrisons,  and  make,  keep  in  order,  and  are  trained 
to  use  weapons.  Even  at  the  present  day  Buddhist  priests  are 
made  high  officers  of  the  government,  governors  of  provinces,  and 
military  advisers.  In  the  nunneries  are  two  kinds  of  female  de- 
votees, those  who  shave  the  head  and  those  who  keep  their  locks. 
The  vows  of  the  latter  are  less  rigid.  Excepting  in  its  military 
phases,  the  type  of  Corean  Buddhism  approaches  that  of  China 
rather  than  of  Japan.  i 

The  great  virtue  of  the  Coreans  is  their  innate  respect  for  and 
daily  practice  of  the  laws  of  human  brotherhood.  Mutual  assist- 
ance and  generous  hospitality  among  themselves  are  distinctive 
national  traits.  In  all  the  important  events  of  life,  such  as  mar- 
riages and  funerals,  each  person  makes  it  his  duty  to  aid  the 
family  most  directly  interested.  One  will  charge  himself  with  the 
d‘Uty  of  making  purchases;  others  with  arranging  the  ceremonies. 
The  poor,  who  can  give  nothing,  carry  messages  to  friends  and 
relatives  in  the  near  or  remote  villages,  passing  day  and  night  on 
foot  and  giving  their  labors  gratuitously.  When  fire,  flood  or  other 
accident  destroys  the  house  of  one  of  their  number,  neighbors 
make  it  a duty  to  lend  a hand  to  rebuild.  One  brings  stone,  an- 
other wood,  another  straw.  Each  in  addition  to  his  gifts  in  mate- 
rial devotes  two  or  three  days’  work  gratuitously.  A stranger 
coming  into  a village  is  always  assisted  to  build  a dwelling.  Hos- 
pitality is  considered  as  one  of  the  most  sacred  duties.  It  would 
be  a grave  and  shameful  thing  to  refuse  a portion  of  one’s  meal 
to  any  person,  known  or  unknown,  who  presents  himself  at  eating 
time.  Even  the  poor  laborers  at  the  side  of  the  roads  are  often 
seen  sharing  their  frugal  nourishment  with  the  passer-by.  The 
poor  man  making  a journey  does  not  need  elaborate  preparations. 
At  night,  instead  of  going  to  a hotel,  he  enters  some  house  whose 
exterior  room  is  open  to  any  comer.  There  he  is  sure  to  find 
food  and  lodging  for  the  night.  Rice  will  be  shared  with  the 
stranger,  and  at  bedtime  a corner  of  the  floor  mat  will  serve  for  a 
bed,  while  he  may  rest  his  head  on  the  long  log  of  wood  against 
the  wall,  which  serves  as  a pillow.  Even  should  he  delay  his 
journey  for  a day  or  two,  little  or  nothing  to  his  discredit  will  be 
harbored  by  his  hosts. 

It  is  evident  after  this  glance  at  the  history,  the  conditions,  and 


416 


GENEROSITY  AND  HOSPITALITY. 


the  customs  of  the  Coreans,  that  they  have  many  excellent  quali- 
ties, which  require  but  the  leavening  influence  of  Christianity 
and  western  civilization  to  make  them  worthy  members  of  the 
family  of  nations.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  influence  of  the 
Japanese-Chinese  war,  in  its  ultimate  results,  may  reach  this  de- 
sirable consummation. 


The  War 


JAPANESE  COOLIES  FOLLOWING  THE  ARMY. 


CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  BETWEEN  JAPAN  AND  CHINA. 


Inception  Must  be  Sought  Far  Back  in  History— Old  Time  Animosity  Between  the  two 
Nations  Chiefly  Responsible— Formal  Recognition  of  Corean  Independence  by  Japan— The 
Riots  of  1882  and  Their  Result— Return  of  the  Corean  Embassy  from  a Trip  Around  the 
World— Advance  of  American  Ideas  and  Influence— Plots  of  the  Progressionists— The ^ 
Coup  d’Etat  and  Its  Fatal  Results— Flight  of  the  Conspirators  to  Japan  and  America— De- 
coying of  Kim-ok-Kiun  to  Shanghai— Assassination  of  Kim— Rebellion  in  Northern  Corea— 
Aid  Asked  From  China— China  Sends  Troops— Violation  of  Treaty  with  Japan— Army  from 
Japan  Arrives— Japanese  in  the  Capital— Scheme  of  Reform  Proposed  by  Japan  and  Re- 
jected by  China— A Diplomatic  Campaign. 

In  its  broadest  sense  no  war  between  nations  can  be  ascribed  to 
a single  cause,  defined  by  exact  limits  of  time  and  place.  A cause 
of  war  always  suggests  the  question  as  to  what  has  made  it  such; 
and  so  we  find  that  for  an  intelligent  understanding  of  the  pres- 
ent war  we  have  to  go  back,  beyond  the  Corean  rebellions  of  the 
early  spring  of  1894,  and  take  in  the  whole  range  of  the  relations 
of  China  and  Japan  to  Corea  and  to  each  other.  An  understand- 
ing of  the  history  of  the  three  nations  is  necessary  to  a proper 
understanding  of  the  war. 

The  first  formal  recognition  of  Corean  independence  is  found 
in  the  earliest  treaty  between  Japan  and  Corea,  that  of  1876,  by 
which  the  Coreans  agreed  to  pay  indemnity  for  an  unwarranted 
attack  which  had  been  made  upon  a Japanese  vessel,  and  to  open 
several  ports  to  Japanese  traders.  It  was  through  this  treaty  that 
Corea  was  first  introduced  to  the  comity  of  nations.  One  of  the 
professed  objects  of  Japan  during  the  war,  has,  therefore,  been  to  f 
establish  the  independence  of  Corea,  which  she  has  recognized  in 
her  treaties,  against  the  Chinese  claim  of  suzeraint3^  Sooner  orj 
later  a war  between  Japan  and  Cliina  was  inevitable.  The  heredi-^ 
tary  animosities  between  the  two  nations  have  been  aggravated 
by  the  marked  differences  which  have  arisen  of  late  years  between 
their  civilizations;  by  the  impatience  under  which  Japan  has 
struggled  against  an  anomalous  position  among  the  powers,  forced 
upon  her  by  foreign  treaties,  while  she  has  beheld  her  mediaeval 
rival  holding  precedence  and  predominance  ; and  by  the  jealousy 

C419J  . 


420 


NATURAL  AND  CULTIVATED  ENMITY. 


and  fanatic  contempt  with  which  the  subjects  of  the  “ Son  of 
Heaven  ” have  watched  the  growing  political  aspirations  of  Japan, 
her  conciliatory  attitude  towards  foreigners,  and  her  apostate 
c<bandonment  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  oriental  life. 

For  years,  moreover,  an  excuse  for  a collision  has  been  develop- 
ing in  the  relations  of  the  two  states  to  Corea.  In  spite  of  the 
liberal  sympathies  of  the  Corean  king  himself,  the  ascendant 
force  in  the  government  has  long  been  the  Ming  faction,  to  which 
family  the  queen  belongs,  which  is  pro-Chinese  in  its  sympathies, 
foe  to  everything  savoring  of  western  liberal  progress.  Under 
the  sway  of  this  faction,  which  has  monopolized  the  highest  mag- 
istracies, government  in  Corea  has  been  nothing  more  nor  less 
than  systematic  plunder  of  the  masses,  for  the  benefit  of  a few 
privileged  nobles.  The  admitted  misgovernment  of  the  country, 
which  has  always  jeopardized  the  lives  and  property  of  aliens ; 
the  suzerain  claims  of  China;  the  vast  commercial  interests  of 
Japan  in  the  peninsula  and  her  large  colonies ; and  finally  the 
complicated  treaty  arrangements  which  have  grown  up  between 
Tokio  and  Peking  with  regard  to  the  “ Hermit  Kingdom  — these 
have  long  constituted  a source  of  friction,  in  the  knowledge  of 
which  the  present  conflict  between  the  mandarins  and  the  daimios 
is  more  readily  understood.  It  is  significant  that  while  China  has 
never  formally  given  up  her  claim  to  lordship  over  Corea,  she  has 
refused  to  stand  by  her  vassal  on  certain  occasions,  and  has  en- 
couraged the  latter  to  conduct  negotiations  on  her  own  account. 
This  was  indeed  the  action  of  China  in  1876,  when  the  treaty 
with  Japan  was  made,  and  the  latter  seized  the  opportunity  to 
recognize  the  king  of  Corea  as  an  independent  sovereign  prince. 
The  immediate  cause  of  the  war  is  centered  around  the  disputed 
question  of  the  right  of  both  parties  to  keep  troops  on  Corean 
soil,  a right  which  both  have  exercised  more  than  once.  It  is  the 
origin  of  this  right  and  the  complications  that  have  arisen  from 
it,  that  we  must  now  trace  with  reference  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
war. 

Corea  for  ages  has  been  the  pupil  of  China,  whence  nearly 
everything  that  makes  up  civilization  has  been  borrowed.  Of  pa- 
triotism in  its  highest  sense,  of  pure  love  of  country,  of  willing- 
ness to  make  sacrifices  for  native  land,  there  have  been  little  in  the 


JAPANESE  ARMY  AT  CHIU-LIEN-TCHENG. 
Japanese  Drawing. 


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, THE  LEAVEN  OF  WESTERN  INFLUENCE. 


423 


kingdom.  Such  things  are  new  thoughts  nourished  by  a few  far- 
seeing  patriots.  But  leavening  the  multitude  of  Confucian  fanat- 
ics and  time-servers  of  the  men  in  power  at  Peking,  there  are  also 
men  who  have  drunk  at  other  fountains  of  thought,  entered  new 
worlds  of  knowledge,  and  seen  the  light  of  modern  science,  of 
Christianity,  and  of  western  civilization  in  other  lands.  The 
numbers  of  enlightened  men  are  increasing  who  believe  in  na- 
tional progress,  though  to  their  demands  there  has  ever  been  the 
defiance  of  vigilant  conservation.  Even  within  the  two  broadly 
defined  parties,  there  are  factional  and  family  differences.  Against 
the  craft  of  the  Ming  clan  the  other  noble  families,  Ni,  So,  Kim, 
Hong,  and  others,  have  been  able  to  make  headway  only  by  adroit 
combination. 

In  1875  the  two  noblemen  Kim-ok-Kiun  and  So  Kwang  Pom 
secretly  left  Corea  and  went  to  Japan,  being  the  first  men  of  rank 
in  recent  times  to  travel  in  lands  beyond  China.  On  their  return 
they  sought  the  king  and  boldly  told  him  what  they  had  seen. 
Other  noblemen  followed  their  example,  but  the  brother-in-law  of 
the  king,  Pak  Hong  Hio,  was  the  first  who  at  risk  of  reputation 
and  life  openly  advocated  the  adoption  of  western  civilization. 
In  1882  Kim  and  So  in  earnest  consideration  of  the  opening  of 
their  country  to  modern  ideas,  endeavored  to  persuade  Min  Yong 
Ik  to  join  them  and  also  win  over  his  powerful  Ming  relatives  to 
a liberal  policy.  When  this  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Tai-wen  Kun 
the  young  men  were  forthwith  charged  with  intent  to  introduce 
Christianity,  and  the  two  liberals  narrowly  escaped  being  put  to 
death  by  the  old  regent  who  had  already  shed  the  blood  of  thou- 
sands. 

The  men  of  the  Ming  faction  held  aloof  from  treaty  negotiations 
with  the  United  States  until  China  gave  the  nod.  When  at  last 
Li  Hung  Chang  advised  Corea  to  treat  with  Admiral  Shufeldt, 
the  Ming  nobles  obeyed  and  exhibited  so  much  energy  in  the' 
matter  as  to  seem  to  foreigners  to  be  the  leaders  of  the  party  of 
progress.  The  old  regent  at  once  felt  it  his  duty  to  overthrow 
both  the  Mings  and  the  treaty.  His  opportunity  came  in  July, 
1882,  the  year  of  the  treaties.  When  on  account  of  the  short  rice 
crop  the  soldiers’  rations  were  cut  down  by  the  father  of  Min 
Yong  Ik,  the  artful  politician  directed  their  revolt  against  this  pro- 


424 


USURPATION  OF  TAI-WEN  KUN. 


Chinese  family,  and  after  destroying,  as  he  imagined,  the  queen 
and  the  leading  men  of  the  Ming  clan,  he  seized  the  government 
itself  and  for  a few  days  enjoyed  full  power.  When  the  news  of 
the  usurpation  reached  China  and  Japan  there  were  in  Tien-tsin 
three  Corean  nobles,  Cho  Yong  Ha,  Kim  Yun  Sik,  and  0-Yun 
Chung;  and  in  Tokio  Kim-ok-Kiun  and  So  Kwang  Pom.  The 
former,  notified  by  telegram  from  the  Chinese  consul  at  Nagasaki 
of  the  movements  of  the  Japanese,  obtained  a Chinese  railitar}" 
and  naval  force,  and  the  ships  of  these  two  foreign  nations  met  at 

Chemulpo.  Before  either 
the  Chinese  or  Japanese 
troops  were  disembarked, 
the  two  groups  of  Corean 
noblemen  had  a confer- 
ence, and  after  a long  and 
warm  discussion  it  was 
agreed  to  submit  the  ques- 
tion whether  the  Chinese 
should  land  and  proceed  to 
Seoul,  to  the  king  himself. 
Accordingly  Kim-ok-Kiun 
in  disguise  penetrated  to 
the  capital,  but  only  to  find 
the  royal  person  in  posses- 
sion of  his  old  and  chief 
enemy  Tai-wen  Kun,  his 
friends  driven  away,  and 
approach  to  the  palace  im- 
possible. On  learning  the 
failure  of  Kim’s  mission 
the  Chinese  force  at  once 
landed,  marched  to  Seoul,  abducted  the  regent,  built  forts  to  com- 
mand the  river  against  the  Japanese,  and  established  their  camp 
inside  the  walls.  This  act  of  China  gave  her  a new  lien  on  Corea. 
The  father  of  Min  Yong  Ik,  Min  Thai  Ho,  who  had  been  supposed 
to  have  been  mortally  wounded,  recovered  and  resumed  office. 
Min  Yonk  Ik,  who  after  fleeing  to  the  mountains,  shaved  his  head 
and  in  the  disguise  of  a priest  had  fled  to  Japan,  returned  smiling 


THE  COREAN  REGENT. 


RETURN  OF  THE  TRAVELERS. 


425 


after  temporary  defeat.  The  queen,  for  whom  a palace  maid  had 
suffered  vicarious  death,  re-entered  the  capital  and  palace,  and  the 
star  of  the  Mings  was  again  in  the  ascendant. 

Two  years  later,  in  June,  1884,  Min  Yong  Ik  and  So  Kwang 
Pom,  the  first  Coreans  to  go  around  the  world,  reached  home  fol- 
lowed by  Kim-ok-Kiun  and  the  Tokio  students  from  Japan. 
After  an  enthusiastic  reception  of  the  returned  envoys  and  the 
American  officers  of  the  Trenton  in  Seoul,  the  public  opinion  in 
favor  of  progress  was  greatly  stimulated.  Min  Yong  Ik  was  made 
vice-president  of  the  Foreign  Office  and  the  others  of  the  embassy 
were  elevated  in  rank.  The  Chinese  military  instructors  were 
dismissed  by  the  king.  A model  farm  sown  with  American 
seeds,  and  for  which  California  live  stock  was  ordered,  Edison 
electric  lights,  American  rifies  and  Gatling  guns,  Japanese  artisans 
to  establish  potteries  and  other  industries,  gave  indications  of 
the  new  path  of  national  progress  upon  which  Corea  had  entered. 

Min  Yong  Ik  while  abroad  has  passed  for  an  enlightened  man, 
susceptible  to  modern  ideas  and  in  favor  of  opening  Corea  to 
commerce.  Yet  falling  under  the  influence  of  his  clan  he  had 
been  home  but  a few  weeks  when  he  came  to  open  rupture  with 
Hong  Yong  Sik.  Resigning  from  the  foreign  office  he  assumed 
command  of  the  palace  guard  battalion  and  restored  Chinese 
drill  masters,  the  military  students  from  Japan  being  left  to  gain 
their  support  as  subordinates  in  the  proposed  postal  department. 
By  autumn  the  late  envoy  to  the  United  States  had  surrounded 
himself  with  Chinese  and  pro-Chinese  conservatives,  the  progress- 
ive men  had  been  hampered  in  their  action,  and  the  revenues  for 
the  promised  enterprises  and  industries  had  been  diverted  to  war- 
like preparations,  that  looked  as  if  Corea,  as  a vassal,  was  to  help 
China  against  France  in  the  Tonquin  complication. 

The  situation  in  Seoul  became  alarming.  A state  of  hostility 
existed  between  the  leaders  of  the  two  political  parties,  one  of 
which  had  at  their  call  a rabble  of  rapacious  militia,  eager  to  try 
their  new  tools  upon  their  hereditary  enemies,  the  Japanese,  while 
the  other  knew  full  well  the  sterling  quality  of  the  little  body  of 
Japanese  infantry.  Fifteen  hundred  Chinese  soldiers  were  still 
in  the  camp  under  General  Yuen.  In  such  a situation,  the 
government  being  in  the  hands  of  their  rivals  and  committed  to 


426 


ALARMING  CONDITIONS  IN  SEOUL. 


the  pro-Chmese  policy,  the  liberals  felt  that  their  heads  were 
likely  to  remain  on  their  shoulders  only  so  long  as  it  pleased  their 
enemies  to  bring  no  charge  against  them.  In  nations  without 
representative  institutions,  revolutions  and  outbreaks  must  be 
expected  when  a change  of  policy  is  decided  upon. 

Let  us  see  how  the  Corean  liberals  attempted,  when  beset  and 
thwarted,  to  save  their  own  lives  and  reverse  the  policy  of  the 
government.  On  October  25,  one  of  the  liberal  leaders  intimated 
to  an  American  that  “for  the  sake  of  Corea  ” about  ten  of  the 
prominent  conservatives  “would  have  to  be  killed.”  The  idea 
was  to  remove  their  rivals  by  removing  the  heads  of  the  same, 
seize  the  government,  inaugurate  new  schemes  of  progress,  open 
new  ports,  and  otherwise  commit  Corea  to  the  same  course  as  that 
upon  which  Japan  had  entered.  They  supposed  that  the  treaty 
powers  would  condone  and  approve  their  action,  make  further 
favorable  treaties,  and  loan  money  for  national  improvement. 
Further,  they  claimed  to  have  had  the  royal  sanction.  The 
autumn  passed  by  and  the  moment  seemed  ripe  for  the  plot. 
China,  pressed  by  France,  had  withdrawn  half  her  troops  from 
Seoul,  and  Japan,  with  a view  to  strengthening  her  influence  in 
the  peninsula,  had  a few  days  before  remitted  $400,000  of  the 
indemnity  exacted  for  the  riot  of  1882.  The  time  to  strike  a 
blow  for  Corean  independence  and  to  break  the  shackles  of  China 
forever  seemed  to  have  come. 

On  the  evening  of  December  4,  the  foreign  envoys  and  several 
high  officers  of  the  government  were  invited  to  a banquet  to 
celebrate  the  inauguration  of  the  postal  service.  When  it  was 
nearly  over,  an  alarm  of  Are  was  given  from  the  outside,  accord- 
ing to  arrangement  of  the  conspirators,  and  Min  Yoiig  Ik,  going 
out  to  look,  was  set  upon  by  assassins,  but  instead  of  being  killed 
as  was  intended,  was  only  wounded.  Thereupon  the  liberal 
leaders  hastened  to  the  palace,  and  assuring  the  king  that  he  was 
in  great  danger,  in  his  name  sent  to  the  Japanese  minister  for  the 
Japanese  legation  guard.  At  the  same  time  the  conservative 
leaders  were  summoned,  as  they  supposed  by  the  king ; as  fast  as 
they  stepped  out  of  their  sedan  chairs  at  the  palace  gates,  they 
were  relieved  of  their  heads.  Meanwhile  the  Japanese  infantry 
commanded  the  inner  gates  of  the  palace,  and  during  the  next 


THE  LIBERAL  INSURRECTION. 


427 


day  the  new  ministers  of  government,  the  liberals  whose  names 
have  already  become  familiar  to  us,  prepared  edicts  to  be  issued 
by  the  king  reforming  ancient  abuses  and  customs,  and  institu- 
ting new  and  radical  measures  of  national  policy.  The  city  was 
in  a state  of  commotion,  but  despite  the  surging  crowd  no  actual 
outbreak  occurred. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  the  cry  was  raised  “ death  to  the 
Japanese,”  and  then  began  a wild  revelry  of  outrage,  butchery, 


and  incendiarism,  in  which  the  newly-trained  militia  were  con- 
spicuous. The  white  foreigners  in  Seoul,  nine  in  number,  of 
whom  three  were  ladies,  had  gathered  at  the  American  legation, 
which  under  Lieutenant  Bernadon’s  directions  was  put  in  a state 
of  defense.  In  it  twenty-two  Japanese  also  found  refuge. 

That  afternoon  the  Chinese  troops,  six  hundred  strong,  com- 
manded by  General  Y uen  and  backed  by  three  thousand  Coreans, 


' 428 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  COUP-D’ETAT. 


moved  upon  the  palace  to  drive  out  the  Japanese.  With  superb 
discipline  and  skill  Captain  Murakami  and  his  little  band  drove 
off  their  assailants,  and  through  the  narrow  streets  reached  the 
legation  at  8:00  P.  M.  after  forty-eight  hours’  absence.  The 
score  of  soldiers  left  behind,  aided  by  the  hundred  or  so  of 
civilians  who  had  gathered  within,  had  successfully  defended  the 
enclosure  from  the  mob.  Provisions  being  exhausted,  the 
Japanese  with  admirable  coolness,  discipline,  and  success  began 
the  march  to  the  sea  on  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day.  Despite 
hostile  soldiery  with  rifles  and  cannon,  armed  men  firing  from 
roof  and  wall,  barred  city  gates,  and  a mob  following  them  to  the 
Han  river,  they  crossed  with  their  wounded  and  reached 
Chemulpo  on  the  morning  of  the  8th.  There  they  were  fed  by 
the  sailors  of  the  men-of-war,  while  a Japanese  steamer  carried 
the  news  to  Nagasaki. 

The  short-lived  liberal  government  came  to  an  end  after  an 
existence  of  less  than  fortj^-eight  hours.  Hong  Yong  Sik,  refus- 
ing to  leave  the  king,  was  taken  with  him  to  the  Chinese  camp 
and  there  beheaded.  The  other  conspirators  fled  to  Japan, 
whence  they  were  demanded  by  the  Corean  ministerial  council, 
which  demand  was  by  the  Japanese  promptly  refused.  The 
torture  and  trial  of  twelve  persons  implicated  in  the  affair  was 
concluded  January  27,  1885,  and  eleven  were  executed  in  the 
usual  barbarous  manner.  Their  bodies  were  chopped  in  pieces 
and  the  flesh  and  bones  distributed  in  fragments  through  the 
streets  of  the  city  and  the  different  provinces.  The  refugees 
ultimately  reached  America,  except  Kim-ok-Kiun  who  settled  in 
Japan. 

, Count  Inouye  of  Japan  and  Kim  Hong  Chip  of  Corea  on  Jan- 
uary 9;  and  Inouye  and  Li  Hung  Chang,  of  China,  on  May  7 
concluded  conventions  by  Avhich  the  troubles  w^ere  settled.  The 
chief  points  in  the  diplomacy  were  the  payment  of  indemnity  by 
Corea  to  Japan,  and  a joint  agreement  between  China  and  Japan 
to  withdraw  their  troops.  Both  camps  were  emptied  on  the 
20th,  and  on  the  21st  of  May  the  troops  left  Chemulpo  for  their 
respective  countries.  October  5 the  Tai-wen  Kun,  now  sixt}’’- 
eight  years  old,  but  fresh  as  a man  of  forty  and  able  as  ever  to  be 
a disturbing  element,  returned  from  China  and  re-entered  Seoul 


NEW  TREATIES  MADE. 


429 


under  a guard  of  Chinese  warriors  and  many  thousands  of 
Coreans.  * 

Tlie  affair  was  in  its  origin  an  anti -Chinese  uprising  of  radical 
progressives,  but  in  its  ending  an  anti-Japanese  demonstration. 
About  three  hundred  lives  were  lost  by  battle  and  murder.  The 
conduct  of  the  American  minister,  General  Foote,  during  this 
trying  occasion,  was  most  admirable,  and  the  legation,  which 
sheltered  all  the  foreigners  and  many  Japanese,  was  kept  open 
and  the  American  flag  was  never  lowered. 

Even  in  these  troublous  times  a way  was  opened  for  the  en- 
trance of  western  science  and  reformed  Christianity.  Dr.  Henry 
N.  Allen,  a missionary  physician  from  Ohio,  was  called  upon  to 
attend  Min  Yong  Ik  and  the  wounded  Chinese  soldiers.  The 
superiority  of  modern  methods  being  at  once  manifest,  the  gov- 
ernment became  interested,  and  the  dwelling  occupied  by  Hong 
Yong  Sik,  who  had  been  beheaded,  was  set  aside  as  a hospital 
under  Dr.  Allen’s  charge.  From  that  time  forward  several 
missionaries  from  American  churches  have  entered  active  work 
in  Corea,  and  three  American  yodng  men  engaged  by  the  Corean 
government  as  teachers  have  begun  to  devise  an  educational 
system  for  the  kingdom.  There  are  now  native  Christian 
churches  in  Seoul,  a hospital,  schools,  orphanages,  and  a college. 
Americans  were  chosen  as  advisers  and  assistants  of  the  nation. 
Three  military  officers  to  organize  her  army,  naval  officers  to 
inaugurate  a nav}^  commissioners  of  customs,  and  a counsellor  in 
the  foreign  office  were  among  these. 

Renouncing  the  idea  of  the  suzerainty  of  China  over  Corea,  the 
king  and  government  sent  embassies  to  Japan,  Europe,  and  the 
United  States,  to  establish  permanent  legations.  This  movement 
was  opposed  by  the  Chinese,  and  especially  by  the  Minister  Yuen 
in  an  active,  impudent,  and  even  villainous  manner.  Yuen,  who 
led  the  Chinese  troops  during  the  riot  of  December,  1884,  and 
who  escorted  the  Tai-wen  Kun  to  Corea,  is  believed  to  have 
plotted  to  dethrone  the  king  and  set  up  another  son  of  the  old 
regent  as  a pro-Chinese  partisan  on  the  throne.  Expecting  to 
make  use  of  the  Corean  military,  whom  he  had  drilled  in  person, 
his  plot  was  exposed  by  Min  Yong  Ik.  To  checkmate  any  design 
of  China,  to  prevent  the  departure  of  the  envoys,  or  to  convert 


430 


AMERICAN  INFLUENCE  ADVANCING. 


her  nominal  authority  into  assertions  of  sovereignty  or  suzerainity, 
the  Honorable  Hugh  N.  Densmore,  our  minister,  by  the  orders  of 
the  United  States  government,  invited  the  embassy  to  take  pas- 
sage from  Chemulpo  in  the  United  States  Steamship  Omaha, 
which  was  done.  In  charge  of  Dr.  H.  N.  Allen,  Pak  Chung 
Yang,  a noble  of  the  second  rank,  envoy  extraordinary  and  min- 
ister plenipotentiary  of  the  king  of  Corea,  arrived  in  Washington 
and  had  audience  of  President  Cleveland  in  January,  1888. 

When  Kim-ok-Kiun,  the  leader  of  the  insurrection  of  1884,  fled 
to  Japan,  he  was  welcomed  by  the  Japanese  and  received  as  a 
protege  of  the  emperor.  Repeated  demands  were  made  by  Corea 
upon  the  mikado  to  surrender  him,  and  the  demands  were  as  re- 
peatedly refused.  In  the  spring  of  1894  he  was  lured  by  means 
of  a dummy  draft  on  a non-existing  bank  in  China,  to  Shanghai, 
where  on  March  28,  at  the  Japanese  hotel,  and  in  the  absence  of 
his  Japanese  attendant,  he  was  foully  murdered  by  his  pretended 
friend,  Hong  Tjyong  On,  a tool  of  the  Ming  faction.  This  man 
had  been  in  the  employ  of  the  Ming  faction  of  the  Corean  govern- 
ment with  the  mission  of  the  a^assination  entrusted  to  him,  and 
if  the  crime  was  not  committed  by  order  of  the  king  of  Corea,  as 
was  popularly  believed,  it  was  surely  by  order  of  the  queen,  who 
has  been  strong  in  her  influence.  The  murderer  was  arrested ; but 
instead  of  being  tried  by  the  Chinese  was  handed  over  to  a Corean 
official,  who,  with  the  assassin  and  the  'corpse,  was  sent  to  Corea. 
There  in  spite  of  the  protestations  of  foreign  representatives,  the 
body  of  Kim  was  horribly  mutilated,  parts  of  it  being  sent  to  the 
different  provinces,  while  the  murderer  was  rewarded  with  high 
official  honor. 

This  murder  of  a Corean  by  another  Corean  in  a port  under 
Chinese  jurisdiction,  though  coupled  with  the  subsequent  brutal 
ities  at  Seoul,  could  not  be  made  a subject  of  diplomatic  re- 
monstrance ; but  it  served  in  Japan  to  rouse  the  deepest  public 
indignation  and  intense  disgust.  The  Japanese  government  was 
not  only  outraged  by  the  assassination  of  Kim,  but  by  the  con- 
duct of  Yu,  the  Corean  minister  at  Tokio.  Two  brothers  named 
Ken,  at  the  time  of  Kim’s  murder,  attempted  to  bring  the  same 
fate  upon  Boku  Eiko,  Kim’s  fellow  conspirator.  Their  plot 
having  been  discovered,  they  fled  to  Yu  for  protection.  For 


r 


SINKlNCi  OF  THE  KOW  SHING. 


1 


MURDER  OF  KIM-OK-KIUN. 


433 


three  days  he  refused  to  give  them  up,  but  finally  surrendered 
them  and  took  a hasty  and  undignified  departure  from  the 
country.  The  Japanese  foreign  office,  having  in  vain  sought  an 
explanation  of  the  motives  of  the  king  of  Corea  in  connection 
with  Kim’s  assassination,  and  of  the  precipitate  and  undiplomatic 
flight  of  the  Corean  representative,  was  glad  to  seize  the  first  op- 
portunity which  arose  before  long,  when  other  events  occurred 
which  gave  Japan  occasion  to  act. 

±•’01'  some  time  past  the  peninsular  kingdom  has  been  in  a dis- 
turbed condition,  owing  to  the  spread  of  rebellious  confederacies 
among  the  people  There  was  now  quite  a general  uprising  of 
Coreans,  caused  by  their  want  of  sympathy  with  the  government, 
and  focussed  by  their  indignation  at  the  horrible  fate  of  Kim.  In 
Ma}%  a formidable  peasant  uprising  occurred  in  northern  Corea, 
caused  mainly  by  the  official  extortion  practiced  by  tax-gatherers, 
but  having  in  it  elements  of  remonstrance  againstthe  assassination 
of  Kim.  The  government  troops  were  defeated  May  16  at 
Reisan ; and  on  May  31  Zenshu  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  in- 
surgents. Later  Chung  Jui  was  captured,  and  Seoul,  the  capital, 
was  in  a state  of  great  commotion.  The  discovery  of  a plot  to 
blow  up  the  government  building  during  the  annual  official  meet- 
ing of  the  king  and  his  ministers  caused  immense  excitement. 
The  plot  was  confessed  by  one  of  the  conspirators,  and  warrants 
were  issued  for  the  arrest  of  one  thousand  persons  implicated  or 
suspected. 

In  alarm  the  government  appealed  to  China  for  assistance,  and 
early  in  J une  an  armed  Chinese  force  numbering  about  two  thou- 
sand was  dispatched  ,from  Chefoo  to  Asan,  a port  lying  a little 
southwest  of  Seoul,  where  it  encamped. 

In  the  treaty  of  Tien-tsin,  both  Japan  and  China  agreed  to  with- 
draw their  troops  from  the  peninsula,  neither  power  to  sendj 
soldiers  thither  again,  without  giving  to  the  other  power  pre- 
liminary notice  of  the  intended  action.  In  the  present  struggle, 
Japan  has  declared  from  the  beginning  that  she  intended  to  carry 
her  action  into  Corea  no  further  than  the  treaty  of  1885  allowed, 
and  the  necessity  for  restoring  order  and  stability  required  her  to 
do.  When  these  troops  were  sent,  the  stipulated  notification  to 
Japan  it  is  declared,  was  delayed  until  after  their  departure. 


434 


ARMIES  MOVE  TO  COREA. 


Actuated  by  distrust  of  Chinese  motives,  and  looking  to  the  pro- 
tection of  her  commercial  interests  and  the  safety  of  the  Japanese 
residents  and  traders  in  Corea,  the  authorities  at  Tokio  quickly 
followed  by  landing  a force  of  six  thousand  troops  on  the  western 
coast.  A strong  force  was  soon  stationed  in  Seoul,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Japanese  legation,  and  the  approaches  to  the  capital 
were  securely  occupied. 

Then  began  the  diplomatic  campaign,  Japan  seizing  the  oppor- 


tunity offered  to  insist  on  a final  understanding  with  both  China 
and  the  Corean  government,  regarding  the  matters  which  had 
long  been  the  source  of  friction,  and  a constant  menace  to  tran- 
quility in  the  peninsula.  On  June  28  a communication  pas.sed 
between  Mr.  Otori,  the  Japanese  minister,  and  the  Corean  foreign 
office,  regarding  the  tributary  relations  between  Corea  and  China, 
To  this  the  Corean  government  returned  an  evasive  reply.  July 
3,  Mr.  Otori  laid  before  the  Corean  government  in  a courteously 


JAPANESE  MAKE  DEMANDS. 


435 


worded  note,  the  draft  of  a scheme  of  reforms  which  Japan  pro- 
posed, as  a remedy  for  the  disorders  of  the  country,  under  the 
following  five  general  heads: 

1.  TJie  civil  government  in  the  capital  and  in  the  provinces  to 
be  thoroughly  reformed,  and  the  departments  arranged  on  a new 
basis  under  proper  responsible  heads. 

2.  The  resources  of  the  country  to  be  developed,  mines  opened, 
railways  constructed,  etc. 

3.  The  laws  of  the  country  to  be  radicallv  reformed. 

4.  The  military  establishments  to  be  reorganized  under  compe- 
tent instructors,  so  as  to  render  the  country  secure  alike  from 
internal  disorder  and  external  attack. 

5.  Education  to  be  thoroughly  reformed  on  modern  lines. 

Mr.  Otori  asked  for  the  appointment  of  a commission  to  discuss 
details,  and  on  July  10,  unfolded  before  the  three  commissioners, 
in  twenty-five  proposals,  the  details  of  the  contemplated  reforms. 
They  were  of  such  a character  as  to  weaken  greatly  the  influence 
of  the  queen  and  the  dominant  Ming  party.  Personages  of  too 
great  influence  were  to  be  removed ; the  foreign  customs  estab- 
lishment to  be  abolished;  all  foreign  advisers  to  be  dispensed 
with ; the  resources  of  the  country  to  be  developed ; railways, 
telegraphs  and  a mint  to  be  established ; the  legal  and  judicial 
systems  to  be  radically  reformed,  and  a school  system  to  be 
adopted,  beginning  with  primary  schools  and  culminating  in  uni- 
versities, with  provisions  for  sending  pupils  abroad. 

Tiiese  reforms  were  declared  to  be  as  essential  to  the  true  wel- 
fare of  Corea  and  China,  as  to  the  interests  of  Japan.  It  being 
impossible,  however,  for  the  Coreans  to  effect  them  themselves, 
Japan  proposed  joint  action  on  the  part  of  herself  and  China  with 
a view  to  the  desired  object.  This  proposal  however,  China  curtly 
refused  even  to  discuss,  so  long  as  any  Japanese  troops  remained 
in  Corea.  She  assured  Japan  that  the  peasant  rebellion  had  been 
quieted,  which  was  true  in  a sense,  for  the  insurgents,  after  the 
landing  of  the  Chinese  regulars,  had  temporarily  stayed  their  on- 
ward progress ; but  the  cause  of  the  trouble  still  remained.  From 
the  moment  of  this  deadlock  we  may  date  the  unofficial  beginning 
of  the  war.  The  formal  declaration  was  not  made  until  about 
two  weeks  later. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  HOSTILITIES. 


Japan  Decides  to  Reform  Corea  without  China’s  Aid— Corean  Palace  Guards  Fire  on  the 
Japanese  Escort  of  Minister  Otori— Momentous  Result  of  the  Skirmish— Announcement  of 
Corean  Independence— Tai-wen  Kun  as  Prime  Minister— The  First  Collision  at  Sea— Sinking 
of  the  Kovv-shing— Fighting  Around  Asan— Defeat  of  the  Chinese— Li  Hung  Chang  Declares 
that  the  War  Will  Be  Fought  to  the  Bitter  End— Japan’s  Formal  Declaration  of  War- 
China’s  Response— The  Conflict  Begun.  I 

1 

Failing  to  secure  China’s  co-operation,  Mr.  Otori  told  the 
officials  at  Seoul  that  the  government  was  now  determined  of  her 
own  accord  to  see  the  needed  reforms  carried  out.  The  Corean 
government  still  showing  no  disposition  to  acquiesce  in  his  pro- 
posals, the  Japanese  minister  determined  to  have  a personal  in- 
terview with  the  king,  of  whose  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  the 
Ming  party,  there  was  some  doubt.  The  minister  had  regarded 
the  reply  of  the  Corean  government  to  his  demands  as  insolent, 
and  knowing  that  its  substance  had  been  made  known  to  the 
Corean  officers,  he  felt  an  apprehension  of  violence  toward  him- 
self and  the  members  of  the  legation.  He  therefore  insisted  on 
being  accompanied  by  a strong  escort  of  Japanese  on  the  occasion 
of  any  further  visits  to  the  palace. 

On  the  morning  of  July  23,  attended  by  this  escort  of  Japanese 
guards,  and  accompanied  by  the  father  of  the  king,  Mr.  Otori  set 
out  from  the  legation  for  the  purpose  of  having  another  inter- 
view with  the  Corean  monarch.  As  the  minister  with  his  fully 
armed  escort  approached  the  palace,  they  were  fired  upon  by 
troops  in  the  service  of  the  Ming  ministry,  some  of  whom  were 
stationed  within  the  palace  walls.  The  fire  was  promptly  re- 
turned by  the  Japanese,  and  a sharp  skirmish  ensued  which 
lasted  twenty  minutes.  One  Japanese  cavalryman  and  two  foot- 
soldiers  were  wounded ; while  the  Corean  loss  was  seventeen 
killed  and  seventy  wounded.  When  quiet  was  restored,  the  Jap- 
anese were  in  possession  of  the  palace.  The  result  of  the  fight 
was  momentous — the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Ming,  or  pro- 
Chinese  faction  in  the  Corean  government. 


(437> 


438 


CHANGING  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


On  the  same  day  the  Corean  king  formally  announced  his  in- 
dependence of  China.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  request  an  in- 
terview with  Mr.  Otori,  and  before  the  interview  had  ended  that 
day  the  Japanese  ministers  saw  the  Tai-wen  Kun,  father  of  the 
king,  and  formerly  regent  during  the  latter’s  minority,  formally 
installed  as  prime  minister  and  instructed  to  introduce  adminis- 
trative reforms  such  as  Japan  had  proposed.  A written  pledge 
was  signed  by  the  king,  guaranteeing  that  the  remedying  of 
social  and  political  abuses  should  begin  as  soon  as  the  proper 
machinery  could  be  put  in  operation ; the  old  counsellors  of  the 
king  were  replaced  by  men  believed  to  be  in  sympathy  with  pro- 
gressive principles.  Japan  on  her  part  made  herself  responsible 
for  the  execution  of  these  pledges.  The  part  taken  by  the  kiiag 
in  the  reforms  is  somewhat  uncertain.  One  of  the  most  eminent 
'authorities  on  Corean  affairs  has  declared  that  the  king  himself 
cannot  be  looked  upon  as  a potent  factor  in  the  struggle ; that  he 
is  a weak,  amiable,  nervous  man,  whose  only  importance  consists 
in  the  fact  that  he  is  a king  and  in  the  sanction  that  his  presence, 
and  authority,  and  seal  may  be  considered  to  lend  to  the  party 
with  which  he  sides.  He  has  not  been  on  good  terms  with  his 
father,  and  when  the  Japanese  placed  the  latter  in  charge  there 
was  considerable  uncertainty  as  to  the  results  that  would  follow. 

The  same  day  that  this  skirmish  at  the  palace  occurred  between 
Corean  and  Japanese  troops,  a report  was  sent  out  which  might 
have  involved  Great  Britain  in  the  eastern  war.  It  was  alleged 
that  ill-treatment  had  been  offered  by  the  Japanese  troops  to  the 
British  consul-general  at  Seoul,  Mr.  Gardner  and  his  wife.  The 
assertion  was  that  the  Japanese  troops  forbade  their  passing  the 
line  of  sentries  which  had  been  drawn  around  an  encampment, 
and  that  unnecessary  force  had  been  used  to  accomplish  this. 
The  falsity  of  the  charges,  or  the  fact  that  they  were  very  much 
overdrawn,  was  proved  upon  the  first  investigation,  no  regulations 
being  in  force  except  those  natural  and  proper  in  such  times. 

The  situation  in  Corea  developed  very  slowly.  The  ways  of 
the  east  are  not  as  the  ways  of  the  west,  and  one  of  the  most 
deeply-rooted  and  highly-prized  instincts  which  oriental  diploma- 
tists have  inherited  from  a long  line  of  their  ancestors  is  a pro- 
found belief  in  the  merits  of  procrastination. 


SENDING  TROOPS  TO  COREA. 


439 


The  first  important  collision  at  sea  occurred  in  Prince  Jerome 
gulf,  about  forty  miles  off  Chemulpo,  on  July  25,  one  week  be- 
fore the  formal  declaration  of  war.  Up  to  the  nig] it  of  July  19, 
the  highest  authorities  at  Tien-tsin  did  not  anticipate  war,  but  as 
a matter  of  watchful  policy  the  war-office  chartered  the  British 
steamers  Irene,  Fei  Ching,  and  Kow-shing,  belonging  to  the  Indo- 
Chinese  Steam  Navigation  company,  and  a number  of  Chinese 
merchant  steamers,  for  the  transportation  of  troops.  The  object 
was  to  transport  the  second  division  from  Taku  to  Asan,  to  rein- 
force the  Chinese  army  in  that  Corean  city.  The  Irene  was  the 


PROCESSION  IN  SEOUL. 


first  to  leave  Taku,  July  21,  with  one  thousand  one  hundred  and 
fifty  troops,  with  one  of  the  owners  and  his  wife  on  board;  the 
other  two  vessels  were  to  leave  on  the  22nd  and  2?rd. 

The  Kow-shing  was  an  iron  vessel,  schooner-rigged,  of  one  thou- 
sand three  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  built  at  Barrow  and  belonging 
to  the  ,port  of  London.  She  sailed  from  Taku  July  23,  with  no 
cargo,  but  with  one  thousand  two  hundred  Chinese  troops  on 
board.  All  went  well  with  the  transport  until  the  second  morn- 
ing, July  25,  when  about  nine  o’clock  the  vessel  was  sighted  by  a 
Japanese  man-of-war,  the  Naniwa  Kan.  The  Nauiwa  was  accom- 


440 


ATTACK  ON  THE  KOW-SHING. 


panied  by  two  other  inen-of-war,  one  of  which  was  the  Matsusima, 
on  board  of  winch  was  the  Japanese  admiral.  The  Kow-shing 
was  ordered  by  signal,  Stop  where  you  are  or  take  the  conse- 
quences.” She  promptly  anchored.  Then  the  Xaniwa  steamed 
up  and  sent  a boarding  party  to  the  Kow-shing. 

The  officers  in  command  made  a strict  scrutiny  of  the  ship’s 
papers,  and  after  some  hesitation  as  to  his  course  of  action,  per- 
emptorily ordered  the  Kow'-shing  to  follow.  This  caused  great 
excitement  amongst  the  troops,  who  said  to  the  English  officers 
of  the  ship,  “We  refuse  to  become  prisoners  and  would  rather 
die  here.  If  you  move  the  ship,  except  to  return  to  China,  we 
will  kill  3^ou.”  The  Japanese  having  returned  to  their  own  ves- 
sel, the  European  officers  on  the  Kow-shing  argued  with  the 
Chinese  to  convince  them  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  surrender, 
thus  saving  the  life  of  all  and  the  ship  itself.  These  arguments 
had  no  effect  on  the  Chinese,  and  the  Kow-shing  then  signalled  to 
the  Xaniwa  to  send  another  boat. 

Captain  Yon  Hannecken  explained  the  situation  to  the  Japanese 
boarding  officer,  pointing  out  that  there  had  been  no  declaration 
of  war,  that  the  Kow-shing  was  a British  ship  under  the  British 
flag,  and  that  owing  to  the  position  taken  by  the  Chinese  it  was 
physically  impossible  for  the  officers  of  the  vessels  to  obey  the 
Naniwa’s  order.  He  claimed  that  the  flag  should  be  respected, 
and  that  the.  ship  should  be  escorted  back  to  the  Chinese 
coast.  The  boarding  party  then  returned  to  the  Naniwa,  which 
thereupon  signalled  “ Quit  the  ship  as  soon  as  possible.”  The 
Kow-shing  officers  replied  that  it  was  impossible  to  quit  the  ship, 
owing  to  the  threats  of  the  Chinese.  The  Xaniwa  threw  an 
answering  pennant,  and  steamed  quickly  into  position,  broadside 
on,  at  a distance  of  about  two  hundred  yards.  Mr.  Tamplin,  the 
chief  officer  the  Kow-shing,  tells  a graphic  story  of  the  scene 
that  followed. 

“ The  Chinese  were  greatly  excited,  and  kept  drawing  their 
fingers  across  their  throats  in  • order  to  show  us  what  we  might 
expect.  The  British  officers,  and  Captain  Yon  Hannecken,  were 
anxiously  gathered  on  the  bridge,  and  the  bodyguards  were  at 
the  bottom  of  the  ladder  watching  us  like  cats.  Two  executioners 
fully  armed  were  told  off  to  follow  the  captain  and  myself,  and 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 
From  a Sketch  by  a Japanese  Artist. 


1 


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SINKING  OF  THE  KOW-SHING. 


443 


they  dogged  us  everywhere  with  drawn  scepters.  About  one 
o’clock  the  Naniwa  opened  fire,  first  discharging  a torpedo  at  the 
Kow-shing,  which  did  not  strike  her.  The  man-of-war  then  fired 
a broadside  of  five  heavy  guns,  and  continued  firing  both  heavy 
and  machine  guns  from  deck  and  tops  until  the  Kow-shing  sank 
about  an  hour  later.  The  Kow-shing  was  first  struck  right  amid- 
ships, and  the  sound  of  the  crashing  and  splintering  was  almost 
deafening.  To  add  to  the  danger,  the  Chinese  rushed  to  the 
other  side,  causing  the  ship  to  heel  over  more  than  ever.  As  soon 
as  the  Kow-shing  was  struck  the  soldiers  made  a rush.  I rushed 
from  the  bridge,  got  a life-belt,  and  jumped  overboard  forward. 
While  in  the  wheel  house  selecting  a life-belt  I passed  another 
European,  but  I had  no  time  to  see  who  it  was.  It  was  a regular 
sauve  qui  pent.  Mr.  Wake,  our  third  officer,  said  it  was  no  use 
for  him  to  take  to  the  water,  as  he  could  not  swim,  and  he  went 
down  with  the  ship. 

“ After  jumping  into  the  water  I came  foul  of  the  chain,  down 
which  the  Chinese  were  swarming.  As  I came  to  the  surface  the 
boiler  exploded  with  terrific  noise.  I looked  up  and  saw  Captain 
Von  Hannecken  striking  out  vigorously.  Captain  Galsworthy, 
the  master  of  the  vessel,  was  also  close  by,  his  face  perfectly  black 
from  the  explosion.  All  of  us  went  in  the  direction  of  the  island 
of  Shotai-ul,  which  was  about  a mile  and  a half  to  the  northeast, 
swimming  through  the  swarm  of  dead  and  dying  Chinamen. 
Bullets  began  to  strike  the  water  on  every  side,  and  turning  to 
see  whence  they  came,  I saw  that  the  Chinese  herding  around  the 
only  part  of  the  Kow-shing  that  was  then  out  of  water,  were  firing 
at  us.  I was  slightly  hit  on  the  shoulder,  and  in  order  to  protect 
my  head  covered  it  with  the  life-belt  until  I got  clear  of  the  sink- 
ing vessel.  When  I succeeded  in  doing  this,  and  got  away  from 
the  swarms  of  Chinamen,  I swam  straight  for  the  Naniwa.  I had 
been  in  the  water  nearly  an  hour  when  I was  picked  up  by  one 
of  the  Naniwa’s  boats.  While  in  the  water  I passed  two  Chinese 
warriors  clinging  to  a sheep  which  was  swimming  vigorously. 
As  soon  as  I was  on  board  the  Naniwa’s  boat,  I told  the  officer  in 
which  direction  the  captain  had  gone,  and  he  said  that  he  had 
already  sent  another  boat  to  pick  him  up.  By  this  time  only  the 
Kow-shing’s  masts  were  visible.  The  water  was  however  covered 


444 


NAVAL  BATTLES. 


with  Chinese,  and  there  were  two  lifeboats  from  the  Kow-shing 
crowded  with  soldiers.  The  Japanese  officer  informed  me  that 
he  had  been  ordered  by  signal  from  the  Naniwa  to  sink  these 
boats.  I remonstrated,  but  he  fired  two  volleys  from  the  cutter, 
turned  back,  and  steamed  for  the  Naniwa.  No  attempt  was  made 
to  rescue  the  Chinese.  The  Naniwa  steamed  about  until  eight 
o’clock  in  the  evening,  but  did  not  pick  up  any  other  Europeans.” 
. The  Irene,  which  had  been  the  first  vessel  to  leave  Taku,  her- 
self had  a narrow  escape  from  an  attack.  She  sighted  a war 
vessel  at  eleven  o’clock  on  the  night  of  July  23,  but  by  at  once 
putting  out  all  her  lights  was  enabled  to  escape,  and  reached 
Asan  early  the  next  morning.  The  Chinese  cruisers  Chih  Yuen 
and  Kwang  Kai,  and  the  training  ship  Wei  Yuen  were  at  anchor. 
The  troops  were  at  once  disembarked,  and  about  nine  o’clock  the 
same  morning  the  Irene  left  for  Chefoo,  arriving  at  four  o’clock 
tlie  afternoon  of  the  25th.  Being  under  orders  to  proceed  to 
Chemulpo  to  bring  back  refugees,  she  sailed  at  noon  the  next  day 
in  company  with  the  British  ship  Archer.  When  some  distance 
from  Chefoo,  the  Irene  was  hailed  by  the  Fei  Ching,  and  informed 
that  the  troop  ship  Kow-shing  had  been  sunk  by  Japanese  war 
vessels.  It  was  decided  to  take  the  Irene  into  Wei-hai-wei  and 
confer  with  Admiral  Ting  as  to  the  advisability  of  her  going  to 
Chemulpo ; he  advised  her  return  to  Chefoo. 

The  same  morning,  July  26,  the  cruiser  Chih  Yuen  arrived 
at  Wei-hai-wei  from  Asan,  and  reported  that  shortly  after  leaving 
that  port,  the  new  Japanese  cruiser  Yoshino  fired  on  her  and  her 
consort,  the  Kwang  Kai,  unexpectedly,  and  a shell,  piercing  the 
bow  turret,  exploded,  killing  the  entire  crew  serving  one  gun, 
and  disabling  the  turret.  As  soon  as  the  Chih  Yuen  got  a little 
sea  room,  her  steering-gear  having  been  disabled,  she  maneuvered 
and  fought  with  her  stern  gun,  one  shell  from  which  swept  away 
the  entire  bridge  of  her  opponent.  A second  shell  striking  the 
same  place,  the  Japanese  ceased  firing  and  hoisted  a white  flag 
over  a Chinese  ensign,  but  Captain  Hong,  of  the  Chih  Yuen, 
having  his  bow  guns  and  his  steering  gear  disabled,  and  other 
Japanese  coming  up,  decided  to  make  for  Wei-hai-wei  and  report 
to  the  admiral.  The  first  lieutenant  of  the  Chih  Yuen  was 
speaking  through  the  tube,  directing  the  men,  when  a shot  struck 


SINKING  OF  THE  KOW-SHING  JUSTIFIED. 


445 


him  and  he  fell  dead.-  Twelve  of  the  crew  were  killed  and  thirty 
wounded.  The  Japanese  vessel  suffering  somewhat  less. 

The  Kow-sbing  affair  caused  a complete  change  in  the  attitude 
of  the  Chinese  government  and  in  the  foreign  mind.  The  viceroy., 
Li  Hung  Chang,  declared  in  an  interview  that  if  war  was  once 
provoked,  China  would  fight  to  the  bitter  end.  Japan  was  aU 
tacked  in  the  European  press  for  having  sent  a British  ship  to  the 
^bottom,  even  though  it  were  loaded  with  Chinese  soldiers,  inas- 
much as  war  had  not  been  declared.  The  Japanese  government 
at  once  instructed  the  minister  in  London  to  apologize  to  Great 
Britain  for  firing  on  the  British  flag,  which  was  floating  over  the 
Kow-shing,  and  it  was  talked  in  every  quarter  that  a heavy  iiv 
demnity  would  be  required  from  Japan.  As  further  details  be- 
came known,  however,  European  and  American  sentiment  began 
to  shift.  A British  consular  court  of  inquiry  called  to  investigate 
the  matter,  decided  that  inasmuch  as  the  two  nations  were  virtu- 
ally in  a state  of  war  at  the  time,  though  no  formal  declaration 
had  been  made,  the  Japanese  commander  was  justified  in  his 
action  on  the  ground  that  the  Kow-shing  was  violating  neutrality. 
The  demand  for  an  indemnity  was  practically  abandoned  on  ac- 
count of  a clause  contained  in  the  ship’s  charter  to  the  effect 
that  in  the  event  of  an  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  China  and 
Japan,  the  Kow-shing  should  be  considered  Chinese  property. 
The  case  was  therefore  ended,  so  far  as  the  action  of  nations  out- 
side of  China  and  Japan  was  concerned.  Less  than  two  hundred 
were  saved,  out  of  nearly  twelve  hundred  souls  who  were  on 
board  the  vessel.  French,  German,  and  Italian  gunboats  which 
were  cruising  near,  brought  to  Chefoo  the  few  Chinese  survivors, 
and  several  of  the  European  officers  were  saved  by  the  Japanese. 
Captain  Von  Hannecken  was  rescued  by  a fisherman’s  boat,  and 
made  his  way  back  to  China. 

Immediately  following  the  date  of  these  sea  battles,  hard  fight- 
ing began  at  and  around  Asan,  where  the  body  of  Chinese  troops 
was  intrenched.  Early  on  the  morning  of  July  29  the  Chinese 
troops,  who  had  left  their  fortifications  at  Asan,  were  attacked  by 
General  Oshima,  the  commander  of  Japanese  armies  in  Corea,  at 
Seikwan.  The  Japanese  gained  a decisive  victory.  After  a hard 
fought  battle  in  which  ope  hundred  Chinese  were  killed  and  five 


446 


FIGHTING  AROUND  ASAN. 


hundred  wounded,  out  of  twenty-eight  hundred  troops  engaged, 
while  the  Japanese  lost  less  than  one  hundred,  the  Chinese  were 
forced  back  towards  Asan,  their  entrenchment  at  Chan  Hon  having 
been  captured.  During  the  night  the  Chinese  evacuated  Asan, 
abandoning  large  quantities  of  ammunition  and  some  guns,  and 
fled  in  the  direction  of  Koshu.  When  the  Japanese  reached 
Asan  early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th  they  found  the  trenches 
deserted.  Many  flags,  four  cannon,  and  a quantity  of  other 
munitions  of  war  were  captured,  and  the  victorious  troops  took 
possession  of  the  enemy’s  headquarters. 

Elated  by  the  results  of  the  actions  which  had  occurred,  Japan 
was  now  hurrying  troops  into  the  field.  Thousands  of  soldiers 
were  shipped  in  transports  and  stationed  in  Chemulpo,  in  Seoul, 
along  the  Great  Northern  road  in  Fusan,  and  finally  around 
Asan,  sixty  miles  south  of  Chemulpo,  out  of  which  the  Chinese 
had  just  been  driven.  Three  attempts  at  mediation  had  been 
made  with  a desire  to  avert  war  by  diplomatic  interference,  first 
by  Russia,  then  by  England,  and  lastly  by  England  supported  by 
all  the  powers,  but  Japan  was  ready  and  anxious  to  prove  her 
prowess  over  her  ancient  enemy,  and  to  show  to  western  nations 
the  strength  that  she  had  acquired ; while  there  were  ample  and 
stBong  reasons  which  appeared  to  the  Japanese  worthy  ones  why 
they  should  wage  war  upon  China.  They  asserted  that  the  best 
interests  of  civilization  and  humanity  demanded  this  action  and 
the  time  had  come  to  begin.  Belligerent  acts  had  multiplied  and 
formal  action  became  necessary,  without  further  delay.  August 
3 was  the  important  date  which  marked  the  formal  beginning  of 
warlike  operations. 

The  announcements  to  the  world  that  an  oriental  war  was 
actuall}^  to  be  waged,  were  in  every  way  characteristic  of  the 
people  and  the  habits  of  the  two  belligerent  nations.  Each  one 
took  pains  to  declare  its  power  and  the  age  of  the  reigning 
dynasty.  Japan  however  took  its  greatest  pride,  very  evidently, 
in  the  advance  of  its  civilization,  and  the  introduction  of  western 
methods  in  diplomacy  as  well  as  elsewhere.  China,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  more  verbose,  and  at  the  same  time  very  scornful  of 
the  fighting  strength  of  the  ancient  rival.  Each  of  course  took 
pains  to  justify  her  pwp  actions  and  cast  all  the  odium  of  the  war 
on  the  other. 


THE  ATTACK  ON  PING-YANG. 

Entering  at  the  Gate  of  the  Taiong  River  Bridge.) 


JAPAN’S  DECLARATION  OF  WAR. 


449 


Japan’s  formal  declaration  of  war  appeared  in  the  “ Official 
Gazette,”  and  in  substance  was  as  follows : 

“We,  by  the  grace  of  heaven,  Emperor  of  Japan,  seated  on  a 
throne  occupied  by  the  same  dynasty  from  time  immemorial,  do 
hereby  make  proclamation  to  all  our  loyal  and  brave  subjects  as 
follows : We  hereby  declare  war  against  China,  and  we  command 

each  and  all  of  our  competent  authorities,  in  obedience  to  our 
wish,  and  with  a view  to  the  attainment  of  the  national  aim,  to 
carry  on  hostilities  by  sea  and  land  against  China,  with  all  the 
^means  at  their  disposal,  consistently  with  the  law  of  nations. 

* “ Over  twenty  years  have  now  elapsed  since  our  accession  to  the 

throne.  During  this  time  we  have  consistently  pursued  a policy 
of  peace,  being  deeply  impressed  with  a sense  of  the  undesir- 
ability of  being  in  strained  relations  with  other  nations,  and  have 
always  directed  our  officials  diligently  to  endeavor  to  promote 
friendship  with  all  the  treaty  powers.  Fortunately  our  inter- 
course with  the  nations  has  continued  to  increase  in  intimacy. 

“ We  were  therefore  unprepared  for  such  a conspicuous  want 
of  amity  and  of  good  faith,  as  has  been  manifested  by  China  in 
her  conduct  towards  this  country  in  connection  with  the 
Corean  affairs.  Corea  is  an  independent  state.  She  was  first  in- 
troduced into  the  family  of  nations  by  the  advice  and  under 
the  guidance  of  Japan.  It  has  however,  been  China’s  habit  to 
designate  Corea  as  her  dependency,  and  both  openly  and  secretly 
to  interfere  with  her  domestic  affairs.  At  the  time  of  the  recent 
civil  insurrection  in  Corea,  China  dispatched  troops  thither, 
alleging  that  her  purpose  was  to  afford  succor  to  her  dependent 
state.  We,  in  virtue  of  the  treaty  concluded  with  Corea  in  1882, 
and  looking  to  possible  emergencies,  caused  a military  force  to  be 
sent  to  that  country,  wishing  to  procure  for  Corea  freedom  from 
the  calamity  of  perpetual  disturbance,  and  thereby  to  maintain 
the  peace  of  the  east  in  general.  Japan  invited  China’s  co-opera- 
tion for  the  accomplishment  of  that  object;  but  China,  advancing 
various  pretexts,  declined  Japan’s  proposal. 

“ Thereupon  Japan  advised  Corea  to  reform  her  administra- 
tion, so  that  order  might  be  preserved  at  home,  and  so  that  the 
country  might  be  able  to  discharge  the  responsibilities  and  duties 
of  an  independent  state  abroad.  Corea  has  already  consented  to 
22 


450  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  CELESTIAL  KINGDOM. 


undertake  the  task,  but  China  has  insidiously  endeavored  to  cir- 
cumvent and  thwart  Japan’s  purpose.  She  has  further  procras- 
tinated and  endeavored  to  make  warlike  preparations,  both  on 
land  and  at  sea.  When  these  preparations  were  completed,  she 
not  only  sent  large  re-enforcements  to  Corea  with  a view  to  the 
attainment  of  her  ambitious  designs,  but  even  carried  her  arbi- 
trariness and  insolence  to  the  extent  of  opening  fire  upon  our 
ships  in  Corean  waters. 

“ China’s  plain  object  is  to  make  it  uncertain  where  the  respons- 
ibility resides  for  preserving  peace  and  order  in  Corea,  and  not 
only  to  weaken  the  position  of  that  state  in  the  family  of  nations 
— a position  obtained  for  Corea  through  Japanese  efforts — but 
also  to  obscure  the  significance  of  the  treaties  recognizing  and 
confirming  that  position.  Such  conduct  on  the  part  of  China  is 
not  only  a direct  injury  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  this  empire, 
but  also  a menace  to  the  permanent  peace  and  tranquility  of  the 
Orient.  Judging  from  her  action,  it  must  be  concluded  that 
China  from  the  beginning  has  been  bent  upon  sacrificing  peace  to 
the  attainment  of  her  sinister  objects.  In  this  situation,  ardent 
as  our  wish  is  to  promote  the  prestige  of  the  country  abroad  by 
strictly  peaceful  methods,  we  find  it  impossible  to  avoid  a formal 
declaration  of  war  against  China.  It  is  our  earnest  wish  that  by 
the  loyalty  and  valor  of  our  faithful  subjects,  peace  may  soon  be 
permanently  restored,  and  the  glory  of  the  empire  be  augmented 
and  completed.” 

China  promptly  accepted  the  issue  thus  formally  raised,  and 
published  a declaration  in  substance  as  follows  : 

“ Corea  has  been  our  tributary  for  the  last  two  hundred  odd 
years.  She  has  given  us  tribute  all  of  this  time,  which  is  a matter 
known  to  the  world.  For  the  last  dozen  years  or  so  Corea  has 
been  troubled  by  repeated  insurrections ; and  we  in  sympathy 
with  our  small  tributary  have  as  repeatedly  sent  succor  to  her  aid, 
eventually  placing  a resident  in  her  capital  to  protect  Corea’s  in- 
terests. In  the  fourth  moon  (May)  of  this  year,  another  rebellion 
was  begun  in  Corea,  and  the  king  repeatedly  asked  again  for  aid 
from  us  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  We  then  ordered  Li  Hung 
Chang  to  send  troops  to  Corea,  and  they  having  barely  reached 
Asan,  the  rebels  immediately  scattered,  but  the  ‘ Wojen  ’ (the 


CHINA’S  PROMPT  RESPONSE. 


451 


ancient  epithet  for  the  Japanese  expressive  of  contemp  trans- 
lated ‘ pigmies  ’ or  more  strictly  according  to  usage  ‘ vermin  ’), 
without  any  cause  whatever  sent  their  troops  to  Corea  and  en- 
tered Seoul,  the  capital  of  Corea,  re-enforcing  them  constantly 
until  they  have  exceeded  ten  thousand  men. 

“ In  the  meantime  the  Japanese  forced  the  Corean  king  to 
change  his  system  of  government,  showing  a disposition  in  every 
way  of  bullying  Coreans.  It  was  found  a difficult  matter  to 
reason  with  the  ‘ Wojen.  ’ Although  we  have  been  in  the  habit 
of  assisting  our  tributaries,  we  have  never  interfered  with  their 
internal  government.  Japan’s  treaty  with  Corea  was  as  one 
country  with  another.  There  is  no  law  for  sending  large  armies 
to  bully  a country  in  this  way  and  to  tell  it  to  change  its  system 
of  government.  Various  powers  are  united  in  condemning  the 
conduct  of  the  Japanese,  and  can  give  no  reasonable  name  to  the 
army  she  now  has  in  Corea.  Nor  has  Japan  been  amenable  to 
reason,  nor  will  she  listen  to  an  exhortation  to  withdraw  her 
troops  and  confer  amicably  upon  what  should  be  done  in  Corea. 
On  the  contrary,  Japan  has  shown  herself  belligerent  without 
regard  to  appearances,  and  has  been  increasing  her  forces  there. 
Her  conduct  alarmed  the  people  of  Corea  as  well  as  our  mer- 
chants there,  and  so  we  sent  more  troops  over  to  protect  them. 
Judge  of  our  surprise  then,  when  half  way  to  Corea  a number  of 
the  ‘ Wojen  ’ ships  suddenly  appeared,  and  taking  advantage 
of  our  unpreparedness  opened  fire  on  our  transports  at  a spot  on 
the  sea  coast  near  Asan,  and  damaged  them,  thus  causing  us  to 
suffer  from  their  treacherous  conduct  which  could  not  be  foretold 
by  us. 

“ As  Japan  has  violated  the  treaties  and  not  observed  the  inter- 
national laws,  and  is  now  running  rampant  with  her  false  -and 
treacherous  actions,  beginning  hostilities  herself,  and  laying  herself 
open  to  condemnation  by  the  various  powers  at  large,  we,  there- 
fore, desire  to  make  it  known  to  the  world  that  we  have  always 
followed  the  paths  of  philanthropy  and  perfect  justice  through- 
out the  whole  complications,  while  the  ‘ Wojen  ’ and  others  have 
broken  all  the  laws  of  nations  and  treaties  which  it  passed  our 
patience  to  bear  with.  Hence  we  command  Li  Hung  Chang  to 
give  strict  orders  to  our  various  armies  to  hasten  with  all  speed 


452 


CHINA’S  ANNOUNCEMENT  TO  THE  NATIONS. 


to  root  the  ‘ Wojen  ’ out  of  their  lairs.  He  is  to  send  successive 
armies  of  valiant  men  to  Corea,  in  order  to  have  the  Coreans 
freed  from  bondage.  We  also  command  Manchoo  generals,  vice- 
roys, and  governors  of  the  maritime  provinces,  as  well  as  the 
commanders  in  chief  of  the  various  armies  to  prepare  for  war  and 
to  make  every  effort  to  fire  on  the  ‘ Wojen  ’ ships  if  they  come 
into  our  ports,  and  utterly  destroy  them.  We  exhort  our  generals 
to  refrain  from  the  least  laxity  in  obeying  our  commands,  in  order 
to  avoid  severe  punishment  at  our  hands.  Let  all  know  this  edict 
as  if  addressed  to  themselves  individually.” 

- Immediately  following  China’s  declaration  of  war,  the  Chinese 
Imperial  Foreign  Office  addressed  an  important  circular  letter  to 
the  ministers  of  the  various  European  countries,  and  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  forwarded  to  their  respective  governments. 
The  message  began  abruptly  with  the  announcement  that  some 
time  ago  a rebellion  broke  out  in  the  district  of  Chung  in  Corea, 
and  the  king  of  that  country  sent  a written  application  for 
Chinese  assistance  through  Li  Hung  Chang,  Viceroy  of  the 
North. 

“Our  Imperial  Majesty,”  the  message  continued,  “ considering 
that  on  previous  occasions  rebellion  in  Corea  had  been  suppressed 
by  our  assistance,  dispatched  troops,  which  did  not  however 
enter  Seoul,  but  went  direct  to  the  scene,  with  a view  to  ex- 
terminating the  rebellion.  At  the  first  rumor  of  their  approach 
the  rebels  dispersed,  and  our  arm}^  having  brought  merciful 
relief  to  the  distressed  people,  meditated  a victorious  retirement. 
To  our  astonishment  Japan  also  dispatched  troops  to  Corea,  pre- 
tending that  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  to  quell  the 
rebellion,  but  their  real  object  being  to  occupy  Seoul,  which  they 
did,  posting  themselves  at  all  the  important  passes.  They  con- 
tinued to  re-enforce  themselves,  until  the  number  of  their  troops 
rose  to  upwards  of  ten  thousand,  when  they  demanded  that 
Corea  should  repudiate  her  allegiance  to  China,  and  declare  her- 
self independent.  Japan  further  drew  up  many  rules  and 
regulations  for  the  alteration  of  the  Corean  government,  which 
they  required  the  king  to  conform  to  in  every  detail.  That 
Corea  has  been  a dependency  of  China  from  time  immemorial  is 
known  to  all  the  world,  and  therefore  when  your  diffeient 


OI*KNINC;  TIIK  GATES  AT  I’ING-YANG. 
Iai)anese  l)^a\vin'^ 


CHINA  DECLARES  SHE  HAS  BEEN  FAIR. 


455 


respective  governments  established  treaties  with  that  nation, 
such  treaties  were  approved  and  recorded  by  ourselves.  For 
Japan  to  ignore  this  in  so  high  handed  a manner,  is  an  offense 
against  the  dignity  and  authority  of  China,  and  a grave  breach 
of  the  pre-existing  harmonious  relations.” 

The  message  comments  upon  the  doubtful  right  of  any  country 
to  interfere  with  the  internal  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the 
neighboring  states,  and  adds  that  while  friendly  counsel  and 
exhortation  may  sometimes  be  permissible,  the  enforcement  of 
suggestions  of  reform  by  direct  and  strenuous  coercion  and 
armed  invasion  cannot  be  tolerated.  It  is  impossible,  the  mes- 
sage declares,  for  China  to  submit  to  sucli  ignominious  treatment, 
which  would  be  equally  intolerable  to  any  of  the  respective 
governments  to  which  the  message  is  addressed.  Reference  is 
next  made  to  the  efforts  of  the  British  and  Russian  governments 
through  their  representatives  to  induce  Japan  to  withdraw  her 
forces  from  Seoul,  thus  making  possible  the  peaceful  negotiation 
of  Corean  affairs. 

This,”  says  the  circular,  “ was  an  extremely  fair  and  just 
proposal,  but  Japan  stubbornly  refused  to  take  it  into  considera- 
tion, and  on  the  contrary  strengthened  her  forces  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  people  of  Corea  and  resident  Chinese  merchants 
there  became  daily  more  alarmed  and  disturbed.  China,  out  of 
consideration  for  the  commendable  efforts  of  the  diff'erent  govern- 
ments to  effect  a peaceful  solution  of  the  Corean  question, 
rigidly  abstained  from  any  act  of  bloodshed,  which  would  have 
led  to  great  suffering  and  serious  injury  to  commerce,  and  though 
it  became  necessary  to  send  further  forces  for  the  protection  of 
the  country,  we  placed  them  at  a careful  distance  from  Seoul, 
studiously  avoiding  a collision  with  the  Japanese  troops,  which 
would  have  occasioned  the  commencement  of  hostilities.  Not- 
withstanding all  this,  and  by  a most  unexpected  and  treacherous 
scheme,  the  Japanese  on  July  25,  collected  a number  of  tlieir 
war  vessels  outside  the  port  of  Asan,  and  began  hostilities  by 
firing  on  our  transports  and  attacking  and  sinking  the  British 
steamer  Kow-Shing,  flying  the  English  flag.  Thus,  therefore,  the 
commencement  of  the  war  on  their  part  was  beyond  all  justification, 
and  China,  having  done  her  utmost  hitherto  to  preserve  the  good 


456 


CHINA’S  JUSTIFICATION  OF  HER  COURSE. 


fellowship  of  nations,  can  carry  forbearance  no  further,  but  feels 
constrained  to  adopt  different  counsels  and  to  take  effectual 
measures  for  the  management  of  affairs. 

“We  anticipate,”  says  the  message  in  conclusion,  “that  the 
various  governments  of  the  world  will  hear  of  these  extraordinary 
proceedings  with  wonder  and  surprise,  but  they  will  know  where 
to  h\y  the  entire  blame  attaching  to  them.  This  full  statement 
of  the  circumstances  under  which  Japan  has  iniquitously  and 
unlawfully  commenced  war,  is  presented  to  your  excellency  for 
communication  to  your  respected  government  for  its  inspection.” 

The  two  great  nations  of  the  orient  were  now  at  war,  one  with 
forty  millions  of  inhabitants,  the  other  with  four  hundred  millions, 
fighting  on  the  soil  of  their  helpless  neighbor,  a nation  which  was 
to  act  as  little  more  than  a buffer  for  the  shock  of  war  from  either 
side  to  strike. 


FROM  ASAN  TO  PING-YANG, 


Preparations  for  War  in  the  Two  Nations— Activity  to  Provide  Defense  for  Southern 
China— Chinese  Arsenals— War  Spirit  Among  the  Japanese— Armies  of  China,  Their  Organ- 
ization and  Administration— Burdens  Upon  Li  Hung  Chang— Manner  of  Campaign  Followed 
by  Chinese  Armies— Seeking  a Commander  for  the  Chinese  Troops  in  Corea— Complications 
with  European  and  American  Interests— Trade  Relations— The  Chung  king  Aifair—Arrest 
of  Japanese  Students  in  Shanghai— Efforts  of  American  Representatives  to  Save  Their 
Lives— Delivered  to  the  Chinese  by  Order  from  Washington— Tortured  to  Death— Operations 
in  Corea— The  Masterly  Retreat  from  Asan— Engagements  in  the  North— The  Lines  of  the 
Japanese  Drawing  Around  Ping-Yang. 

As  soon  as  the  formal  declaration  of  war  was  made  public  in 
the  rival  nations,  the  preparations  for  aggression  and  defense 
which  had  been  in  progress  in  China  for  a few  weeks,  and  in 
Japan  for  several  months,  began  to  be  multiplied  with  unceasing 
activity.  The  conditions  which  existed  in  the  two  nations  were 
very  different,  and  required  different  treatment. 

Immediately  following  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  the  viceroy 
at  Canton,  Li  Han  Chang,  brother  of  Li  Hung  Chang,  began  to 
make  great  efforts  to  put  the  southern  part  of  the  empire  in  some- 
thing like  an  efficient  state  of  defense.  The  first  definite  word  of 
warning  that  reached  him,  through  an  official  channel,  was  a 
cipher  telegram  from  Peking  informing  him  of  the  sinking  of  the 
Kowshing  and  the  other  engagements  on  sea  and  land,  immedi- 
ately prior  to  July  30.  Li  Han  Chang  was  mainly  responsible 
for  the  series  of  indignities  which  led  to  the  resignation  of  the 
last  British  officers  remaining  in  the  Chinese  naval  service  in 
1891,  so  that  China’s  defeat  at  sea  was  to  a certain  extent  his 
fault.  For  this  reason  he  was  placed  in  a position  to  be  peculiarly 
anxious  to  make  a good  showing  now.  It  was  incumbent  upon' 
him  to  send  forces  to  Formosa,  the  favorite  point  of  attack  in 
every  important  war  that  has  been  waged  against  China,  and  also 
to  guard  practically  the  whole  southern  coast,  of  which  Canton 
with  the  naval  station  and  arsenal  at  Whampoa,  forms  the  princi- 
pal point. 

In  times  of  peace  the  defenses  of  Canton  consist  of  the  south- 

(457) 


468 


CONDITION  OF  CHINESE  DEFENSES. 


erii  squadron,  the  river  forts,  and  the  ^Manchoo  or  Tartar  gar- 
rison, supposed  to  number  four  thousand,  but  really  of  very  in- 
definite strength.  The  sqadron  at  this  time,  however,  was  in  the 
north,  except  about  a dozen  river  gunboats,  belonging  to  the  navy 
and  various  revenue  offices.  The  forts  were  in  fairl}’  satisfactory 
state,  although  insufficiently  supplied  for  war,  and  the  army 
sought  recruits  to  increase  its  numbers  as  rapidly  as  possible. 
The  investigation  of  the  Whampoa  arsenal,  however,  was  highly 
unsatisfactory  as  to  its  results.  When  orders  were  given  to  the 
various  arsenals  to  get  to  work  building  ships  and  making  guns,  the 
Shangliai  and  Nanking  stations  were  found  in  readiness,  and  the 
Foochow  arsenal,  the  largest  and  only  one  that  had  ever  done 
any  shipbuilding  on  a serious  scale,  was  also  in  reasonably  good 
condition.  But  Whampoa  arsenal  was  in  a lamentable  state  of 
unfitness,  and  all  that  remained  of  it  was  its  naval  training  col- 
lege, torpedo  depot,  and  warehouse  for  guns  and  ammunition. 
The  responsible  officials  whose  negligence  and  dishonesty  had 
resulted  in  this  unfortunate  condition,  had  good  cause  to  antici- 
pate severe  punishment. 

In  the  north  of  China,  where  the  administration  had  been  more 
closely  under  the  eye  of  Li  Hung  Chang,  things  were  in  some- 
what better  condition,  although  still  not  what  they  ought  to  be 
to  meet  a great  war. 

The  Japanese  nation  at  the  same  moment  presented  a rare 
spectacle.  To  a man,  ay,  to  a w'oman,  the  whole  people  were  for 
war  to  the  knife.  They  scarcely  knew,  nor  did  they  greatly  care, 
for  what,  but  having  been  without  the  luxury  of  a serious  foreign 
war  for  two  hundred  or  three  hundred  years,  their  military  and 
patriotic  spirits  were  raised  over  the  invasion  of  Corea  and  the 
prospective  conflict  with  China.  Never  was  a stronger  antithesis 
than  that  between  Japanese  and  Chinese  at  the  beginning  of  this 
conflict.  It  was  the  perfection  of  order  and  of  precision  against 
slovenliness  and  carelessness ; the  pitting  of  a trained  athlete 
against  a corpulent  brewer  who  hated  fighting.  China  has  in  her 
liistory  had  good  soldiers,  but  her  system  does  not  produce  nor 
encourage  them.  Despised  by  the  literary  class,  which  has  been 
in  absolute  control  of  everything,  the  soldier,  having  little  chance 
of  fame,  and  feeling  himself  as  belonging  to  a degraded  class,  has 


THE  JAPANESE  WAR  SPIRIT. 


459 


taken  naturally  to  pillage.  If  he  has  hoped  to  succeed  to  honors, 
it  has  been  as  likely  to  be  by  corrupt  interest  as  by  meritorious 
service,  for  the  Chinese  have  had  no  appreciation  of  military 
excellence.  Of  course  an  army,  however  numerous,  composed  of 
such  unkindly  material,  is  but  a mob,  and  if  the  Chinese  had  the 
spirit  of  soldiers  they  lacked  the  arms,  for  in  a service  built  up 
on  corruption  it  was  natural  to  expect  that  the  funds  allotted  for 
equipment  would  find  other  destinations. 

After  the  war  broke  out,  immense  efforts  were  made  by  Japan 
in  mobilizing  troops  and  transporting  them  across  the  straits  to 
Corea.  The  reserve  was  called  out,  and  from  every  house  and 
every  shop  some  one  was  drafted  to  serve  with  the  colors.  So 
perfect,  liowever,  was  the  machine,  that  all  this  was  accomplished 
without  the  least  visible  disturbance  to  the  internal  business  of 
the  country,  and  with  such  secrecy  that  it  was  only  through 
reports  of  trains  full  of  troops  passing  at  night,  and  occasional 
train  loads  of  war  material,  that  any  inkling  was  obtained  of 
what  was  going  on.  The  embarkation  was  kept  equally  secret, 
even  when  whole  fleets  of  transports  were  engaged. 

One  was  constrained  more  and  more  to  admire  the  organization 
of  the  Japanese,  and  the  perfect  order  which  everywhere  pre- 
vailed. In  a country  so  strictly  policed,  the  police  need  never  be 
called  on  to  quell  a disturbance,  and  the  force  itself  constituted 
another  military  reserve,  drilled  and  disciplined  for  any  service. 
So  complete  was  their  network  of  armed  watchmen,  that  a spar- 
row could  hardly  cross  the  road  without  its  name  and  destination 
being  recorded  in  the  archives  of  the  prefecture.  Everything 
about  every  individual,  whether  foreign  or  native,  was  known  to 
this  intelligent  government.  Every  foreigner’s  house  was 
frequented  by  spies,  in  the  guise  of  peddlers  or  servants,  who 
reported  minutely  to  their  official  employers.  It  was  the  same 
abroad.  Japanese  spies  had  examined  ChLoAs^  ship  and 

fort,  had  measured  the  fighting  power  of  every  Ciilnese  legim'ciit. 
Japan  knew  the  rottenness  of  Chinese  naval  and  military  adminis- 
tration better  perhaps  than  the  Chinese  themselves.  Japan  was, 
in  short,  one  great  intelligence  department,  and  it  began  to  prove 
in  a most  unexpected  way  that  “ knowledge  is  power.” 

Coming  fresh  from  Japan  to  Tien  tsin,  the  port  of  Peking, 


460 


ESPIONAGE  IN  JAPAN. 


whence  the  direction  of  the  war  was  to  be  carried  on,  one  would 
be  astounded  at  the  aspect  of  China.  The  Celestial  Empire  in 
war  times  contrasted  so  completely  with  its  hostile  neighbor  that 
one  might  imagine  oneself  in  another  planet.  The  silent,  stolid 
action  of  the  one  country  and  the  confused  bustle  of  the  other 
were  the  strongly  evident  contrasts.  Coming  from  war  minis- 
tries, marine  ministries,  finance  ministries,  an  executive  as  elabor- 
ate and  perfect  as  the  machinery  of  a gun  factoiy,  eveiy  indi- 
vidual knowing  and  doing  his  duty  without  hurry  and  without 
friction,  into  China  where  there  were  none  of  these  things  at  all, 
one  would  be  puzzled  to  conceive  how  aii}^  war  could  be  carried 
on  between  these  countries  except  one  of  ultimate  subjugation. 
China  was  in  a sense  full  of  troops,  mostly  disbanded  without 
pay,  but  in  such  loose  fashion  as  to  enable  them  even  to  carry  off 
the  honors  of  war,  in  the  shape  of  their  rifles  and  accoutrements. 
Some  of  these  had  sought  and  found  an  honest  living,  but  many 
had  gone  to  swell  the  ranks  of  brigandage.  The  troops  in  active 
service  belonged  to  the  great  system  of  sham  in  which  China 
revelled.  The  levies  on  paper  and  on  pay  rolls  bore  no  direct 
correspondence  with  either  the  men  or  the  arms.  Neither  the 
army  nor  the  navy  was  a fighting  service,  but  a means  of  living ; 
and  while  generals,  colonels  and  captains  practically  absorbed  the 
naval  and  military  expenditure,  the  custom  of  the  country  per- 
mitted the  ranks  to  be  robbed  and  starved,  while  those  oflScials 
grew  rich. 

Vast  as  were  the  numbers  of  the  fighting  men  of  China  on  pa- 
per, they  were  but  a very  small  proportion  to  the  huge  population 
of  that  empire.  The  old  Chinese  army  in  its  three  divisions  of 
Manchoo,  Mongol,  and  native  Chinese  did  not  exceed  the  nominal 
strength  of  one  million,  and  all  the  efforts  of  military  reformers 
have  been  devoted  to  increasing  the  efficiency  and  not  the  size  of 
that  force.  The  Green  Flag,  or  Luh-ying  corps,  still  represented 
the  bulk  of  the  army,  furnishing  on  paper  a total  of  six  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men  scattered  through  the  nineteen  provinces,  ex- 
cluding the  new  province  of  Manchooria.  It  has  been  controlled 
by  the  local  viceroys  and  governors  who  may  in  some  instances 
have  attempted  to  improve  its  efficiency,  but  as  a general  rule  the 
force  has  had  little  or  no  military  value. 


CHOICEST  TROOPS  OF  CHINA. 


461 


When  the  Tai-Ping  rebellion  was  finally  crushed,  the  Ever  Vic- 
torious army  was  disbanded,  and  the  Viceroy  Li  Hung  Chang,  took 
into  his  pay  a considerable  number  of  these  disciplined  and  expe- 
rienced soldiers  who  had  taken  their  part  in  a succession  of  re- 
markable achievements.  When  he  was  transferred  to  Pechili  he 
took  with  him  these  men  as  a sort  of  personal  bodyguard,  and 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  organizing  an  army  that  would  bear 
comparison  with  European  troops.  He  was  engaged  on  this  task 
for  nearly  twenty-five  years.  At  the  commencement  this  force 
numbered  about  eighteen  thousand  men.  In  1872  the  viceroy  took 
into  his  service  several  German  officers,  who  devoted  themselves 
with  untiring  energy  to  the  conversion  of  what  was  not  unpromis- 
ing material  into  a regular  army  of  the  highest  standard.  The 
training  of  this  force  was  carried  on  with  the  greatest  possible  se- 
crecy, and  no  European  officers  except  those  serving  with  it  had 
any  opportunity  of  forming  an  opinion.  But  it  was  known  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war  that  the  Black  Flag  army,  as  it  was  called, 
numbered  about  fifty  thousand  men. 

■ After  Li  Hung  Chang’s  army,  and  scarcely  inferior  to  it  in 
strength  and  importance,  came  the  two  branches  of  the  old  Tartar 
army,  both  of  which  were  recently  subjected  to  some  military  train- 
ing, and  more  or  less  equipped  with  modern  weapons.  These  were 
the  old  Banner  army,  and  the  army  of  Manchooria,  the  total 
strength  of  the  former  being  some  three  hundred  thousand.  Up 
to  a comparatively  recent  time  nothing  had  been  done  to  make  this 
force  efficient.  Many  of  the  troops  were  armed  with  nothing  but 
bows  and  arrows,  and  a kind  of  iron  flail.  In  the  last  fifteen  years, 
however,  part  of  the  Banner  army,  called  the  Peking  Field  force, 
was  organized  by  the  late  Prince  Chun,  father  of  the  reigningem- 
peror  and  raised  to  a fair  degree  of  efficiency.  The  second  Tartar 
force,  the  army  of  Manchooria,  contained  some  eighty  thousand 
men  who  had  received  training  and  approximately  modern  weap- 
ons. Out  of  these,  thirty  thousand  men,  all  armed  with  rifles, 
have  made  their  headquarters  at  Mukden,  the  old  capital  of  the 
Manchoos. 

The  Japanese  reproached  the  Chinese  with  having  no  commis- 
sariat. Neither  had  they  telegraphs,  ambulance,  or  hospital  ser- 
vices. Their  habit  was  to  live  on  the  country  in  which  they  hap- 


462 


ADxMINISTRATION  OF  THE  WAR. 


peiied  to  be,  and  make  it  a desert.  The  Corean  campaign  was  ex- 
pected to  form  no  exception  to  this  rule,  and  the  plains  in  the 
northwest,  in  the  region  first  occupied  by  the  Chinese  after  the 
abandonment  of  Asan,  were  early  deserted  by  their  inhabitants. 
Yet  there  were  exceptions  to  this  method  of  procedure.  The  force 
that  was  sent  under  General  Yeh  to  Asan  to  quell  the  insurrection 
there,  treated  the  natives  with  kindness  and  were  consequently 
much  liked.  The  general  had  funds  entrusted  to  him,  to  distrib- 
ute among  the  poor  people  who  were  suffering  from  want,  and 
miraculous  to  say  he  did  not  steal  the  money,  but  spent  all,  and 
even,  it  is  said,  some  of  his  own,  in  benevolence  to  the  Coreans. 

At  the  opening  of  the  war  the  functions  of  a war  ministry,  ma- 
rine ministry,  finance  ministry,  with  their  staff  of  experts,  were  in 
China  discharged  by  one  old  man,  without  any  staff,  who  had  stood 
for  thirty  years  between  the  living  and  the  dead.  The  emperor 
issued  edicts  without  providing  the  means  of  carrying  them  out ; 
all  the  rest,  whether  in  gross  or  in  detail,  devolved  on  Li  Hung 
Chang,  who  like  another  Atlas  was  bearing  the  whole  rotten  fabric 
of  Chinese  administration  on  his  shoulders. 

The  supreme  command  of  the  Corean  expeditions  was  first  of- 
fered to  Liu  Ming  Chuan,  who  defended  Formosa  in  1884,  but  that 
astute  old  soldier  declined  on  the  ostensible  ground  of  age  and  de- 
fective sight,  but  really  because,  as  he  said,  peace  would  be  made 
before  he  could  reach  Tein-tsin.  The  command  was  next  offered 
to  Liu  Kin-tang,  the  real  conqueror  of  Kashgar,  for  wliich  the  Gov- 
ernor-General Tso  obtained  the  credit.  He  also  declined,  but  was 
overruled  by  the  emperor,  and  started  from  his  home  in  the  in- 
terior. His  journey  in  the  height  of  the  summer  heat  was  too 
much  to  endure,  and  he  died  in  his  boat  before  reaching  the  coast. 
The  command  was  then  entrusted  to  a civilian,  Wu  Ta-cheng,  who 
distinguished  himself  in  closing  a great  breach  on  the  Yellow  River 
some  years  ago,  and  who  has  lately  been  governor  of  Hu-nan. 
This  promising  official  was  therefore  chosen  to  go  to  Corea  as  im- 
perial commissioner  to  command  the  generals,  no  one  of  whom 
had  been  in  authority  over  another. 

It  was  natural  to  expect  that  complications  would  arise  be- 
tween the  belligerent  nations  and  the  European  and  American 
nations  having  commercial  interests  in  the  orient.  Japan  and 


FIGHTING  AT  FOO  CHOW. 
Japanese  Drawing. 


TRADE  COMPLICATIONS  RISING. 


465 


China  had  not  been' long  enough  acquainted  with  the  rules  of  in- 
ternational comity  and  international  war  to  be  familiar  with  the 
exactions  that  would  be  made  by  the  other  nations  which  might 
be  affected.  The  diplomatic  representatives  from  the  west  lost 
no  time  in  stipulating  the  neutrality  of  the  more  important 
treaty  ports  where  foreigners  were  settled,  and  in  arranging  that 
certain  branches  of  commerce  should  not  be  interfered  with. 
Trade,  however,  was  seriously  affected  and  the  price  of  coal 
doubled  at  one  leap.  China  prohibited  the  export  of  rice  from 
its  own  ports  whence  large  quantities  are  usually  shipped  to 
Japan.  Chinese  lighthouses  w^ere  darkened,  and  pilots  were 
specifically  warned  not  to  assist  Japanese  vessels. 

The  term  contrabrand  was  found  to  apply  to  many  articles  the 
transport  of  which  in  time  of  peace  gave  employment  to  many, 
steamers,  mainly  coal,  rice,  and  materials  for  building  and  repair- 
ing ships.  The  British  government  published  a declaration  that 
rice  would  not  be  recognized  as  contrabrand,  and  the  prices  of 
grain  and  rates  for  freight  and  insurance  ruled  high.  The  whole, 
trade  was,  therefore,  dislocated,  for  the  Yang-tsze  is  the  chief 
granary  for  the  far  east. 

The  British  steamer  Chungking  suffered  an  aggression  from 
the  Chinese  that  drew  upom  them  a severe  rebuke  and  punish- 
ment. The  vessel  was  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Tongku,  and 
among  its  passengers  were  sixty  Japanese,  many  of  them  women 
and  children,  who  were  leaving  China  to  return  to  Japan  for  safety 
during  the  impending  troubles.  While  the  vessel  lay  in  the 
harbor  a large  number  of  Chinese  soldiers  forced  their  way  on 
board  with  hostile  intent.  They  began  chasing  the  Japanese 
with  threats  of  punishment,  and  the  women  and  children  fled  to 
hide  themselves.  Many  were  found  and  were  dragged  from  their 
places  of  concealment  with  violence.  When  they  were  found, 
their  feet  were  tightly  fastened  together  and  their  hands  were  tied 
behind  their  backs.  They  were  then  thrown  upon  the  wharf, 
where  they  lay  helpless,  and  several  of  them  fainted  under  the 
severe  treatment.  As  soon  as  the  report  of  the  outrage  reached 
the  superior  ofiQcer  commanding  the  district,  he  commanded  the 
release  of  the  victims,  and  the  ship  moved  on  to  Shanghai  where 
it  arrived  August  7.  Viceroy  Li  Hung  Chang  tendered  a most 


466 


THE  CHUNGKING  CASE. 


humble  apology  to  the  British  consul  for  the  aggression,  the  sol- 
diers who  committed  the  outrage  were  severely  punished,  and  the 
officers  who  were  responsible  for  it  were  degraded  and  sent  into 
the  interior. 

The  Japanese  who  were  living  in  various  Chinese  treaty  ports, 
engaged  in  business  or  connected  with  the  various  foreign  con- 
cessions, took  pains  during  the  early  period  of  the  war  to  keep 
themselves  as  much  as  possible  sequestered  from  Chinese  view, 
I to  avoid  giving  offense  to  the  people.  Many  of  them  had  for 
years  worn  Chinese  dress,  and  others  now  adopted  the  same  cos- 
tume, thinking  thus  to  lessen  the  danger  to  which  they  were  un- 
doubtedly exposed.  The  Chinese  authorities  of  Shanghai  became 
convinced  that  the  Japanese  remaining  there,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  various  foreign  flags,  constituted  so  many  menaces  to  the 
national  security.  The  precaution  which  the  Japanese  took  in 
adopting  Chinese  costume,  was  made  the  pretext  for  a demand 
upon  the  consuls  for  the  arrest  of  all  who  had  resorted  to  it,  but 
in  each  instance  the  demand  was  refused. 

The  first  complication  of  American  diplomatic  interests  with 
those  of  China  came  in  this  connection.  On  the  morning  of 
August  18,  two  Japanese  who  were  walking  within  the  limits  of 
the  French  concession  were  pounced  upon  by  Chinese  guards 
and  carried  off  to  prison,  charged  with  being  spies  in  the  service 
of  the  Japanese  government.  The  accused  were  young  men  of 
good  position  and  repute,  and  it  seemed  without  the  opportunity 
of  spying,  even  if  they  were  prepared  to  take  the  risk.  They 
were  placed  in  prison,  however,  pending,  it  was  explained,  the  ap- 
pointment of  a proper  tribunal  to  try  them,  and  it  was  alleged  by 
the  Chinese  authorities  that  there  were  found  concealed  about 
their  clothes,  plans  of  Chinese  fortifications  and  cipher  notes  on 
Chinese  movements.  The  following  day  the  Japanese  residing  in 
Shanghai  moved  from  the  Chinese  quarters  into  the  American 
concession,  where  they  placed  themselves  formally  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  United  States.  The  two  who  were  arrested  were 
immediately  handed  over  to  the  American  consul-general  at  his 
demand,  he  agreeing  to  keep  them  until  charges  should  be  formu- 
lated and  presented.  After  a careful  examination  of  the  merits 
of  the  case,  the  consul,  Mr.  Jernigan,  and  the  United  States  min* 


UNDER  UNITED  STATES  PROTECTION. 


467 


ister  to  China,  Mr.  Denby,  became  convinced  that  the  charges 
were  groundless,  and  that  the  young  men  were  innocent  of  any  guilt 
or  evil  intent.  They  were  mere  boys,  students  at  the  schools 
maintained  in  the  American  and  French  concessions,  where  they 
had  resided  for  many  years.  The  fact  that  they  were  dressed  in 
Chinese  costume  proved  nothing,  inasmuch  as  they  had  worn  that 
costume  for  many  yearSo  The  charges  that  plans  and  notes  had 
jbeen  found  upon  them,  were  also  discredited  by  the  American 
'representatives.  Americans  in  private  life  in  Shanghai,  as  well 
as  Europeans,  both  in  official  and  private  position,  united  to  sus- 
tain the  position  taken  by  the  American  representatives.  These 
representations  were  submitted  to  the  state  department  at  Wash- 
ington, where  Secretary  Gresham  gave  them  careful  and  painstak- 
ing review.  He  lost  no  time  in  deciding  that  the  opinions  of  the 
diplomatic  representatives  of  the  United  States,  who  were  on  the 
ground  and  able  to  make  a personal  investigation  of  the  merits 
of  the  case,  were  worthless,  and  that  the  allegations  of  the 
Chinese  officials  were  those  which  were  to  be  accepted  in  their 
entirety.  The  result  was  that  the  United  States  consul  general 
at  Shanghai  was  commanded  by  the  state  department  at  Wash- 
ington to  surrender  to  the  Chinese  officials  these  students,  without 
delay.  He  did,  however,  delay  sufficiently  to  make  a strenuous 
protest  against  this  action,  offering  further  explanations  why  it 
should  not  be  done,  and  in  all  he  was  sustained  by  the  other  dip- 
lomats in  Shanghai.  He  declared  that  the  surrender  of  these 
young  men  to  China  would  be  the  signal  for  the  torture,  and  that 
the  only  true  wisdom  and  kindness  would  be  to  send  them  back 
to  Japan.  His  protests  were  unavailing,  and  he  was  again  in- 
structed to  deliver  them  at  once,  only  exacted  from  the  Chinese 
a promise  that  they  should  have  fair  trial  and  kind  treatment. 

To  the  distress  of  every  friend  of  civilization  in  China,  these 
two  students  were  therefore  surrendered  to  the  Chinese,  and  two 
days  later,  after  a trial  which  would  be  considered  a mockery 
among  ourselves,  without  the  semblance  of  judicial  fairness,  they 
were  condemned  to  death.  The  sentence  was  executed  by  means 
of  the  most  shocking  tortures  which  Chinese  fiendish  barbarity  has 
been  able  to  devise,  to  the  horror  of  all  foreigners  living  in  that 
dark  empire.  The  blot  thus  placed  on  American  state-craft  as  ex- 


468 


DISMAY  OF  THE  JAPANESE. 


emplified  in  its  first  test  during  this  war,  can  never  be  eradicated 
from  the  minds  of  those  familiar  with  the  circumstances  of  the 
sad  case. 

The  surrender  of  the  two  Japanese  to  the  Chinese  officials,  by 
the  United  States  consul-general,  threw  the  Japanese  of  Shanghai 
into  a state  of  the  greatest  consternation,  as  they  had  hitherto 
believed  themselves  to  be  perfectly  secure  under  the  protection  of 
the  American  government.  Their  dismay  was  doubled  a month 
later,  when  on  October  8,  the  two  students  were  tortured  to 
death,  in  spite  of  the  promise  which  had  been  made  to  Secretary 
Giesham  by  the  Chinese  minister  at  Washington,  that  they  should 
be  properly  treated.  The  pledge  given  by  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment was  that  these  students  should  be  treated  as  prisoners  of 
war,  and  tried  by  a competent  court,  after  the  manner  of  civilized 
countries;  and  that  their  trial  would  be  postponed  until  Colonel 
Denby,  the  United  States  minister,  could  be  present.  Informa- 
tion furnished  to  the  American  state  department  at  Washington, 
its  representative  in  China,  the  American  minister  and  the  Amer- 
ican consul-general  at  Shanghai,  was  to  the  effect  that  the  young 
men  were  not  spies,  but  were  students  in  a commercial  school 
established  in  Tokio  v/ith  a branch  at  Shanghai,  the  chief  object 
of  which  was  to  impart  a knowledge  of  the  commerce  of  China  and 
Japan,  and  promote  the  trade  relations  between  the  two  countries. 
Under  date  of  September  1,  Colonel  Denby  wrote  to  the  secretary 
of  state  as  follows: 

“ To  give  up  these  boys  unconditionally  is  generally  believed  to 
be  to  give  them  up  to  death.  The  viceroy  of  Nanking  has,  I am 
informed,  already  demanded  of  the  taotai  of  Shanghai  why  the 
heads  of  the  two  spies  have  not  been  sent  to  him.  They  are 
judged  and  condemned  in  advance.  The  governor  of  Formosa  has 
posted  a proclamation  offering  prizes  for  Japanese  heads.  In  a 
country  where  such  a thing  is  possible,  it  is  needless  to  inquire 
what  chance  a Japanese  accused  as  a spy  would  have  for  his  life. 
This  case  has  attracted  much  attention  in  Japan.  The  American 
minister  at  Tokio  telegraphed  this  legation  that  these  men  were 
innocent.  Should  any  harm  befall  them,  retaliation  is  inevitable. 
These  young  men  have  the  fullest  sympathy  of  all  foreigners  in 


CAPTURE  OF  PING-VANG,  September  16th. 


TESTIMONY  OF  AMERICAN  DIPLOMATS. 


471 


China,  and  the  advice  of  the  high  officials  of  all  nationalities  has 
been  not  to  give  them  up  without  conditions.*’ 

Mr.  Jernigan,  the  United  States  consul-general  at  Shanghai, 
wrote  as  follows  : 

‘‘  Had  it  been  known  to  the  Chinese  authorities  that  the  limits 
of  my  power  as  a protector  of  Japanese  interests  extended  only  to 
an  inquiry  after  arrest,  all  the  students,  fifty,  would  have  been 
summarily  arrested,  and  it  is  believed  here,  as  summarily  dealt 
with  as  were  their  two  fellow  students.  I do  not  hesitate  to  con- 
clude that  the  delay  caused  by  the  course  of  this  consulate-gen- 
eral in  the  case  of  the  two  Japanese  students,  prevented  the 
arrest  of  as  many  as  two  hundred  Japanese  upon  mere  suspicion, 
and  has  probably  saved  many  from  being  executed  and  others 
from  being  held  for  ransom.” 

With  this  sort  of  a warning  before  them,  the  remaining  Jap- 
anese residents  in  Shanghai,  wdio  numbered  about  seven  hundred 
persons,  consequently  determined  to  quit  the  place  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible moment.  The  Yokohama  Specie  bank  transferred  its  business 
for  the  time  to  a French  bank  and  closed  its  doors.  The  Japanese 
storekeepers  sold  off  their  stocks  with  all  speed,  and  prepared  to 
leave  in  the  first  steamer  for  their  native  country. 

Let  us  turn  now  to  the  hostile  operations  in  Corea  involving 
the  rival  forces.  In  the  last  chapter  the  operations  were  related 
up  to  July  30,  on  which  date  the  Japanese  drove  the  Chinese 
troops  out  of  their  intrenched  position  at  Asan.  Five  days  later, 
on  the  4th  of  August,  the  conquerors  re-entered  Seoul  in  triumph, 
leaving  the  retreating  Chinese  to  make  their  way  to  their  friends 
far  to  the  northward.  Barbarous  as  it  might  have  been  in  the 
Chinese  to  have  no  commissariat,  they  had  in  such  an  encounter 
the  advantage  in  marching,  and  were  able  to  make  a retreat  so 
successfully  as  to  win  the  admiration  of  those  who  can  recognize 
even  that  sort  of  merit. 

To  understand  the  movements  of  forces  from  this  period  of  the 
war,  it  must  be  remembered  that  we  have  to  do  with  a single  Jap- 
anese force,  landing  at  Chemulpo  and  commanding  and  occupying 
Seoul,  from  which  center  the  movements  were  carried  on.  There 
were,  however,  two  Chinese  forces,  the  original  garrison  of  Asan, 
a port  forty  miles  south  of  Seoul,  and  a large  force  advancing  by 
23 


472 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ARMIES  IN  COREA. 


the  road  which  enters  Corea  at  its  northwest  corner  at  Wi-ju. 
China  anxious  to  meet  and  annihilate  at  one  blow  if  possible  her 
despised  foe,  threw  the  latter  body  of  troops,  drawn  largel}"  from 
the  Maiichoo  garrisons,  into  the  Corean  peninsula,  where  they  ad- 
vanced about  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles  inside  the  border  to 
the  banks  of  the  Tatong  River  at  Ping-Yang.  The  Japanese  were 
awaiting  the  shock  a little  to  the  north  of  Seoul,  and  such  was  the 
strength  of  their  position  that  the  Chinese,  instead  of  advancing 
upon  them,  halted  at  the  capital  city  of  the  province,  Ping-Yang, 
assuming  the  defensive  there  and  strongly  fortifying  it.  One 
week  after  the  capture  of  Asan  and  the  beginning  of  the  retreat 
of  the  Chinese,  the  van  of  the  victorious  army  started  from  Seoul, 
marching  towards  Ping-Yang,  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  distant, 
whence  they  were  destined  five  weeks  later  to  be  once  more  vic- 
torious in  expelling  the  Chinese. 

General  Yeh,  with  his  four  thousand  Chinese,  made,  as  has  been 
said,  a masterly  retreat.  Accompanied  by  many  Coreans  who 
joined  his  standard  when  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  unten- 
able position,  he  struck  northeastward  and  after  twenty-five  days 
effected  a junction  with  the  Chinese  main  body  at  Ping-Yang, 
August  23.  His  column  kept  to  the  mountains,  where  travel  was 
difficult,  and  it  was  harassed  by  the  enemy  all  along  the  route. 
Nevertheless,  the  troops  marched  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
through  this  almost  impassable  country,  breaking  through  the 
Japanese  lines  at  Chong-ju,  and  reaching  their  friends  at  last. 

The  Japanese  army,  advancing  on  Ping-Yang  at  the  same  time, 
was  approaching  that  position  by  a course  parallel  with  that  of 
the  Chinese,  but  to  the  westward  of  it.  The  opposing  forces  were 
near  enough  to  one  another  that  detached  bodies  frequently  met 
in  conflict,  and  the  skirmishes  resulting  were  reported  by  which- 
ever band  happened  to  be  victorious,  as  a brilliant  victory  for  the 
army.  Because  of  this  condition  of  affairs,  many  battles  were  re- 
ported from  one  side  or  the  other  that  were  scarcely  mentioned 
by  the  opponents,  whichever  force  it  might  be,  and  the  war  spirit 
was  thus  constantly  fed  in  China  and  Japan  without  anything  of 
considerable  importance  really  happening. 

About  the  middle  of  August  the  Japanese  scouts  pressing  for- 
ward from  Pongsan  came  across  an  advance  guard  of  the  Chinese» 


SKIRMISH  AND  BATTLE. 


473 


who  had  seized  the  telegraph  line.  A brisk  skirmish  ensued  and 
the  scouts  fell  back.  A few  days  later  the  Chinese  advance  guard, 
numbering  five  thousand  men,  encountered  the  Japanese  troops 
guarding  the  Ping-Yang  passes,  and  drove  them  out.  Two  days 
later  an  advance  was  made  on  the  Japanese  skirmish  lines,  and 


FIRST  SIGHT  OF  PING- YANG. 


the  Japanese  were  again  defeated,  this  time  being  turned  bacK  as 
far  as  Chung-hwa,  some  twenty  miles  south  of  Ping-Yang. 

When  the  Japanese  troops  started  from  Chemulpo  and  Seoul  to 
advance  on  Ping- Yang,  a force  of  thirteen  transports,  protected  by 
a strong  convoy  of  war  vessels,  also  started  for  Ping- Yang,  carry- 


474  ADVANCE  OF  THE  JAPANESE  ON  PING-YANG. 


ing  some  six  thousand  troops  who  were  intended  to  co-operate 
with  the  forces  advancing  by  land.  On  the  18th  of  August  these 
troops  were  landed  in  Ping-Yang  inlet,  and  they  immediately  be- 
gan their  march  up  the  cultivated  valley  of  the  Tatong  River  in 
the  direction  of  the  city.  When  the  force  had  proceeded  some 
distance,  it  was  suddenly  attacked  by  one  thousand  Chinese  cav- 
alry, who  succeeded  in  dividing  the  column  into  two  parts.  The 
Chinese  artillery  at  the  same  time  caused  great  havoc  among  the 
Japanese.  The  latter  were  thrown  into  complete  disorder,  and 
considerably  reduced  in  numbers  they  fled  to  the  seashore,  pur- 
sued by  the  cavalry  who  cut  down  many  of  the  fugitives.  As 
they  reaehed  the  coast  the  Japanese  came  within  the  shelter  of 
the  guns  of  their  war  vessels,  and  the  Chinese  were  consequently 
compelled  to  desist  from  further  pursuit. 

The  land  skirmishes  of  which  mention  has  been  made,  involved 
none  except  the  extreme  van  of  the  Japanese  forces  and  the  out- 
posts of  the  Chinese.  The  main  body  of  the  Japanese  troops,’ 
some  fifteen  thousand  strong,  found  that  the  daily  rate  of  progress 
northward  did  not  exceed  six  miles,  so  broken  was  the  road  by 
mountains  and  streams,  the  passage  of  which  presented  great  ob- 
stacles. This  being  the  rate  of  advance,  the  army  had  pushed 
some  ninety  miles  from  Seoul,  when  it  was  decided  that  a change 
of  military  plan  must  be  made.  The  Chinese  assembling  in  such 
great  force  at  Ping-Yang,  by  the  union  of  the  two  armies,  threat- 
ened Gensan,  on  the  east  coast  of  Corea.  At  Gensan  there  was 
an  important  Japanese  colony,  and  from  there  a trunk  road  led 
southward  to  Seoul.  The  destruction  of  the  colony,  a flanking 
movement  against  the  Japanese  army,  and  an  irruption  of  Chinese 
troops  into  the  Corean  capital,  might  have  been  the  result  of  not 
including  Gensan  in  the  Japanese  program  of  operations.  A force 
of  ten  thousand  men  was  accordingly  transported  to  Gensan  by 
sea,  with  instructions  to  move  westward  against  Ping-Yang,  tim- 
ing its  advance  and  attack  with  those  of  the  army  from  Seoul, 
whose  progress  northward  was  suspended  to  allow  time  for  the 
passage  and  disembarkation  of  this  column,  and  of  the  column 
which  had  been  sent  from  Chemulpo  into  the  Ping-Yang  inlet. 

While  these  land  operations  were  going  on,  there  were  also 
some  naval  movements  under  way,  but  the  latter  brought  no  very 


p.-'v:  : 


BATTLE  OF  THE  YALU— SINKING  OF  THE  ClllII-YUEN. 


CONDITIONS  IN  CHINA  AND  JAPAN. 


477 


definite  results.  A fleet  of  Japanese  vessels,  including  a few  iron 
clads  and  some  merchant  steamships  transformed  into  cruisers, 
made  a reconnoissance  of  Wei-hai-wei  and  Port  Arthur  about  the 
10th  of  August.  A few  shots  were  exchanged  at  long  range  be- 
tween the  vessels  and  the  forts  at  each  of  these  places,  and  the 
fleet  then  withdrew.  The  operations  were  of  little  more  import- 
ance than  a mere  ruse  to  draw  fire  and  ascertain  the  position  and 
strength  of  the  enemy’s  guns.  No  submarine  mines  were  ex- 
ploded, or  torpedoes  launched.  At  the  request  of  the  British  ad- 
miral, Sir  Edmund  Fremantle,  the  Japanese  promised  not  to  renew 
the  attack  upon  Wei-hai-wei  or  to  bombard  Chefoo  without  giving 
forty-eight  hours’  notice  to  him,  so  that  measures  might  be  taken 
to  protect  the  lives  of  foreign  residents. 

The  emperor  of  China,  taking  personal  interest  in  affairs  to 
greater  extent  than  had  been  his  custom,  insisted  on  a full  daily 
report  of  the  warlike  operations  and  plans.  He  studied  special 
official  reports  of  the  naval  attack,  and  then  wanted  to  know  why 
his  commanders  allowed  the  enemy’s  vessels  to  escape.  All  this 
time  the  Japanese  fleet  was  patrolling  the  China  sea,  the  Gulf  of 
Pechili  and  the  Corean  Bay,  trying  to  reach  a conflict  with  the 
enemy,  and  to  prevent  the  tribute  of  rice  from  going  north.  Tor- 
pedoes were  placed  in  the  entrance  to  Tokio  Bay  and  Nagasaki 
harbor,  to  guard  against  an  attack  by  Chinese  war  vessels.  The 
war  spirit  in  Japan  lost  none  of  its  warmth.  The  detachments 
sent  across  the  straits  into  Corea  in  August  numbered  nearly 
fifty  thousand  men,  and  early  in  September  the  total  number  of 
Japanese  troops  available  for  activity  in  the  peninsula  was  nearly 
one  hundred  thousand.  A war  loan  of  $50,000,000  was  desired 
by  the  government,  and  so  anxious  were  Japanese  capitalists  to 
subscribe  for  it  that  foreign  subscriptions  were  refused  and  more 
than  $80,000,000  were  offered.  j 

Chinese  efforts  continued  also  in  great  degree,  but  the  results 
were  scarcely  as  happy.  Troops  to  the  same  number  could  not 
be  sent  into  Corea.  A very  long  land  march  was  required  before 
the  forces  could  reach  the  seat  of  war  by  way  of  Manchooria  and 
it  was  useless  to  attempt  transporting  them  by  water,  so  carefully 
did  the  Japanese  cruisers  patrol  the  sea  routes. 

Just  at  this  time,  when  the  lines  were  drawing  closer  and 


478 


COREAX-.TAPANESE  TREA'tY. 


closer  for  a decisive  battle,  the  relations  between  Japan  and 
Ccrea  were  more  closely  defined  by  a formal  treaty  of  alliance 
signed  at  Seoul  on  August  26.  The  preamble  of  the  treaty  de- 
clared it  to  be  the  desire  of  the  emperor  of  Japan  and  the  king  of 
Corea  to  determine  definitely  the  mutual  relations  of  Japan  and 
Ccrea,  and  to  elucidate  the  relations  between  Japan  and  China 


with  respect  to  the  peninsula.  The  body  of  the  treaty  consisted 
of  three  articles  : 

“ The  object  of  the  alliance  is  the  strengthening  and  perpetua- 
tion of  the  independence  of  Corea  as  an  autonomous  state,  and 
the  promotion  of  the  mutual  interests  of  Corea  and  Japan,  by 
compelling  the  Chinese  forces  to  withdraw  from  Corea,  and  by 


COREAN-JAPANESE  TREATY.  4T9 

obliging  China  to  abandon  her  claims  to  the  right  to  dominate 
the  affairs  of  Corea. 

“Japan  is  to  carry  on  warlike  operations  against  China  both 
offensive  and  defensive;  and  the  Corean  government  is  bound  to 
afford  every  possible  facility  to  the  Japanese  forces  in  their  move- 
ments, and  to  furnish  supplies  of  provisions  to  them  at  a fair  re- 
muneration, so  far  as  such  supplies  may  be  needed. 

“The  treaty  shall  terminate  when  a treaty  of  peace  is  con- 
cluded by  Japan  with  China. 

At  this  very  time,  however,  the  feeling  of  the  Corean  people 
against  the  Japanese  was  very  intense  and  they  were  everywhere 
welcoming  the  Chinese  as  their  friends.  Except  the  strongly 
guarded  positions  in  the  provinces  of  Seoul  and  Hwanghai  and 
the  country  around  the  treaty  ports  which  were  under  Japanese 
induence,  the  peninsula  was  in  the  possession  of  armed  Coreans 
and  Chinese.  The  Japanese  Marquis  Saionji  landed  at  Chemulpo, 
August  28,  to  congratulate  the  Corean  monarch  on  his  declara- 
tion of  independence,  and  the  king  showed  every  disposition  to 
co-operate  with  the  Japanese  in  their  efforts  to  introduce  reforms 
into  his  country.  His  Majesty  appointed  a commissioner  to  visit 
Ja[)an  and  thank  the  mikado  for  his  promises  to  restore  peace,  and 
to  establish  a stable  government  in  Corea.  He  further  issued  a 
decree  introducing  several  reforms,  including  religious  freedom, 
the  establishment  of  a diplomatic  service,  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
economies  in  the  public  service,  the  abrogation  of  the  law 
whereby  the  whole  family  of  a criminal  is  punished,  and  the 
granting  of  permission  to  widows  to  marry  again. 

Early  in  September  the  mikado  established  headquarters  in 
Hiroshima  with  the  ministers  of  war  and  marines  and  the  general 
staff,  deciding  to  direct  the  war  operations  from  that  city  in  the 
future.  This  had  already  been  the  place  of  assembly  and  em- 
barkation for  the  troops  ordered  to  the  seat  of  war.  At  the  same 
time  Field  Marshal  Count  Yamagata  left  for  Corea  to  assume 
sole  command  of  the  Japanese  army,  which  had  now  been  aug- 
mented till  its  numbers  were  approximately  one  hundred  thousand. 
Lines  were  drawing  about  the  Chinese  forces  nearer  and  nearer. 
The  indecisive  battle  which  they  had  fought  with  the  Japanese 
on  August  16  had  availed  them  nothing,  and  all  their  available 
troops  were  now  massed  together  in  Hwang-ju  and  Sing-chuen.  - 


480 


CLOSING  IN  FOR  BATTLE. 


As  the  three  advancing  columns  of  Japanese  drew  nearer  to 
the  lines  of  the  enemy,  engagements  multiplied  and  scarcely  a 
day  passed  without  some  sort  of  a skirmish.  The  three  divisions 
struck  the  Chinese  simultaneously  on  September  5 and  6.  The 
troops  from  Chemulpo  struck  the  Chinese  center  at  Chung-Hwa; 
those  from  Gensan  came  up  with  their  enemies  at  Sing-chuen, 
where  the  left  flank  of  the  Chinese  was  strongly  intrenched ; and 
the  detachment  from  the  mouth  of  the  Tatong  struck  the  right 
flank  of  the  Chinese  at  Hwang-ju.  The  results  from  all  of  these 
engagements  were  favorable  to  the  Japanese,  and  the  Chinese 
were  forced  back  in  confusion  upon  Ping- Yang  where  they  united 


to  give  final  battle.  In  the  retreat,  the  column  advancing  from 
the  Tatong  again  caught  up  with  the  Chinese  on  the  7th  and  an- 
other stubborn  engagement  was  fought.  The  Chinese  did  not 
give  way  until  they  were  in  danger  of  being  surrounded,  when 
they  fled  in  redoubled  haste  towards  Ping- Yang. 

With  the  Chinese  forces  in  Corea  thus  surrounded  by  the  Jap- 
anese, after  the  sharp  campaign ; and  the  Chinese  fleet  of  war- 
ships in  perfect  fighting  trim  collected  at  Wei-hai-wei,  the  time 
was  now  at  hand  for  the  two  important  conflicts,  one  on  land  and 
one  at  sea,  which  resulted  in  mid-September  in  the  entire  victory 
of  the  Japanese. 


THE  FIRST  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  THE  WAR. 


Concentration  of  Japanese  Troops  to  Threaten  Ping-Yang— Plan  of  Attack— Poor  De- 
fenses in  the  Rear  of  the  ChinesePosition— Night  advance  on  the  Enemy— Swift  and  Effective 
Victory— Chinese  Commander  Killed— Thousands  of  Prisoners  Taken— Rejoicings  in  Japan 
—Honors  for  the  Dead  Cliinese  Commander— Second  Great  Conflict  in  a Week— The  Naval 
Battle  of  tlie  Yalu  River— Another  Victory  for  the  Japanese  Fleet— Many  War  Ships  De- 
stroyed—Hundreds  of  Sailors  Drowned  in  Sinking  Vessels— Carnage  and  Destruction— Ela-! 
tion  of  the  Japanese  over  two  Successive  Victories— Depression  in  the  Chinese  Capital  andl 
Criticism  of  the  Chinese  Viceroy,  Li  Hung  Chang, 

The  first  serious  engagement  between  the  Chinese  and  the  Ja- 
panese forces  in  Corea  resulted,  as  competent  judges  foresaw  all 
along,  in  the  complete  victory  of  the 
latter.  The  great  battle  was  fought 
and  won.  The  Cliinese  were  utterly 
routed.  The  strong  position  of  Ping- 
Yang  lying  just  north  of  the  Tatong 
river,  on  the  road  from  Seoul  to  the 
frontier  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu 
river,  was  carried  by  assault  in  the 
small  hours  of  Sunday  mornings 
September  16.  The  Chinese  troops 
who  held  it  were  utterly  defeated, 
with  a loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
prisoners,  estimated  at  nearly  four- 
fifths  of  their  entire  force. 

On  Thursday  morning,  September 
13,  began  the  attacks  which  resulted 
two  days  later  in  the  brilliant  victory. 

Three  columns  of  Japanese  troops 
had  been  centering  for  this  attack  for 
some  weeks.  The  first  of  these  came 
from  Gensan,  threatening  a flank 
attack.  The  column  marched  from 
this  port  on  the  Sea  of  Japan  almost  directly  west,  approaching 
Ping-Yang  by  way  of  the  mountain  passes.  The  center  column 


COREAN  POLICE  AGENT. 


482 


QUALITIES  OF  JAPANESE  ARMIES. 


came  from  Pongsan  almost  directly  south  of  Piiig-Yang.  The 
third  column  landed  at  Hwang-ju  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tatong 
river,  and  occupied  a position  to  the  westward  of  Ping- Yang  on 
the  right  flank  of  the  Chinese  troops. 

The  infantry  and  artillery  of  the  Japanese  were  in  a high  state 
of  efficiency.  The  men  themselves  were  hardy,  active,  brave 
and  intelligent.  Their  drill  and  discipline  had  been  carefully 
adapted  from  the  best  European  models.  Their  arms  were  of  the 
latest  and  most  destructive  patterns  that  science  has  been  able  to 


JAPANESE  KITCHEN  IN  CAMP. 


devise,  and  every  detail  in  their  equipment  and  accoutrements  had 
been  thoroughly  thought  out  and  carefully  provided.  The  offi- 
cers who  had  the  skill  and  the  energy  to  create  such  a force  were 
of  course  worthy  to  lead  it.  All  of  them  had  made  scientific 
study  of  their  profession,  and  some  of  them  had  spent  years  in 
close  investigation  of  the  more  famous  European  military  systems, 
under  the  guidance  of  distinguished  strategists.  But  while  it 
was  generally  anticipated  that  such  an  army,  so  led,  would  have 
an  easy  task  in  defeating  and  dispersing  any  force  wliich  the 
Chinese  were  likely  to  assemble  against  it  at  short  notice  in  Corea, 


PRELIMINARIES  OF  THE  BATTLE. 


488 


it  was  by  no  means  certain  that  the  Japanese  could  force  an  en- 
gagement before  the  Corean  winter  made  serious  operations  im- 
practicable. The  Japanese  commander  showed  that  he  had  mas- 
tered the  great  secret  of  modern  warfare.  He  knew  how  to  move 
his  troops  with  rapidity  and  with  decision,  and  doing  so  he  succeeded 
in  dealing  a heavy  blow  to  China  with  trifling  loss  to  himself. 

The  position  held  by  the  Chinese  was  one  of  great  natural 
strength.  Doubtless  on  this  account  it  was  protected  by  old 
works,  which  the  Chinese  had  supplemented  new  defenses. 
True,  however,  to  the  extraordinary  practice  so  often  adopted  by 
the  Chinese  armies,  they  neglected  to  secure  their  rear  to  any  ade- 
quate degree.  The  Japanese,  who  had  fought  the  Chinese  before, 
foresaw  that  this  would  be  the  case,  and  planned  their  measures 
accordingly. 

Thursday  the  Japanese  column  from  Pongsan,  the  centre,  made 
a reconnoissance  in  force,  drawing  the  fire  from  the  Chinese  fort, 
and  ascertaining  accurately  the  location  of  the  defenses  and  the 
disposition  of  the  troops.  This  having  been  accomplished,  the 
Japanese  forces  fell  back  in  good  order  and  with  very  little  loss, 
none  of  the  other  troops  having  entered  the  engagement. 

Friday  was  spent  by  the  Japanese  in  taking  up  their  final  po- 
sition, and  by  that  evening  all  the  Japanese  forces  were  in  posh 
tion  for  the  combined  attack,  the  Pongsan  column  facing  the 
Chinese  centre  to  bear  the  brunt,  as  in  the  preliminary  fighting, 
and  the  others  arranged  as  heretofore  described.  The  Hwang-ju 
column  had  been  re-enforced  the  day  before  by  marines  and  blue 
jackets  from  the  fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tatong  river. 

The  battle  opened  Saturday  morning  at  daybreak  by  a direct 
cannonade  upon  the  Chinese  works.  This  continued  withoutj 
cessation  until  the  afternoon,  the  Chinese  fighting  their  guns  wellj 
and  making  good  execution.  At  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  a* 
body  of  infantry  was  thrown  forward,  and  these  troops  kept  up  a 
rifle  fire  upon  the  Chinese  until  dusk.  The  Japanese  gained  some 
advanced  positions,  but  they  mainly  occupied  the  same  ground  as 
when  the  attack  opened.  Firing  continued  at  intervals  through- 
out the  night. 

Neither  of  the  flanking  columns  took  any  part  in  tlie  heavy 
fighting  during  Saturday,  and  thus  no  opportunity  was  given  to 


484 


PRELIMIISrARIES  OF  THE  BATTLE. 


the  Chinese  of  measuring  the  real  number  of  the  forces  opposed 
to  them  or  of  ascertaining  the  real  plans  of  the  enemy.  Through- 
out the  day  the  Chinese  held  their  own  without  much  loss  except 
to  their  defenses,  and  they  retired  to  rest  with  the  satisfied  feeling 
of  men  who  have  not  unsuccessfully  opposed  a formidable  adver- 
sary. 


JAPANESE  SOLDIER  SALUTING  A FIELD  CEMETERY. 


They  had  a rude 
awakening.  During 
the  night  the  two 
flanking  columns 
drew  a cordon  around 
the  Chinese  forces, 
and  at  three  o’clock 
on  Sunday  morning 
the  attack  was  de- 
livered simultaneous- 
ly and  with  admira- 
ble precision.  The 
Gensan  and  Kwang- 
ju columns  were  the 
ones  who  devoted 
themselves  to  the 
rear  of  the  Chinese 
position,  and  the  en- 
trenched troops  sud- 
denly found  them- 
selves exposed  to  at- 
tacks from  the  force 
they  had  fought  dur- 
ing the  day  and  from 
new  forces  of  fresh 
troops  of  unknown 


numbers. 

The  Chinese  lines  which  were  so  strong  in  front,  were  found 
comparatively  weak  in  the  rear.  The  unsuspicious  soldiers,  taken 
completely  by  surprise,  fell  into  panic  and  were  cut  down  by 
hundreds.  They  were  surrounded  and  at  every  point  where  they 
sought  safety  in  flight  they  met  the  foe.  It  was  of  course  a dis- 


CROWD  IN  TOKIO  LOOKING  AT  PICTURES  OF  THE  WAR. 


BRILLIANT  VICTORY  FOR  THE  JAPANESE. 


487 


grace  to  the  Chinese  leaders  to  be  completely  outmanoeuvred  and 
surprised,  but  it  was  no  disgrace  to  the  Chinese  soldiers  to  flee 
with  but  slight  resistance  when  the  surprise  had  been  accom- 
plished by  an  enemy  outnumbering  them  nearly  three  to  one. 

The  greatest  Manchoo  general,  and  some  of  the  troops  disci- 
plined under  Li  Hung  Chang’s  directions  on  the  European  system, 
fought  stoutly,  stood  their  ground  to  the  last,  and  were  cut  down 
to  a man.  But  their  stand  was  use- 
less. The  Pongsan  column,  swarm- 
ing over  the  damaged  defenses  in 
the  front,  completed  the  discomfiture 
of  the  Chinese.  Half  an  hour  after 
the  night  attack  opened,  the  splendid 
position  of  Ping-Yang  was  in  the 
possession  of  the  Japanese. 

The  Japanese  victory  was  brilliant 
and  complete.  They  captured  the 
whole  of  the  immense  quantities  of 
stores,  provisions,  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion in  the  camp,  besides  hundreds 
of  battle  flags.  The  Chinese  loss 
was  about  two  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred killed  and  more  than  fourteen 
thousand  wounded  and  prisoners. 

Less  than  a fourth  of  the  Chinese 
army  succeeded  in  escaping.  The 
Japanese  loss  was  thirty  killed  and 
two  hundred  and  sixty-nine  wounded,  Japanese  ambulance  officer. 
including  eleven  officers. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  Chinese  killed  was  General  Tso-pao- 
kwei,  Manchoorian  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  who  fought 
desperately  to  the  last  and  was  wounded  twice.  In  this  bat- 
tle also.  General  Wei  Jink-woi,  and  General  Sei  Kinlin  were 
captured  and  these  practically  comprise  the  effective  Chinese 
staff. 

Within  ten  hours  of  the  great  battles  of  Ping-Yang,  the 
engineers  had  completed  the  military  field  telegraph  between  that 
place  and  Pongsan,  and  had  messages  on  the  wires  to  Seoul.  The 


H8  EFFECTS  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  PING-YANG. 

number  of  troops  engaged  in  the  battle  on  the  side  of  the 
Japanese  was  about  sixty  thousand,  and  of  the  Chinese  about 
twenty  thousand,  which  in  a measure  explains  and  justifies  the 
result  of  the  conquest. 

The  news  of  this  battle  was  welcomed  most  enthusiastically  in 
Japan,  and  rejoicings  were  held  in  Tokio  and  the  other  large 
cities.  Bells  were  rung  and  salutes  fired.  Field  Marshal  Count 


CHINAMAN  MUTILATING  REMAINS  OP  JAPANESE  SOLDIERS. 


Yamagata,  in  command  of  the  Japanese  troops,  received  congrat- 
ulations by  telegraph  from  the  emperor  of  Japan. 

^ The  emperor  of  China  had  occasion  to  take  different  measures. 
An  imperial  edict  was  promulgated  in  which  he  expressed  his 
profound  regret  at  the  death  of  General  Tso,  who  was  killed 
while  gallantly  leading  the  Chinese  troops.  The  emperor  ordered 
that  posthumous  orders  should  be  paid  to  the  deceased,  befitting 
his  rank  as  a provincial  commander  of  the  Chinese  Empire.  The 
edict  bestowed  imperial  favors  upon  the  sons  and  family  of  the 


CHINESE  FLEET  AT  THE  YALU  RIVER. 


489 


late  general.  After  he  had  been  severely  wounded  in  the  shoulder 
by  a bullet,  General  Tso  persisted  in  remaining  at  the  head  of  his 
troops,  and  it  was  while  leading  his  men  in  an  unsuccessful  charge 
that  he  was  struck  by  another  bullet  and  killed. 

Just  one  day  after  the  rout  of  the  Chinese  from  their  defenses 
at  Ping- Yang,  another  meeting  between  Japanese  and  Chinese 
took  place  not  may  miles  from  the  same  point,  but  the  second 
"battle  was  on  sea  instead  of  land,  and  its  results  were  not  as 
definitive  as  those  of  the  battle  of  Ping-Yang.  There  remained 
room  for  each  contestant  to  lay  claim  to  certain  phases  of  the 
victory.  But  the  opinion  of  independent  and  impartial  authorities, 
naval  and  military,  has  been  that  in  the  indirect  results  as  well  as 
the  immediate  lesson,  Japan  was  well  justified  in  claiming  the  con- 
test to  be  hers. 


THE  PING-YUEN. 


Admiral  Ting  and  his  fleet  were  at  Tien-tsin  awaiting  the 
orders  of  the  Chinese  war  council  which  was  sitting  at  that 
place.  He  was  instructed  to  convoy  a fleet  of  six  transports  to 
the  Yalu  river  and  protect  them  while  landing  troops,  guns  and 
stores  at  Wi-ju,  from  which  base  China  intended  to  renew  opera- 
tions in  Corea.  The  transports  were  ready  Friday,  September 
14,  and  the  following  vessels  escorted  them  to  sea:  Chen- Yuen 

and  Ting-Yuen,  speed  fourteen  knots,  tonnage  seven  thousand 
four  hundred  and  thirty;  King-Yuen  and  Lai-Yuen,  sixteen  and 
one-half  knots,  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty  tons  ; Ping- 
Yuen,  ten  and  one-half  knots,  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty 
tons;  Chih-Yuen  and  Ching-Yuen,  eighteen  knots,  two  thousand 
three  hundred  tons } Tsi-Yuen,  fifteen  knots,  two  thousand  three 


490 


BEGINNING  THE  GREAT  NAVAL  BATTLE. 


hundred  and  fifty-five  tons ; Chao  Yung  and  Yang  Wei,  sixteen 
and  one-half  knots,  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty  tons  ; 
Kwang  Kai  and  Kwang  Ting,  sixteen  and  one-half  knots,  one 
thousand  and  thirty  tons.  The  first  five  vessels  named  were 
armored  battle  ships,  the  first  two  built  in  1881,2,  the  third  and 
fourth  in  1887,  and  the  fifth  in  1890.  The  seven  following  were 
cruisers  with  outside  armor,  all  of  them  built  since  1881  and  some 
as  late  as  1890.  There  were  also  in  the  fleet  six  torpedo  boats 
and  two  gun  boats.  It  is  evident  that  the  fleet  was  of  modern 
construction,  and  without  going  into  details  as  to  the  armament 
it  may  be  said  that  the  guns  were  equally  modern  in  pattern. 

This  splendid  fleet  arrived  off  the  eastern  entrance  to  the  Yalu 
river  on  the  afternoon  of  Sunday,  September  16,  and  remained 
ten  miles  outside  while  the  transports  were  to  be  unloaded. 
There  were  about  seven  thousand  troops  to  be  disembarked,  com- 
posing the  second  Chinese  array  corps,  which  consisted  almost  en- 
tirely of  Hunanese.  The  war  council  had  realized  that  it  was 
impossible  to  get  the  necessary  re-enforcements  to  Corea  with 
sufficient  promptitude  if  they  were  marched  overland,  so  the  risk 
of  sending  them  by  transports  was  assumed. 

The  work  of  disembarking  troops  and  discharging  stores  pro- 
ceeded rapidly  until  about  ten  o’clock  Monday  morning,  Septem- 
ber 17.  Very  soon  after  that  hour,  the  sight  of  a cloud  of  smoke 
upon  the  horizon  indicated  the  approach  of  a large  fleet.  The 
enemy  was  at  hand,  and  the  battle  was  impending.  Admiral 
Ting  immediately  weighed  anchor  and  placed  his  ships  in  battle 
array.  His  position  was  a difficult  one.  If  he  remained  near  the 
shore,  his  movements  were  cramped.  If  he  steamed  out  for  sea 
room  he  ran  the  risk  of  a Japanese  cruiser  or  torpedo  boat 
running  in  amongst  his  transports.  He  chose  the  least  of  two 
evils  and  decided  to  remain  near  the  shore. 

By  noon  it  was  possible  to  distinguish  twelve  ships  in  the 
approaching  Japanese  squadron.  The  Chinese  fleet  steamed  in 
the  direction  of  the  enemy  and  at  a distance  of  five  miles  was 
able  to  distinguish  the  ships  according  to  their  types.  Admiral 
Ting  signalled  his  ships  to  clear  for  action  and  then  brought 
them  into  a V-shaped  formation,  with  the  flagship  at  the  apex  of 
the  angle.  The  Japanese  had  at  first  approached  in  double  line, 


FORMATION  OF  THE  LINE  OF  BATTLE. 


491 


but  when  Admiral  Ito  saw  the  formation  adopted  by  his  opponent 
he  changed  his  fleet  into  single  line  and  so  went  into  action. 

The  Ting- Yuen  opened  firing  about  twelve  thirty  P.  M.  at  a 
range  of  five  thousand  seven  hundred  yards.  The  concussion  of 
the  first  discharge  threw  every  one  off  the  bridge.  As  they  came 
nearer,  the  Japanese  appeared  to  form  in  quarter  lines,  to  which 
the  Chinese  replied  by  turning  two  points  to  starboard,  thus  keep- 
ing their  bows  directed  towards  the  enemy.  Approaching  within 
four  thousand  four  hundred  yards,  the  whole  Japanese  fieet 
seemed  to  turn  eight  points  to  port,  thereby  forming  a single  line 
ahead,  and  steaming  across  the  Chinese  line  they  turned  its  star- 
board wing. 

The  Japanese  manoeuvred  swiftly  throughout  the  battle,  and 
the  Chinese  scarcely  had  a chance  for  effective  firing  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  AYlien  the  Japanese  were  firing  at  the  starboard 
section  of  the  Chinese  squadron,  the  ships  of  the  port  section' 
were  practically  useless,  and  could  not  fire  without  risk  of  hitting 
their  own  ships.  The  Japanese  cruisers  attacked  first  one  sec- 
tion and  then  the  other.  As  soon  as  the  Chinese  on  the  port  side 
had  brought  their  guns  to  bear  and  had  attained  the  range  accu- 
rately, the  Japanese  would  work  around  and  attack  the  starboard 
side.  At  times  as  many  as  five  Japanese  vessels  would  bring  the 
whole  weight  of  their  armament  to  bear  upon  one  Chinese  ship, 
their  consorts  keeping  the  attention  of  the  other  vessels  of  that 
line  fully  engaged,  while  the  ships  of  the  diverging  line  lay  look- 
ing on  almost  as  useless  as  hulks  in  the  water. 

As  compared  with  that  of  the  Japanese,  the  fire  of  the  Chinese 
was  very  feeble  and  ineffective.  The  men  fought  bravely,  how- 
ever, and  there  appeared  to  be  no  thought  of  surrendering  on 
either  side,  but  a constant  intention  to  fight  to  the  end. 

While  the  fleet  was  getting  into  its  formation  the  Chao  Yung 
and  Yang  Wei,  which  were  slow  in  taking  up  stations,  were  dis- 
astrously exposed  to  the  Japanese  fire,  and  one  of  them  in  conse- 
quence began  to  burn.  On  the  port  wing  the  Tsi-Yuen  and 
Kwang  Kai,  occupied  a similar  position  behind  the  Chinese  line. 
The  Japanese  steamed  around  by  the  stern  at  a distance  (jf  five 
thousand  yards  and  cut  off  the  Tsi-Yuen.  The  Kwang  Kai, 
which  was  as  yet  keeping  touch  with  the  fleet,  soon  fell  back. 

24 


492 


EVOLUTIONS  OF  THE  HOSTILE  FLEETS. 


Nothing  more  was  seen  of  these  two  during  the  action,  and  they 
escaped  unhurt. 

The  Chinese,  unable  to  keep  pace  with  the  enemy,  endeavored  to 
follow  their  movements  by  keeping  bow  on  to  them,  as  they  cir- 
cled around,  maintaining  a heavy  bombardment.  The  Chinese 
fleet  that  kept  in  the  thick  of  the  fight  consisted  of  six  ships  of 
the  Yuen  class,  including  the  ironclads.  The  Japanese,  having 
completed  one  circle,  hauled  off  to  a distance  of  eight  thousand 
yards,  and  went  through  an  evolution  with  the  object  of  separa- 
ting in  two  divisions,  the  first  consisting  of  the  seven  best  known 
cruisers,  and  the  second  of  five  inferior  ships  which  stood  off  to 
some  distance. 

The  Japanese  gunners  were  making  much  better  practice  than 
their  enemy.  Very  few  of  the  Chinese  shots  reached  their  mark, 
while  the  Japanese  were  constantly  hitting  the  opposing  vessels 
most  effectively.  After  a time  the  Chinese  admiral  apparently 
became  desperate.  His  formation  was  broken,  and  two  or  three 
of  his  ships  advanced  at  full  speed.  The  fighting  became  furious, 
but  the  weight  of  metal  told  and  one  of  his  ships,  the  Lai-Yuen, 
was  crippled  in  this  venture.  Then  for  some  unknown  reason 
the  Japanese  ceased  firing  and  cleared  off,  while  the  Chinese  re- 
tired nearer  the  shore.  The  respite  was  a brief  one,  for  the 
Japanese  returned  in  about  fifteen  minutes,  renewing  the  battle 
with  great  vigor  and  upon  the  same  effective  plan. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  the  Chinese  cruiser  Chih-Yuen,  the  cap- 
tain of  which  had  several  times  shown  a disposition  to  disregard 
the  admiral’s  signals,  deliberately  steamed  out  of  line  and, 
although  again  ordered  to  remain  in  the  place  assigned  to  her, 
went  full  speed  at  a Japanese  cruiser.  The  latter  received  a 
slanting  blow  which  ripped  her  up  below  the  water  line  and  it 
was  believed  she  would  founder.  She  succeeded  however,  in 
pouring  several  broadsides  into  her  enemy  at  close  quarters,  and 
the  Chih-Yuen  was  so  injured  by  her  fire  and  by  the  effects  of 
the  collision  that  she  herself  sank. 

When  the  Chinese  resumed  their  line  formation,  the  Japanese 
guns  were  directed  upon  the  disabled  ships,  particularly  the  Lai- 
Yuen.  She  had  been  riddled  by  shot  and  shell,  and  it  was  evi- 
dent that  she  was  sinking  The  Chinese  gunners  worked  their 


SINKING  OF  THE  CHINESE  VESSEL  LAI-YUEN.  493 


weapons  to  the  last.  Finally  she  went  down  slowly,  stern  first. 
Her  bows  rose  clear  out  of  the  water  and  she  remained  in  this 
position  for  a minute  and  a half  before  she  disappeared  in  one 
last  plunge.  The  Japanese  had  used  no  torpedoes  upon  her,  but 
sunk  her  by  fair  shot  and  shell  fire.  It  spurred  all  the  men 
to  additional  effort,  and  the  officers  were  naturally  exultant. 
They  regarded  the  sinking  of  a double  bottomed  ship  like  the 
Lai-Yuen  by  gun  fire  alone  as  no  mean  achievment. 

The  battle  then  arranged  itself  into  two  great  groups,  the  four 
Chinese  cruisers  becoming  engaged  with  the  second  division, 
while  the  ironclads  attacked  the  first  division.  The  fighting  of 
the  second  division  was  irregular  and  difficult  to  follow,  and 
ended  in  the  Japanese  disappearing  in  the  direction  of  the  island 
of  Hai-yung-tao. 

The  first  Japanese  division  carried  on  the  fighting  with  the 
Chinese  ironclads  by  circling  round  at  a distance  of  four  thou- 
sand five  hundred  yards.  The  Ping-Yuen  and  Chen-Yuen  keep- 
ing together,  followed  the  enemies’  movements  in  a smaller 
circle,  the  whole  evolution  taking  a spiral  form.  Occasionally 
the  distance  between  the  opposing  ships  was  reduced  to  two 
thousand  yards,  and  once  to  one  thousand  two  hundred  yards. 
The  Japanese  aimed  at  keeping  a long  distance  away,  so  as  to 
avail  themselves  of  their  superior  speed,  and  make  the  most  of 
their  quick  firing  guns,  in  which  armament  they  vastly  excelled 
the  Chinese.  The  object  of  the  Chinese  was  to  come  into  close 
quarters,  so  as  to  use  their  slow  firing  guns  of  large  caliber  with 
full  effect. 

Other  Chinese  vessels  endangered  were  the  King-Yuen,  which 
was  badly  injured  by  fire,  the  Chao  Yung,  which  foundered  in 
shallow  water,  and  the  Yang  Wei,  which  was  partially  burned, 
and  afterwards  destroyed  by  a torpedo. 

On  the  Japanese  side,  in  addition  to  the  vessel  which  was 
rammed  by  the  Chih-Yuen,  the  Yoshino  and  the  Matsusima  were 
1 badly  injured  by  fire.  The  former  of  these  two,  after  receiving  a 

i series  of  volleys  from  two  Chinese  vessels,  was  enveloped  in  a 

f cloud  of  white  smoke  which  lay  heavily  on  the  water  and  com- 

\ pletely  covered  the  ship.  The  Chinese  vessels  waited  for  the 

i cloud  to  clear  away  and  got  their  port  guns  ready,  but  before  the 

i 


494 


DISASTER  TO  JAPANESE  VESSELS. 


Yoshiuo  became  visible  their  fire  was  diverted  by  a Japanese  ship 
of  the  Matsusima  type  which  came  on  the  port  quarter.  The 
guns  which  had  been  laid  for  the  Yoshino  were  fired  at  this  new* 
comer  with  the  result  that  she  too  began  to  burn. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  battle  the  Chinese  ironclads  ran  short 
of  common  shell,  and  continued  the  action  with  steel  shot,  which 
proved  ineffective. 

An  officer  of  the  Japanese  navy  who  was  on  one  of  the  vessels 
in  the  engagement,  was  sent  to  make  a verbal  report  to  the 
mikado,  and  related  some  interesting  details  of  the  battle.  He 
* says  that  the  fleet  consisted  of  eleven  war  ships  and  a steam 
packet,  Saikio  Maru,  which  had  been  fitted  up  with  guns  as  a 
cruiser,  conveying  Admiral  Kabayama,  the  head  of  the  naval 


THE  YOSHINO. 


command  bureau,  on  a tour  of  inspection.  Here  is  what  he  says 
about  the  latter  boat:  “It  was  our  own  turn  next  to  suffer. 

The  Saikio  Maru  had  worked  her  deck  guns  to  the  best  of  her 
ability,  but  she  was  scarcely  adapted  for  fighting  in  line  against 
ironclads.  Frequently  she  was  in  imminent  danger,  the  Chinese 
quickly  perceiving  that  she  was  a weak  ship.  A well  placed 
shell  from  the  Ting-Yuen  pierced  her  side,  and  exploding  made 
a complete  wreck  of  the  steering  gear  as  well  as  doing  othei 
damage.  She  was  put  out  of  action,  and  pointed  the  best  course 
she  could  by  means  of  her  screws.  But  this  was  a poor  make- 
shift, and  in  trying  to  get  away,  she  ran  to  within  eighty  metres 
distance  of  the  Ting-Yuen  and  Chen-Yuen,  both  these  ships  hav- 
ing starred  in  pursuit  of  her  at  full  speed.  The  two  Chinese 
commanders  evidently  thought  that  the  Saikio  Maru  intended  to 
ram  them,  for  they  sheered  off  and  thus  left  her  room  to  escape. 


JAPANESE  ADVANCE  AT  THE  CROSSING  OF  THE  YALU  RIVER. 


CHINESE  SAILORS  IN  PITIFUL  DISTRESS. 


497 


She  went  away  southward  at  her  best  speed.  The  Chinese  dis- 
charged two  fish  torpedoes  after  her,  but  the  projectiles  either 
passed  underneath  the  ship’s  keel  or  missed  their  direction.  The 
fire  which  had  slackened  during  this  incident,  recommenced  with 
redoubled  energy,  but  we  still  made  better  practice  with  our 
guns.  The  Chao  Yung  was  partially  disabled,  though  she  still 
fought  on  against  two  of  our  cruisers  who  were  closing  upon  her. 
The  doomed  vessel  went  astern  and  settled  down  in  shallow 
water.  She  was  covered,  but  two-thirds  of  her  masts  were  visi- 
ble, and  the  rigging  was  soon  crowded  with  scores  of  Chinese 
crying  loudly  to  be  saved.  It  was  a pitiful  sight,  but  the  fight- 
ing was  too  hot  to  allow  us  to  help  them.  At  the  same  moment 


THE  MATSUSIMA. 


the  Yang  Wei  was  reported  disabled.  She  retired  slowly  from 
the  fighting  line  rolling  heavily,  masses  of  dense  smoke  emerging 
from  her.  We  had  suffered  on  our  side,  but  not  nearly  to  such 
an  extent.  A shell  had  burst  upon  the  flagship  Matsusima,  dis- 
mounting the  forward  quickfiring  gun,  and  killing  a number  of 
men.  The  gun  too  was  flung  violently  against  the  ship,  doing 
considerable  damage.  The  Matsusima  had  received  a great 
part  of  the  Chinese  fire  throughout  and  this  last  disaster  had 
rendered  her  useless  for  further  fighting.  Her  commander  and 
first  lieutenant  had  been  killed.  One  hundred  and  twenty  of  her 
men  had  been  killed  or  wounded ; but  the  ship  still  floated. 


498 


DESPERATE  FIGHTING  ON  BOTH  SIDES. 


Admiral  Ito  and  his  staff  were  transferred  to  the  Hasidate  and  in 
a few  minutes  they  were  again  in  the  thick  of  the  fight. 

“ The  Hiyei  in  the  mean  time  had  been  receiving  the  fire  of 
two  powerful  Chinese  vessels.  She  was  manocuvered  skillfully 
and  returned  their  fire,  until  a shell  bursting  within  her  set  the 
woodwork  in  flames.  A second  shell  exploded  in  the  sick-bay, 
killing  a surgeon  and  his  assistant,  and  some  of  those  who  had 
been^wounded  earlier.  The  captain  was  compelled  to  run  her 
out  of  action,  to  extinguish  the  flames,  and  this  having  been 
accomplished  his  wounded  men  were  transferred  to  another  ship, 
and  he  steamed  once  more  into  line.  The  Yoshino  had  been 

fought  throughout  in  a magnifi- 
cent manner.  She  steamed  in 
advance  of  the  Hiyei  when  the 
latter  was  disabled  and  was  back- 
ing out  of  line.  She  took  the 
enemy’s  fire,  and  replied  with 
the  greatest  spirit.  She  was 
hit  frequently,  and  her  forward 
barbette  was  damaged,  but  her 
injuries  can  soon  be  repaired. 
The  Chinese  used  their  torpedo 
boats  at  times  and  incessant 
care  was  necessary  to  avoid 
their  projectiles.  On  our  war 
ship,  the  Akagi,  the  captain 
was  aloft  in  the  tops  watching  especially  for  torpedo  movements 
and  signalling  by  flags  directly  they  were  detected.  He  was 
in  this  position  when  the  mast  was  shot  away,  and  the  top- 
hamper  fell  with  a crash  upon  the  deck.  The  captain  and 
two  lookout  men  were  killed.  The  first  lieutenant  took  com- 
mand and  fought  the  ship  till  darkness  stopped  the  action. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  day  dense  smoke  was  seen  issuing  from 
the  war  ships  Ting- Yuen,  King-Yuen,  and  Ping- Yuen,  and  it  was 
believed  by  us  that  all  were  on  fire.  Great  confusion  prevailed 
on  board  them,  but  they  did  not  retire  from  action.  Firing  was 
still  kept  up  intermittently  on  the  Chinese  side,  though  the  guns 
of  many  of  their  ships  were  silenced.  At  sundown  the  Chinese 


H.  SAKOMOTO,  Commander  of  the 
Akagi 


WHEN  NIGHT  ENDED  THE  BATTLE. 


499 


squadron  was  in  full  retreat.  We  took  a parallel  course  intend- 
ing to  renew  the  battle  in  the  morning.  The  night  was  dark, 
the  speed  was  only  equal  to  that  of  our  slowest  damaged  ship, 
and  we  were  compelled  to  keep  at  some  distance  from  their 
course  on  account  of  their  torpedo  flotilla,  which  might  have 
attempted  a night  attack.  We  lost  sight  of  the  enemy  during 
the  night.  At  dawn  we  endeavored  to  discover  their  position, 
but  failed.  The  Chinese  squadron  must  have  reached  protected 
shelter.  Then  we  returned  to  the  scene  of  the  action,  and  found  | 
that  the  war  ship  Yang  Wei,  which  had  been  disabled  when  the 
battle  was  half  over,  had  been  run  ashore.  Her  crew  had 
abandoned  her.  We  fired  one  fish  torpedo  and  completed  her 
destruction.  This  was  the  only  torpedo  fired  by  the  Japanese 
either  in  the  action  or  after  it.” 

From  a concensus  of  the  opinions  of  eye  witnesses,  it  appears 
that  the  Chinese  were  at  least  as  anxious  to  continue  the  figbt  as 
were  the  Japanese.  Before  five  o’clock  the  Japanese  ceased  fir- 
ing. It  was  observed  that  the  distance  between  the  fleets  was 
rapidly  increasing  and  the  Chinese  failed  to  diminish  it.  The 
Chinese  then  saw  the  Japanese  change  course  in  a westerly  direc- 
tion towards  the  islands  of  Yang-tao  and  Hai-yung-tao.  The 
Celestials  followed  them  for  an  hour,  and  saw  the  course  changed 
again  to  a southerly  direction,  while  some  of  the  ships  of  the 
second  Japanese  division  that  had  vanished  earlier  in  the  fight 
now  joined  those  of  the  first.  By  this  time  nothing  but  the 
smoke  of  the  withdrawing  fleet  was  visible  and  the  Chinese 
returned.  They  were  joined  by  the  ships  which  had  been  partially 
disabled  but  were  still  in  condition  to  proceed,  and  altogether 
withdrew  towards  Port  Arthur.  A message  was  sent  to  the  trans- 
ports from  which  the  troops  had  disembarked  on  the  banks  of  the 
Yalu  river,  ordering  them  to  weigh  anchor  and  follow  the  fleet. 

It  is  evident  that  there  remained  room  for  each  side  to  claim 
the  victory  in  this  naval  battle.  The  Chinese  succeeded  in  dis- 
embarking the  troops,  which  was  the  avowed  object  of  their  expe- 
dition. They  fought  brilliantly,  inflicting  considerable  damage 
upon  their  opponents,  and  assert  that  the  battle  was  terminated 
against  their  will  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  Japanese  vessels. 

The  Mikado’s  men  on  the  other  hand,  destroyed  several  of  the 


500 


EACH  SIDE  CLAIMS  THE  YICTOKY. 


best  battle  ships  in  the  Chinese  navy  with  great  loss  of  life  to  the 
crews,  and  plead  that  the  Chinese  withdrew  from  them.  The 
truth  probably  is  that  each  fleet  was  so  damaged  and  the 
men  so  exhausted  with  the  long  contest  that  they  were  mutually 
willing  to  quit.  Inasmuch  as  casual  spectators  of  impartial  mind 
are  not  in  a position  to  observe  the  details  of  a battle  royal  of  this 
sort,  it  seems  that  the  decision  must  be  left  unsettled  except  as 
the  destruction  of  so  many  Chinese  vessels  may  be  certainly  cred- 
ited as  a victory  for  the  Japanese.  The  withdrawal  of  the 
Chinese  fleet  towards  Port  x\rthur,  and  its  previous  inactivity  seem 
to  be  partially  responsible  for  the  handing  over  of  Corea  to  the 
Japanese,  giving  them  first  the  advantage  of  possession  in  the 
invaded  country. 

The  peculiar  constitution  of  the  Chinese  navy  is  partially  an 
explanation  of  the  discipline  prevailing.  The  navy  is  not  prop- 
erly an  imperial  or  ev^en  a national  force.  The  four  fleets  are 
provincial  squadrons  raised,  equipped,  and  maintained  by  the 
viceroys  or  governors  of  the  maritime  provinces  to  which  they  are 
attached.  No  arrangement  could  possibly  be  more  unsuited  for  the 
purpose  of  naval  w'ar,  and  to  it  may  be  partially  attributed  the 
previous  inaction  of  the  Chinese  fleet  while  their  numerically 
inferior  antagonists  were  using  the  sea  at  will.  Stirred  up  at 
length,  doubtless  by  peremptory  orders  from  Peking,  the  Chinese 
admiral,  in  place  of  throwing  his  whole  strength  into  a decisive 
operation,  seems  to  have  committed  himself  to  a subsidiary  object- 
ive. Naval  history  teems  with  examples  of  the  drawbacks  that 
inevitably  result  from  being  thus  led  away.  To  have  attacked 
the  Japanese  when  convoying  troops  to  Chemulpo,  or  to  have 
fought  a naval  battle  at  Chemulpo  or  Ping-Yang  inlet  might  have 
led  to  important  results.  In  place  of  adopting  such  a course,  the 
Chinese  utilized  their  fleet  for  the  first  time  in  convoying  troops 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  river  in  the  north-east  corner  of  the  bay 
of  Corea.  The  great  difficulty  experienced  in  advancing  over- 
land from  Manchooria  doubtless  suggested  this  plan,  but  the 
object  at  best  was  purely  secondary.  And  with  the  fleet  scattered 
and  partially  destroyed  it  would  seem  that  the  troops,  both 
artillery  and  infantry,  with  their  stores  lauded  at  the  mouth  of 


COMPOSITION  OF  THE  JAPANESE  FLEET. 


501 


the  Yalu  river,  would  be  practically  helpless  so  far  from  support 
or  a base  of  supplies. 

The  Japanese  fleet  which  met  that  of  China  in  the  battle  of  the 
Yalu  river  was  composed  as  follows  : The  Matsusima,  Itsuku- 

sima  and  the  Hasidate,  each  of  four  thousand  two  hundred  and 
seventy-seven  tons  displacement  nnd  seventeen  and  one-half 
knots  ; The  Takachiho  and  the  Naniwa,  each  of  three  thousand  six 
hundred  and  fifty  tons,  and  eighteen  and  seven-tenths  knots ; the 
Akitsushima,  of  three  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  and 
Chiyoda,  of  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  and  each 
nineteen  knots  ; the  Yoshino,  of  four  thousand  one  hundred  and 
fifty  tons  and  twenty-three  knots ; the  Fuso,  three  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  eighteen  tons,  and  the  Hiyei,  two  thousand 
two  hundred  tons,  each  thirteen  knots ; the  Akagi  six  hundred 
and  fifteen  tons,  and  twelve  knots;  beside  the  Saikio  Maru,  a 
steam  packet  fitted  as  a cruiser  and  four  torpedo  boats.  It  will 
be  seen  that  in  numbers  the  fleets  were  about  equal.  But  in 
tonnage  the  Chinese  fleet  was  superior,  having  several  vessels 
larger  than  any  of  the  Japanese,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  speed 
of  the  Japanese  vessels  averaged  very  much  above  that  of  the 
Chinese.  The  armament  too  of  the  Japanese  fleet  was  superior  to 
that  of  the  Chinese,  being  composed  more  largely  of  quickfiring 
guns.  In  type  the  vessels  of  the  opposing  squadrons  differed  con- 
siderably. While  six  of  the  Chinese  ships  had  side  armor,  only  one 
Japanese  vessel  was  thus  protected ; and  while  ten  Chinese  ships 
had  protection  of  some  form,  only  eight  Japanese  carried  any 
armor. 

The  Japanese  had  the  advantage  of  their  opponents  in  speed, 
but  to  a less  extent  than  might  be  expected.  The  number  of 
knots  shown  for  each  ship  in  the  lists  was  of  course  the  best  pos- 
sible, and  is  equally  delusive  for  both  sides.  Notwithstanding, 
the  Japanese  had  so  much  the  greater  speed  that  they  were  able  to 
steam  around  their  opponents  to  some  extent.  There  are  some 
lessons  to  be  drawn  from  this  battle  by  those  who  have  wondered 
what  the  result  of  a contest  between  the  modern  war  ships  would 
be.  The  Chinese  made  one  attempt  to  ram,  and  discharged  one 
torpedo  from  a ship  and  three  from  a boat.  The  attempt  to  ram 
resulted  in  desperate  damage,  though  not  in  destruction  to  the 


502 


EXTENT  OF  DAMAGE  TO  BOTH  FLEETS. 


ship  attacked.  The  rammer  herself  was  afterwards  sunk,  it  was 
believed  by  gun  fire.  All  the  torpedoes  discharged  were  ineffec- 
tive. The  Japanese  tried  to  use  neither  the  ram  nor  the  torpedo. 
Beside  the  Chih-Yuen,  the  Lai-Yuen  and  Chao  Yung  were  sunk 
by  shot  and  the  Yang  Wei  was  run  aground  to  avoid  foundering 
in  deep  water.  The  Japanese  flag  ship  Matsusima  was  so  se- 
verely injured  that  Admiral  Ito  had  to  shift  his  flag  to  the  Hasi- 
date.  The  Hiyei  was  forced  out  of  action  for  a time,  and  the 
armed  packet  steamer  Saikio  Mam  had  to  go  out  of  action  alto- 
gether. The  mast  of  the  Akagi  was  shot  away,  and  by  the  fall 
killed  the  captain  and  two  men,  all  of  whom  were  on  the  top. 
Such  being  the  variety  of  the  ships  engaged,  important  lessons 
are  forthcoming  from  this  first  great  modern  naval  battle.  Many 
theories  fondly  beloved  and  eagerly  proclaimed  have  had  to  be 
abandoned  for  their  holders  to  fall  back  upon  the  old  and  well 
tested  principles  of  naval  war.  The  gun  has  maintained  its  posi- 
tion as  a weapon  to  which  all  others  are  merely  accessories.  The 
best  protection,  as  Farragut  pointed  out,  is  a powerful  and  well 
directed  fire.  Stupendous  losses,  unimaginable  destruction,  have 
been  confidently  predicted  as  a necessary  result  of  a naval 
battle  fought  with  modern  weapons.  This  did  not  prove  to  be 
the  case,  and  the  damage  inflicted  in  the  five  or  six  hours’  fight- 
ing at  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  might  have  occurred  in  the  days  of 
the  ’74s.  Allowance  must  be  made  for  the  probable  defects  in 
the  Chinese  gunnery  practice,  but  their  seamen  fought  like  heroes, 
and  greater  endurance  than  was  shown  on  either  side  can  never 
be  expected.  The  accuracy  of  naval  fire  is  always  over-estimated 
in  time  of  peace.  The  disablement  of  the  heavy  guns  of  the  Chen- 
Yuen  and  her  continued  fighting  with  her  light  armament  are  a 
useful  object  lesson.  This  vessel  like  many  others  was  built 
solely  with  a view  to  carry  her  four  thirty-seven  ton  guns.  The 
remaining  armament  was  doubtless  distributed  promiscuously  as 
space  offered.  Both  barbettes  were  quickly  disabled,  and  machin- 
ery gave  place  to  man  power.  On  board  ship,  as  on  land,  it  is  the 
man  who  ultimately  counts,  even  though  in  time  of  peace  he  is 
often  forgotten. 

From  this  survey  of  the  characteristics  of  the  two  fleets,  it  may 
be  perceived  that  each  fairly  represented  a different  principle. 


LESSONS  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  YALU. 


503 


The  principle  represented  by  the  Chinese  was  that  advocated  by 
the  school  which  puts  matter  above  mind,  for  their  fleet  contained 
the  biggest  ships,  the  less  numerous  but  heaviest  guns,  and  the 
most  extensive  torpedo  armament.  The  principle  of  which  the 
Japanese  may  be  taken  as  the  representative  is  that  of  a school 
which  appeals  to  history  and  experience,  and  not  to  theories 
evolved  out  of  the  inner  consciousness  of  people  without  practical 
knowledge  of  the  sea,  and  which  maintains  that  the  human  factor 
is  both  the  most  important  and  the  unchanging  factor  in  war,' 
wliich  must  in  its  broader  features  remain  much  what  it  has 
always  been. 

Whatever  the  claims  of  victory  made  by  the  opposing  forces,  the 
fact  remains  that  Admiral  Ito  stayed  at  sea  with  the  Japanese 
fleet  and  that  the  damages  were  repaired  as  fast  as  possible  on 
board  the  ships;  while  the  Chinese  went  into  port,  where  their 
repairs  could  be  made  in  safety  and  at  leisure.  Japan  unquestion- 
ably had  command  of  the  sea.  The  menace  which  operated  suc- 
cessfully in  the  early  stages  of  the  war  w as  changed  for  the  pres- 
tige of  a greal  moral  and  material  victory. 


JAPANESE  INFANTRY  ATTACKING  A CHINESE  POSITION. 


JAPAN’S  FORWARD  MOVEMENT  IN  COREA. 


Effects  of  the  Battles  of  Ping-Yang  and  the  Yalu  River— How  the  Two  Nations  Received 
the  News— Withdrawal  of  the  Chinese  Fleet— Armies  Moving  North  to  the  Boundary— Li  Hung 
Chang  Losing  His  Rank  and  Influence— Possible  Destination  of  the  New  Japanese  Army- 
Prince  Kung— Chinese  Driven  out  of  Several  Positions  in  the  North  of  Corea— Abandoning 
the  Peninsula— Danger  to  Foreigners  in  China— Captain  Von  Hannecken— The  Japanese 
Advance  into  Manchooria. 

The  effects  of  the  battles  of  Ping-Yang  and  the  Yalu  River  upon 
the  governments  and  peoples  of  the  two  belligerent  nations  were 
characteristic.  Japan  was  the  scene  of  rejoicings  most  hearty  in 
every  city  and  village  of  the  empire.  Congratulations  were  sent 
from  the  emperor  to  the  commanders  of  the  military  and  naval 
forces^  and  memorials  complimentary  to  them  were  voted  by  the 
Japanese  parliament.  Additional  levies  of  troops  were  made  and 
hurried  into  Corea,  with  the  intention  that  the  war  should  be 
prosecuted  with  renewed  vigor. 

In  China,  on  the  other  hand,  the  dazed  government  was  scarcely 
able  to  realize  what  had  happened.  Reports  were  made  to  the 
emperor  which  caused  him  to  declare  that  the  defeat  was  merely 
the  result  of  the  cowardice  of  his  commanders,  and  that  they 
must  be  punished  for  the  losses.  The  emperor  at  once  began  to 
contemplate  a change  of  counsellors,  and  the  dismissal  of  all 
mandarins  and  others  who  had  been  concerned  in  the  conduct  of 
the  war.  Li  Hung  Chang’s  position  in  imperial  favor  began  to 
waver.  The  captain  of  the  cruiser  Kwang  Kai  was  beheaded  for 
cowardice.  At  the  battle  of  the  Yalu  River  he  saw  one  of  the 
enemy’s  ships  approaching  to  attack  him,  and  immediately  turned 
and  fled  with  his  vessel  as  rapidly  as  possible.  He  intended  to 
escape  to  Port  Arthur,  but  as  he  was  endeavoring  to  shape  a 
course  thither  which  would  keep  him  out  of  range  of  the  enemy’s 
guns,  he  ran  die  vessel  ashore  and  she  became  a total  wreck. 

The  Coreans,  except  those  under  the  immediate  influence  of 
the  home  government,  were  not  yet  willing  to  accept  the  Japanesf‘. 
influence  for  that  of  China,  which  had  been  so  strong  throughout 


608 


AFTER  THE  PING-YANG  BATTLE. 


their  lives.  A body  of  two  thousand  Japanese  left  Fusan  just  be- 
fore the  battle  of  Ping-Yang,  to  march  to  Seoul.  Their  advance 
was,  however,  opposed  by  the  Coreans,  who  harassed  them  con- 
tinually by  a guerilla  warfare.  The  Japanese  lost  heavily,  and 
were  compelled  to  return  to  Fusan,  having  lost  nearly  half  of 
their  number.  Two  thousand  fresh  troops  were  immediately  sent 
to  that  port  from  Japan  to  guard  the  neighboring  settlements, 
where  some  three  thousand  Japanese  permanently  resided. 
Another  uprising  of  the  armed  Tonghaks,  whose  rebellion  had 
been  one  of  the  first  features  of  the  war,  was  apprehended. 

The  remnant  of  the  Chinese  fleet  sought  refuge  after  the  battle 
of  the  Yalu  river  under  the  protection  of  the  Port  Arthur  forts, 
where  they  were  soon  locked  up  by  Japanese  ships  which  pa- 
trolled the  neighboring  waters,  preventing  the  exit  of  Chinese 
vessels.  The  Chinese  army  defeated  at  Ping-Yang  fled  to  Wi-ju, 
at  the  apex  of  the  most  northerly  angle  of  the  Bay  of  Corea,  on 
the  Coreaii  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  River.  About  seven 
thousand  Chinese  troops  had  been  landed  there  from  the  trans- 
ports which  were  escorted  by  the  Chinese  squadron  engaged  in 
the  battle  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  The  governor  of  Manchooria 
began  to  concentrate  all  the  troops  raised  in  that  province  upon 
Mukden  and  the  route  between  that  city  and  Wi-ju,  and  extensive 
earthworks  were  thrown  up  along  the  road. 

It  was  believed  by  the  Chinese  that  Mukden  would  be  the 
scene  of  the  next  great  battle  of  the  war.  This  famous  Manchoo 
city  possessed  a political  and  dynastic  importance,  which  might 
easily  render  its  downfall  decisive  for  the  war,  irrespective  of  all 
strategic  considerations.  It  was  the  sacred  city  of  the  royal  house, 
the  ancestral  home  of  the  reigning  family  of  China.  It  contained 
the  tomb  of  many  of  the  emperor’s  august  ancestors,  and  accord- 
ingly was  invested  in  the  eyes  of  all  good  Chinamen  with  a halo 
of  sanctity  reflected  on  the  Lord  of  the  Dragon  Throne  himself. 
The  capture  of  the  city  in  which  so  many  sons  of  heaven  had 
found  sepulchres  would  be  accepted  throughout  the  empire  as  an 
omen  that  the  present  occupant  of  the  royal  seat  was  not  worthy 
of  divine  protection,  and  such  omens,  in  days  of  disastrous  wars, 
are  often  fulfilled  with  remarkable  celerity.  As  the  politicians 
about  the  court  were  perfectly  aware  of  ^what  the  consequences 


IMPORTANCE  OF  MUKDEN. 


609 


of  the  fall  of  Mukden  would  be,  it  was  natural  that  they  should 
take  every  precaution  to  prevent  such  a catastrophe.  Further- 
more, in  Mukden  the  Chinese  emperor  was  supposed  to  have  gold 
and  silver  accumulated  in  the  course  of  two  centuries,  to  the 
amount  of  $1,200,000,000. 

Mukden  is  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  Wi  ju,  with 
which  place  the  Manchoo  city  was  connected  by  a road,  compara 
tively  good  for  China,  as  it  had  been  the  main  route  to  Peking, 
and  even  the  Chinese  recognized  its  strategic  importance  by 
running  telegraph  wires  along  it.  It  is  easy  to  see  why  the 


Chinese  began  to  increase  the  fortifications  of  the  sacred  city,  and 
why  they  made  a stand  at  Wi-ju  in  the  hope  of  interrupting  the 
Japanese  advance. 

The  levies  of  troops  concentrating  upon  Wi-ju,  Mukden,  and 
the  intervening  territory  were  hardy  men  from  the  north,  of  ex- 
cellent material  to  be  worked  into  soldiers,  but  they  were  badly 
armed.  Only  about  four  thousand  had  good  rifles,  but  further 
supplies  were  being  hurried  up  from  the  southern  arsenals.  The 
Chinese  force  intrenched  upon  the  Yalu  River  was  about  thirty- 
eight  thousand,  including  the  troops  that  had  escaped  from  the 
Ping-Yang  defeat  to  fall  back  upon  Wi-ju.  Many  of  the  forces 


510 


LI  HUNG  CHANG  LOSING  POWER. 


which  they  found  there  were  also  raw  levies,  badly  armed.  The 
loss  of  field  guns,  rifles,  and  ammunition  at  Ping-Yang  greatly 
embarrassed  the  Chinese  war  department.  It  was  recognized  that 
a battle  must  be  fought  at  the  river,  and  it  was  earnestly  desired 
to  retrieve  the  disaster  of  Ping- Yang. 

It  was  immediately  after  the  series  of  defeats  in  Corea  that  the 
effort  began  to  be  made  by  the  enemies  of  Li  Hung  Chang  to  find 
a means  for  his  degradation.  Even  two  weeks  before  the  battle 
of  Ping-Yang,  the  government  at  Peking  a})pointed  two  officers 
to  act  as  censors  of  his  proceedings,  and  especially  of  his  conduct 
of  the  war.  One  of  these  officials  was  a notorious  enemy  of  the 
viceroy.  The  censors  at  first  contented  themselves  with  taking 
note  of  Li  Hung  Chang’s  actions  and  movements.  Immediately 
after  the  news  of  the  disaster  at  Ping- Yang  reached  Peking,  the 
emperor  was  persuaded  that  the  defeat  of  his  army  was  due  to  the 
mismanagement  of  the  viceroy.  The  intrigue  was  completely 
successful,  and  on  the  morning  of  September  18,  an  imperial  edict 
was  issued  depriving  Li  Hung  Chang  of  his  three-eyeil  peacock 
feather,  the  reason  assigned  for  the  disgrace  being  incapacity  and 
negligence  in  making  preparations  for  the  war.  Much  sympathy 
was  expressed  for  the  viceroy,  who  was  thus  made  the  scapegoat 
for  the  disasters.  The  real  responsibilit}*  rested  with  the  Tsung-li 
Yamen,  which  had  been  making  war  with  an  inadequate  force  in- 
efficiently organized  and  hampered  by  tradition.  Li  was  not  a 
member  of  the  Grand  Council,  but  it  was  sought  to  make  him 
responsible  for  its  blunders. 

Within  a few  days  after  the  Corean  engagements,  another 
Japanese  army  was  mobilized  at  Hiroshima  for  service  in  the 
field.  The  destination  of  this  fresh  expeditionary  force  of  thirty 
thousand  men  was  kept  a secret,  nothing  being  known  except 
that  another  effective  blow  was  contemplated  by  General  Kawa- 
kami,  the  Von  Moltke  of  Japan.  The  sea-going  fleet  of  China 
was  practically  paralyzed  for  the  time,  and  the  Japanese  were 
free  to  transport  a force  in  any  direction.  The  island  of  Hai- 
yung-tao,  in  Corea  Bay,  had  been  made  a coaling  station  lor  the 
Japanese  fleet,  thus  enabling  the  Japanese  torpedo  boats  to  keep 
a constant  watch  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili  and  secure 
advance  warning  of  offensive  or  defensive  operations.  It  was  be- 


CllINKSlO  'I'ROOPS  I-'LVINC  TO  SAVE  'I'lIKIR  ARTILLERY. 


NEW  JAPANESE  ARMIES  PREPARING. 


513 


lieved  that  Count  Yamagata  favored  an  attack  upon  Niuchwang 
from  the  sea.  This  city  in  the  possession  of  the  Japanese  would 
form  a base  for  a movement  upon  Mukden  or  upon  Peking  itself, 
and  the  forces  landed  there  could  co-operate  with  the  army 
advancing  from  Corea.  A second  possible  destination  for  the 


new  force  was  Peking  itself.  It  was  believed  that  an  army  of 
that  size  could  reach  the  capital  by  disembarking  at  a point  on 
the  coast  about  half  way  between  Taku,  the  city  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Peiho  River,  on  which  Peking  is  situated,  and  Niu-chwang. 

The  third  alternative  was  an  expedition  to  Formosa.  The 
island  had  hitherto  remained  outside  the  sphere  of  operations,  and 
25 


614 


IN  THE  INTEREST  OF  HUMANITY. 


Chinese  troops  from  the  southern  provinces  liad  been  transported 
there  in  considerable  number.  This  movement  of  forces  had  been 
interrupted  only  by  the  wreck  of  one  steamer,  and  the  necessary 
caution  required  to  avoid  a collision  with  Japanese  cruisers, 
which  at  times  patrolled  that  portion  of  the  China  sea.  There 
were  probably  fifteen  thousand  men  in  the  island,  drawn  in  part 
from  tlie  Black  Flags,  and  excellent  in  quality,  but  lacking  in 
military  training  and  even  arms  and  equipment.  The  natural 
wealth  of  Formosa  was  known  to  be  considerable,  and  its  geogra- 
phical position  from  a commercial  point  of  view  immensely  im- 
portant, so  that  there  were  good  reasons  to  believe  this  a possible 
destination  for  the  forces. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  general  order  issued  by  the  Japanese 
minister  of  war  September  22,  to  the  troops  which  were  about  to 
take  the  field,  and  to  the  others  which  were  already  in  active 
service.  It  went  far  to  prove  to  the  civilized  world,  whose  eyes 
were  upon  the  operations  of  the  war,  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the 
Japanese  authorities  to  conduct  their  hostilities  with  as  much 
consideration  for  the  humanities  as  is  ever  possible  in  war.  The 
order  was  as  follows : 

“ Belligerent  operations  being  properly  confined  to  the  military 
and  naval  forces  actually  engaged,  and  there  being  no  reason 
whatever  for  enmity  between  individuals  because  their  countries 
are  at  war,  the  common  principles  of  humanitj’  dictate  that  succor 
and  rescue  should  be  extended,  even  to  those  of  the  enemy’s 
forces  who  are  disabled  either  by  wounds  or  disease.  In  obedience 
to  these  principles,  civilized  nations  in  time  of  peace  enter  into 
conventions  to  mutually  assist  disabled  persons  in  time  of  war, 
without  distinction  of  friend  or  foe.  This  human  union  is  called 
the  Geneva  convention,  or  more  commonly  the  Red  Cross  associa- 
tion. Japan  became  a party  to  it  in  June,  1886,  and  her  soldiers 
have  already  been  instructed  that  they  are  bound  to  treat  with 
kindness  and  helpfulness  such  of  their  enemies  as  may  be  disabled 
by  wounds  or  disease.  China  not  having  joined  any  such  conven- 
tion, it  is  possible  that  her  soldiers,  ignorant  of  these  enlightened 
principles,  may  subject  diseased  or  wounded  Japanese  to  merciless 
treatment.  Against  such  contingencies,  the  Japanese  troops  must 
be  on  their  guard.  But  at  the  same  time  they  must  never  forget 


IN  THE  INTEREST  OF  HUMANITY. 


515 


that  however  cruel, and  vindictive  the  foe  may  show  himself,  he 
must  nevertheless  be  treated  in  accordance  with  the  acknowledged 
rules  of  civilization,  his  disabled  succored,  his  captured  kindly 
and  considerately  protected.  It  is  not  alone  to  those  disabled  by 
wounds  or  sic'kness  that  merciful  and  gentle  treatment  should  be 
extended.  Similar  treatment  is  also  due  to  those  who  offer  no 
resistance  to  our  arms;  even  the  body  of  a dead  enemy  should  be 
treated  with  respect.  We  cannot  too  much  admire  the  course 
pursued  by  a certain  western  nation  which  in  handing  over  the 
body  of  an  enemy’s  general,  complied  with  all  the  rites  and  cere- 


monies suitable  to  the  rank  of  the  dead  man.  Japanese  soldiers 
should  always  bear  in  mind  the  gracious  benevolence  of  their 
august  sovereign,  and  should  not  be  more  anxious  to  display 
courage  than  to  exercise  charity.  They  have  now  an  opportunity 
to  afford  practical  proof  of  the  value  they  attach  to  these  princi- 
ples.” 

At  the  very  time  that  these  actions  were  occurring  in  Japan, 
measures  of  increased  severity  were  being  taken  in  China  to 
punish  those  who  were  supposed  to  be  responsible  for  the  defeat. 
The  emperor  and  his  counsellors  were  in  a state  of  alternate  terror 


516 


MORE  ATTACKS  ON  THE  VICEROY’S  ABILITY. 


ami  indignation,  at  the  break  down  of  the  war  arrangements  and 
the  possibility  of  a Japanese  invasion.  The  emperor  declared  that 
the  recent  defeats  could  only  have  been  caused  by  incompetence, 
or  corruption,  or  both,  among  those  charged  with  the  conduct  of 
tlie  war,  and  the  enemies  of  Li  Hung  Chang  sedulously  encouraged 
this  mood.  The  viceroy  himself  remained  to  all  appearances  en- 
tirely unmoved.  He  made  no  preparation  to  proceed  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  army  in  the  field  as  it  had  been  reported  he  would 
do,  and  it  was  believed  that  he  would  not  leave  Tien-tsin  as  long 
as  his  enemy  had  the  ear  of  the  emperor. 

As  Chinese  fortunes  went  down,  and  admirals  and  generals  and 
princes  lost  their  high  standing  in  the  good  graces  of  the  emperor, 
other  officials  rose  in  favor  to  take  their  place.  The  personality 
of  some  of  these  men  is  peculiarly  interesting  because  of  the  inti- 
mate connection  and  high  authority  they  had  from  this  time  in  the 
conduct  of  the  w^ar. 

On  the  30th  of  September  an  imperial  decree  was  issued,  ap- 
pointing Prince  Kung,  the  emperor’s  uncle,  and  the  presidents  of 
the  Tsung-li  Y^amen  and  the  Admiralty,  as  a special  committee  to 
conduct  the  war  operations  in  co-operation  with  Li  Hung  Chang. 

Prince  Kung,  whose  proper  title  was  Kung  tsin-wang,  or  the 
Reverend  Kindred  Prince,  whom  the  emperor  of  China  brought 
back  to  honor  from  retirement  and  disgrace  by  appointing  him 
CO -director  with  Li  Hung  Chang  of  the  war  arrangements,  was  a 
man  who  in  the  past  had  played  a very  important  part  in  the 
liistory  of  China.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  he  was  some  sixty- 
three  years  of  age,  having  been  born  about  1831.  He  was  a 
man  of  great  vigor  and  determination  of  character,  and  was  pos- 
sessed of  abilities  of  a very  high  order.  Prince  Kung  was  the 
sixth  son  of  Emperor  Tankwang,  who  died  in  1850.  His  personal 
name,  which  was  used  only  by  his  family,  was  Y'ih-hu,  while  the 
people  called  him  Wu-ako,  or  the  Fifth  Elder  Brother.  Prince 
Kung  came  to  the  front  first  in  1860,  when  Emperor  Hien  Feng 
the  son  of  Tankwang  fled  from  Peking,  on  the  advance  of  the 
allied  armies  of  Great  Britain  and  France.  At  this  critical 
moment  the  former  returned  to  the  capital,  assumed  the  reins  of 
government,  and  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  allies. 
Having  accepted  their  ultimatum,  he  surrendered  the  northeast 


5 


\ 

S 


REVIEW  OF  CHINESE  TROOPS  AT  PORT  ARTHUR. 


SAVING  THE  MANCHOO  DYNASTY. 


519 


gate,  which  commanded  the  city,  on  October  13,  and  eleven  days 
later  the  treaty  of  Peking  was  signed  by  him  and  Lord  Elgin. 

The  following  year  Emperor  Hien  Feng  died,  leaving  a son  as 
heir,  whose  age  was  only  five  years.  Four  of  Prince  Knng’s  elder 
brothers  were  already  dead,  and  the  fifth  had  lost  his  position  in 
Emperor  Tankwang’s  household  by  being  adopted  into  the  family 
of  another  emperor.  There  w^as  thus  no  one  to  claim  precedence 
of  him  as  the  first  prince  of  blood  royal,  during  the  minority  of 
Tung-chi,  the  new  emperor.  A conspiracy  had,  howeve  ,'  been 
formed  against  him,  wdth  which  he  found  it  necessary  to  grapple 
immediately.  The  late  emperor  had  left  the  administration  of 
affairs  practically  in  the  hands  of  a council  of  eight,  of  whom 
Prince  1 was  at  the  head.  This  council  had  decided  upon  a plan 
of  action  for  seizing  the  reins  of  power.  They  proposed  to  ob- 
tain possession  of  the  emperor’s  person,  to  put  the  empress-regents 
out  of  the  way,  and  to  kill  Prince  Kung  and  his  two  surviving 
brothers.  Prince  Kung,  however,  was  not  to  be  found  napping. 
Having  received  new^s  of  the  plot,  he  at  once  took  measures  to 
prevent  its  successful  accomplishment,  by  carrying  off  the  young 
emperor  to  Peking.  The  conspirators  were  then  arrested  and 
brought  to  trial.  The  Princes  I and  Chin,  being  of  the  blood 
royal,  were  permitted  to  take  the  “ happy  dispatch.”  The  rest  of 
the  conspirators  were  either  beheaded  or  banished.  Thus  did 
Prince  Kung  save  from  destruction  the  reigning  dynasty  of 
China. 

For  his  great  services  he  was  at  once  proclaimed  “ Eegent 
Prince,”  and  in  conjunction  with  the  two  empress-regents  assumed 
the  government  of  China.  He  immediately  adopted  a vigorous 
policy  in  dealing  with  the  Tai-Ping  rebels,  which  was  crowmed 
wdth  success.  After  Colonel  Gordon’s  capture  of  Suchow,  at  the 
head  of  his  ever  victorious  army.  Prince  Kung  bestowed  upon  him 
a medal  and  ten  thousand  taels,  which  were  refused.  Prince  Kung 
also  successfully  put  down  the  Mohammedan  rising  in  Yun-nan 
and  Kan-pu,  and  opened  up  diplomatic  intercourse  with  European 
powers.  Prince  Kung’s  determination  not  to  accept  the  gun- 
boats purchased  in  1861  nearly  led  to  serious  results,  and  cost 
England  $5,000,000.  This  crucial  period  was  followed  by  another 
in  1870  when  the  Tien-tsin  massacre  occurred.  In  all  these  events 


620 


RETREAT  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


Prince  Kung  showed  that  he  possessed  the  gifts  of  a great  states- 
man. When  Emperor  Tung-chi  died  childless  in  1875,  the  choice 
of  a successor  to  the  dragon  throne  lay  between  Tsai-ching,  the 
son  of  Prince  Kung,  and  Tsai-tien,  the  son  of  Prince  Chun,  his 
younger  brother.  As  the  election  of  the  former  would  have  com- 
pelled the  retirement  of  Prince  Kung  from  active  participation  in 
the  government  of  China,  and  as  a continuance  of  his  services  was 
a matter  of  absolute  necessity  for  his  countr}%  Tsai-ching  was 
passed  over  in  favor  of  Tsai-tien,  a child  of  only  four  years  of  age, 
who  adopted  the  name  of  Kwang-Su,  or  illustrious  successor. 
Prince  Kung,  however,  continued  to  act  as  regent  of  the  country. ^ 
The  present  emperor  assumed  the  reigns  of  power  in  1887,  and 
subsequently  he  dismissed  with  disgrace  the  man  whom  he  was 
afterwards  pleased  to  honor,  and  who  had  rendered  to  China  and 
the  reigning  dynasty  such  services  as  ought  never  to  be  for- 
gotten. 

When  the  Chinese  fled  from  Ping-Yang  towards  Wi-ju  they  left 
behind  them  nearly  a million  dollars  in  treasure,  thirty-six  guns, 
two  thousand  tents,  one  thousand  three  hundred  horses,  and  a 
considerable  quantity  of  rice  and  other  stores.  Hard  pressed  by 
the  pursuing  Japanese,  they  abandoned  their  remaining  four  guns 
at  An-ju,  a town  some  seventy-five  miles  north  of  Ping-Yang. 
Thirty  miles  farther  on,  at  Chong-ju,  an  important  provincial 
town,  they  made  a temporary  halt,  having  received  orders  to  hold 
the  place  pending  the  arrival  of  large  reinforcements  from  the 
north.  But  the  pursuit  was  too  hot,  and  Chong-ju  was  evacuated 
without  fighting.  The  next  stand  attempted  to  be  made  was  at 
Ngan,  where  the  troops  were  reinforced  by  orders  from  Shin- 
King,  the  province  in  which  Mukden  is  situated.  For  a few  days 
it  was  prophesied  that  the  decisive  battle  of  the  war  would  be 
fought  there,  but  the  Chinese  again  abandoned  their  position  and 
fell  back  upon  Kaichan. 

The  Japanese  army,  while  pushing  forward  towards  Manchooria, 
showed  the  greatest  consideration  in  their  dealings  with  the 
Coreans,  and  any  attempt  at  robbery  or  outrage  on  the  part  of 
the  soldiery  was  most  severely  punished.  The  private  soldiers 
were  under  the  strictest  orders  to  pay  cash  for  everything  that 
they  obtained  from  the  natives,  and  pains  were  taken  to  see  that 


RETREAT  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


521 


they  should  carry  out  their  instructions.  The  result  was  that  the 
Coreans  began  to  appreciate  that  the  Japanese  were  better  friends 
to  them  than  were  the  Chinese.  The  latter  had  been  very  severe 
in  their  exactions  of  supplies  from  the  populace,  and  even  though 


the  Corean  sympathies  had  been  with  the  Chinese,  the  common 
people  objected  to  the  expense  of  quartering  the  army  without 
recompense. 

On  the  4th  of  October  the  main  portion  of  the  advance 


522 


JAPANESE  MASTERS  OF  COREA. 


Japanese  column  reached  Yong-chon,  a little  to  the  south  of  Wi- 
jii,  after  the  difficult  marcli  from  Ping-Yang,  retarded  by  an  ex- 
tensive commissariat  department  and  many  guns.  No  sign  of  the 
enemy  was  reported  at  this  place.  Four  days  later,  scouts  re- 
p >rted  that  a small  Chinese  force  still  occupied  Wi-ju,  and  a de- 
tach inent  of  Japanese  infantry  and  cavalry  was  thrown  forward, 
supported  by  light  artillery,  to  dislodge  them.  The  Chinese  of- 
fered but  a slight  resistance  and  fled  precipitately  before  the 
smart  attack.  Anally  succeeding  in  getting  across  the  Yalu.  The 
larger  body  of  Chinese  troops  had  withdrawn  across  the  river  be- 
fore this  time,  so  that  the  forces  remaining  in  Corea  numbered 
not  more  than  two  thousand.  Their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded 
probably  did  not  exceed  one  hundred.  Wi-ju  was  occupied  by 
the  Japanese  on  the  same  day,  and  on  the  day  after  they  began  a 
reconnoissance  which  revealed  the  fact  that  the  Chinese  were 
still  in  force  in  the  northern  bank  of  the  river.  Eight  intrenched 
batteries  were  discovered,  and  the  enemy  were  rapidly  throwing 
up  fresh  earthworks  and  building  new  batteries.  Obviously  the 
next  fight  was  to  be  expected  at  this  place,  and  if  the  Chinese 
held  their  grounds  it  would  be  a sanguinary  one. 

Marshal  Yamagata  still  maintained  his  base  at  Ping-Yang,  as 
being  more  convenient  for  securing  his  supplies  by  sea,  while 
General  Nodzu  remained  in  advance  with  the  forces.  The  Jap- 
anese line  of  communication  was  now  complete  throughout 
Corea,  a sufficient  number  of  troops  being  scattered  through  the 
peninsula  at  Fusan,  Asan,  Chemulpo,  Seoul,  Gensan,  and  Ping- 
Yang  to  guard  against  any  hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  natives, 
and  to  make  reinforcement  by  land  safe.  The  government  of 
Wi-ju  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a Japanese  officer  acting  as 
special  commissioner.  The  field  telegraph  was  established  in 
working  order  within  two  days  after  the  capture  of  the  place,  and 
a regular  courier  service  to  the  rear  was  inaugurated  at  once. 

At  the  same  time  two  or  three  detached  revolts  were  in  prog- 
ress, the  most  important  one  being  that  of  the  Togakuto  rebels 
in  the  province  of  Kiung-sang.  These  rebels  were  still  in  arms 
and  in  the  mountain  fastnesses  it  was  hard  to  get  near  them. 
They  had  with  them  fifty  Chinese  soldiers  who  escaped  when  the 
Chinese  were  defeated  at  Asan  and  then  joined  the  rebels.  Those 


ON  THE  BANKS  OF  THE  YALU. 


623 


wlio  had  taken  up  arms  against  the  corrupt  Corean  officials  in  the 
Province  of  Chung-chong  had  been  dispersed,  however,  and  the 
more  formidable  ones  were  now  being  gradually  hemmed  in. 

When  the  middle  of  October  came,  the  two  armies  were  still 
facing  each  other  on  the  banks  of  the  Yalu.  The  Chinese  had 
not  yet  fired  a shot  but  kept  at  work  night  and  day  improving 
the  natural  advantages  of  their  position.  On  the  Japanese  side 
there  was  no  desire  unduly  to  hurry  the  figliting.  Marshal  Yama- 
gata  choosing  to  wait  for  his  heavier  artillery  and  supplies  before 
attacking.  Spies  kept  him  admirably  informed  as  to  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy,  their  defenses,  and  their  artillery.  They 
estimated  the  total  strength  of  the  Chinese  massed  along  the 
north  bank  of  the  Yalu  as  between  twenty-five  and  thirty  thou- 
sand. 

While  the  two  armies  are  thus  facing  one  another  across  the 
Yalu  River,  the  Chinese  having  been  driven  from  their  last  foot- 
hold in  Corea,  let  us  turn  to  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  capitals 
of  the  two  nations.  The  enemies  of  Li  Hung  Chang  in  Peking 
were  busy  in  their  efforts  to  cast  disgrace  upon  him.  Sheng,  the 
taotai  or  chief  magistrate  of  Tien-tsin,  fell  into  disgrace  and  it 
was  immediately  alleged  that  he  was  a nephew  of  Li  Hung 
Chang’s  and  that  the  latter  was  probably  a sharer  in  the  results 
of  his  dishonesty.  Just  before  the  war  broke  out  Sheng  was 
commissioned  to  purchase  arms  and  ammunition  for  the  imperial 
troops,  to  be  distributed  to  them  as  they  arrived  from  the  inter- 
ior on  the  way  to  Corea.  Rifles  and  cartridges  were  duly  pur- 
chased, and  nearly  all  were  served  out  to  the  troops.  As  soon  as 
they  were  put  to  the  test  of  actual  service  they  were  found  to  be 
almost  worthless.,  and  strong  complaints  were  sent  to  Peking  and 
Tien-tsin.  Li  Hung  Chang  himself  conducted  an  inquiry,  and 
learned  therefrom  that  Sheng  bought  from  German  agents  three 
hundred  thousand  rifles  of  obsolete  pattern,  part  of  the  discarded 
weapons,  in  fact,  of  more  than  one  European  army.  The  con- 
tract price  of  these  rifles  as  between  Sheng  and  the  German 
sellers  was  two  taels  each,  but  the  price  charged  by  Sheng  to  the 
imperial  treasury  was  nine  taels  each.  The  cartridges  were  of 
very  inferior  quality  and  of  various  pattern,  and  Sheng  made  a 
large  profit  on  them  also.  After  Sheng’s  guilt  was  proven  upon 


524 


EXIT  OF  FOREIGNERS. 


him  by  the  viceroy,  he  retired  to  his  palace  and  for  a time  was 
seen  no  more  in  public.  It  was  stated  semiofficially  that  he  ap- 
plied for  and  was  granted  leave  of  absence  on  the  ground  of  ill 
health.  But  a few  days  later  it  was  reported  that  he  was  again 
enjoying  the  authority  of  his  office,  having  been  sustained  against 
Li’s  wishes  by  some  of  the  viceroy’s  enemies.  Li’s  enemies  be- 
came bolder  and  bolder.  Placards  denouncing  him  as  the  cause 
of  China’s  troubles  were  posted  on  the  walls  of  Tien-tsin  and 
children  in  the  streets  sang  doggerel  songs  ridiculing  and  insult- 
ing the  great  viceroy. 

The  foreigners  resident  in  Peking  and  Tien-tsin  became  very 
restless  under  the  impending  invasion  of  China  by  the  Japanese. 
'Assaults  on  foreigners  in  Peking  and  its  environs,  which  have 
been  of  constant  occurrence  during  the  last  ten  years,  increased 
in  frequency  and  gravity.  Several  English  and  American  fami- 
lies withdrew  to  Shanghai  because  of  the  prevalence  of  street 
rowdyism.  Tien-tsin  was  full  of  troops  from  the  interior,  but 
nearly  all  of  them  were  the  merest  rabble,  wretchedly  clad,  muti- 
nous through  lack  of  pay  and  insufficient  rations,  and  useless  for 
real  war  because  of  their  antiquated  weapons.  Their  continued 
presence  in  Tien-tsin  was  a distinct  danger  alike  to  Chinese  and 
Europeans.  An  imperial  edict  published  in  Peking  assumed  full 
responsibility  for  the  protection  of  foreign  residents,  denounced 
rowdyism,  and  ordered  the  punishment  of  certain  culprits  who  had 
assaulted  travelers.  It  assured  the  strangers  the  protection  of 
their  persons  and  their  property,  and  was  especially  favorable  to 
missionaries.  The  whole  tone  of  the  edict  was  considered  highly 
satisfactory,  and  yet  the  government  had  failed  to  punish  those 
who  were  responsible  for  the  assaults  and  had  taken  no  cogni- 
zance of  the  murder  of  a missionary,  except  to  permit  the  governor 
of  the  province  where  the  crime  was  committed  to  retain  his  high 
position. 

A rebellion  broke  out  in  the  district  of  Jeho,  in  the  province  of 
Chihli  early  in  October,  consequent  on  the  rumored  invasion  of 
the  Japanese.  The  imperial  summer  residence  was  in  this  city. 
Another  Chinese  rebellion  broke  out  in  the  province  of  Hoopih 
about  one  hundred  miles  from  Hankow.  The  local  authorities 
attempted  to  quell  the  first  rising  but  failed.  Some  of  their  sol- 


REBELLIONS  IN  CHINA. 


525 


diers  were  killed  and  others  joined  the  rebels.  Two  mandarins 
lost  their  lives.  In  consequence  of  the  urgent  demands  of  the  im- 
perial autliorities  the  province  had  been  quite  denuded  of  troops 
and  there  was  practically  no  means  at  the  command  of  the  author- 
ities to  keep  them  in  check.  The  Europeans  at  Hankow  were 
seriously  alarmed  and  many  of  them  withdrew  to  Shanghai. 

The  emperor  of  China,  early  in  October,  began  to  take  the  initi- 
ative, attempting  to  infuse  new  energy  into  the  national  defense. 
It  was  indeed  reported  that  he  had  disguised  himself,  and  in  per-| 
son  visited  Tien-tsin,  accompanied  only  by  a few  trusted  servants, 
in  order  to  see  for  himself  what  was  going  on,  and  particularly  to 
learn  the  truth  as  to  tlie  alleged  incapacity  of  Li  Hung  Chang  to 
carry  on  the  arrangements  for  the  war.  It  was  not,  however,  the 
emperor  who  made  the  journey  in  disguise,  but  his  former  tutor 
and  trusted  adviser  Weng  Toung  Ho,  the  President  of  the  Board 
of  Revenue,  or  Finance  Department.  He  also  went  to  Port 
Arthur,  Wei-hai-wei,  and  other  places,  and  thoroughly  informed 
himself  of  the  state  of  affairs,  civil,  naval,  and  military.  On  re- 
turning to  Peking  he  made  an  exhaustive  report  to  the  emperor, 
upon  which  the  latter  immediately  began  to  take  more  interest  in 
public  affairs.  He  declined  to  sign  documents  until  they  had  been 
previously  read  and  explained  to  him,  and  called  for  special  re- 
ports from  the  naval  and  military  commanders.  His  next  act  was 
to  summon  to  Peking  the  viceroys  and  governors  of  provinces,  to 
receive  from  them  accounts  of  the  steps  taken  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  the  imperial  government,  and  to  obtain  from  them 
their  views  as  to  the  state  of  affairs.  It  was  believed  however  by 
foreigners  most  able  to  judge  that  throughout  all  these  actions  the 
dowager  empress  of  China  was  the  active,  power  in  control.  It 
was  also  believed  that  she  was  really  a friend  to  Li  Hung  Chang, 
and  that  he  would  not  suffer  ultimate  destruction  unless  she  turned 
against  him. 

Another  important  action  taken  by  the  emperor  was  to  confer 
the  highest  grade  of  the  Order  of  the  Double  Dragon  upon  Captain 
Von  Hannecken  for  his  services  at  the  naval  battle  of  the  Yalu 
River  and  to  place  him  under  practically  sole  control  of  the  naval 
forces  of  China. 

Constantine  von  Hannecken,  the  German  officer  who  was  put 


526 


CONSTANTINE  VON  HANNECKEN. 


in  supreme  control  of  what  was  left  of  the  Chinese  navy,  had 
already  seen  a great  deal  of  service  in  the  war  with  Japan  before 
his  promotion  to  that  post.  He  was  on  board  the  Kow-shing  when 
she  was  overhauled  and  sunk  by  the  Japanese  cruiser  Naniwa- 
Kan,  with  a loss  of  more  than  a thousand  Chinese  soldiers.  Von 
Hannecken  was  left  struggling  in  the  water  when  the  Kow-shing 
sank,  but  had  the  rare  good  fortune  to  be  picked  up  by  a boat. 
Still  more  recently  he  was  high  in  command  of  the  Chinese  fleet 
at  the  disastrous  battle  of  the  Yalu  River.  He  was  slightly 
wounded  but  was  soon  ready  for  action  again.  This  brave  man  was 
born  in  Wiesbaden,  German}^,  in  1854,  and  was  a son  of  the  late 


CONSTANTINE  VON  HANNECKEN. 

Wei-hai-wei  were  built  under  his  personal  direction.  He  was 
rapidly  promoted  to  the  highest  military  places  within  the  gift  of 
Li  Hung  Chang  and  the  government,  and  received  buttons, 
feathers,  and  jackets  galore. 

About  a year  before  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  having  grown  rich 
in  the  service  of  the  dragon  throne,  he  resigned  from  the  Chinese 
army  and  returned  to  his  home  in  Germany.  After  a stay  of  a 
few  months  he  sailed  again  for  China  with  the  intention  of  settling 
his  affairs  there  and  retiring  to  Germany.  The  war  with  Japan 
changed  this  plan,  and  he  promptly  reentered  the  service  of  China. 


Lieutenant  General  von  Han- 
necken. He  served  the  usual 
term  in  the  German  army,  and 
in  1879  went  to  Cliina,  where 
he  was  soon  high  in  favor 
with  Li  Hung  Chang.  He 
mastered  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage in  a single  year.  His 
technical  military  knowledge, 
amiability,  and  tact,  gained 
for  him  the  position  of  per- 
sonal adjutant  to  Li  Hung 
Chang,  with  a large  salary. 
He  devoted  much  of  his  time 
to  the  construction  of  bridges 
and  forts,  and  the  fortifica- 


'I  HE  ATTACK  ON  PORT  ARIHUR. 
Taiianese  Drawing. 


1 


JAPANESE  DIET  IN  SESSION. 


629 


Admiral  Ting  and  Captain  Von  Hannecken  visited  Wei-hai-wei 
to  examine  its  defenses,  and  satisfied  themselves  that  the  harbor 
was  practically  impregnable  from  the  sea.  Japanese  war  vessels 
continually  patrolled  all  parts  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  and  were  fre- 
quently seen  from  Port  Arthur,  Chefoo  and  Wei-hai-wei.  The 
Japanese  fleet  was  also  sighted  several  times  ten  miles  off  Shan- 
hai-kwan,  less  than  two  hundred  miles  from  Peking. 

The  main  body  of  the  Chinese  army  was  now  entrenched  in  a 
strong  position  protected  by  a line  of  rectangular  forts  newly  con- 
structed across  the  northeast  border  of  the  province  of  Chihli. 
The  Manchoos  were  held  in  reserve  nearer  Tien-tsin  than  Peking. 
Sung  Kwei,  the  emperor’s  father-in-law,  was  in  command  of  five 
thousand  picked  Manchoo  soldiers  at  Shan-hai-kwan,  which  was  a 
city  of  great  strategic  importanccv  the  starting  point  of  a great 
highroad  to  Peking  from  the  coast. 

General  Sung,  formerly  commander  of  Port  Arthur,  was  ap- 
pointed to  be  Generalissimo  of  the  Pei-Yang  ai’my  corps  in  man- 
chooria  and  Chief  Commander  of  the  Manchoo  levies,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Kirin  division,  which  remained  under  the  command 
of  the  Tartar  general.  The  Chinese  headquarters  were  established 
at  Chiu-lien-tcheng.  Generals  Yeh  and  Wei  were  degraded  by 
imperial  edict. 

On  the  15th  of  October  the  newly-elected  Japanese  Diet  met 
for  a short  preliminary  session  at  Hiroshima,  where  the  mikado 
had  established  his  headquarters.  The  election  of  officers  was  im- 
mediately proceeded  with,  Mr.  Kusumoto  being  chosen  president, 
and  Mr.  Shimada  vice-president.  The  formal  opening  of  the  Par- 
liament took  place  two  days  later.  The  mikado  in  his  speech  an- 
nounced that  he  had  decided  to  convene  an  extraordinary  session, 
and  had  given  direction  to  his  ministers  to  submit  for  the  deliber- 
ation of  the  Diet  a bill  providing  for  increased  expenditure  for  the 
army  and  navy,  which  was  an  important  matter.  His  Majesty  de- 
clared that  he  was  greatly  pained  that  China  should  have  forgot- 
ten her  duties  in  regard  to  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  the  east 
in  conjunction  with  Japan,  she  having  brought  about  the  present 
state  of  affairs.  “ However,”  proceeded  the  emperor,  “ as  hostili- 
ties have  begun  we  shall  not  stop  until  we  have  obtained  our  ut- 
most objects.”  In  conclusion.  His  Majesty  expressed  the  hope 


530 


FUNDS  FOR  THE  WAR. 


that  all  subjects  of  the  empire  would  co-operate  with  the  govern- 
ment, in  order  to  promote  the  restoration  of  peace  by  means  of 
the  great  triumph  of  the  Japanese  arms. 

The  president  of  the  two  chambers  of  the  Diet  presented  an  ad- 
dress in  reply  to  the  speech  from  the  throne,  thanking  the  mikado 
for  advancing  the  imperial  standard  and  for  personally  assuming 
the  direction  of  the  war.  The  victories  which  had  been  secured 
by  the  Japanese  arms  by  land  and  sea  were  the  natural  result. 
The  address  in  conclusion  said  : “ His  Majesty  rightly  considers 
China  the  enemy  of  civilization.  We  will  comply  with  the  impe- 
rial desire  to  destroy  the  barbarous  obstinacy  of  that  power.” 

In  the  House  of  Peers,  on  October  19,  Count  Ito,  the  premier, 
made  an  elaborate  speech  in  support  of  the  government  measures 
for  meeting  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  defended  Japan  against 
the  charge  of  having  precipitated  the  hostilities.  He  narrated  in 
detail  the  circumstances  which  had  led  up  to  the  war,  and  read  the 
correspondence  which  had  passed  between  the  mikado’s  govern- 
ment and  the  authorities  at  Peking,  before  the  rupture  of  diplo- 
matic relations.  The  premier’s  statement  made  a great  impression, 
and  intensified  the  keenly  patriotic  feeling  manifested  by  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Diet,  not  a dissenting  voice  being  raised  against  the 
ministerial  bills.  The  following  day  the  war  budget  of  150,000,- 
000  yen  passed  both  houses  unanimously.  This  was  the  most  im- 
portant part  of  the  proceedings  of  Parliament.  The  two  houses 
fully  demonstrated  that  they  desired  to  hold  up  the  hands  of  the 
government,  and  grant  everything  which  might  be  asked  to  insure 
the  success  of  the  Japanese  arms. 

Simultaneously  with  the  opening  of  Parliament  an  important 
diplomatic  move  was  made  by  the  Japanese.  Now  that  Japan  was 
practically  in  undisputed  possession  of  Corea,  the  moment  was  con- 
sidered opportune  for  the  carrying  out  of  those  thorougli  reforms 
in  the  internal  government  of  the  country,  to  which  Japanese 
statesmen  looked  forward  as  the  best  guarantee  against  foreign  in- 
fluence in  the  future.  In  order  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Otori,  the  Japanese  minister  at  Seoul,  tlie  emperor  selected  Count 
Inouye,  minister  of  the  interior,  to  proceed  to  the  Corean  capital 
to  act  as  special  adviser  to  Mr.  Otori. 

The  Japanese  Parliament  had  occasion  to  welcome  an  important 


ENGLAND  WANTS  PEACE. 


631 


Corean  messenger.  The  second  son  of  the  peninsular  monarch 
left  Chemulpo  on  the  day  the  session  began,  as  a special  envoy  to 
the  mikado,  returning  the  visit  made  to  the  king  by  the  Marquis 
Sainonji.  The  young  prince  and  his  embassy,  consisting  of  eight 
leading  nobles,  were  received  by  the  mikado  and  his  principal 
ministers,  being  welcomed  most  cordially. 

Just  prior  to  the  opening  of  the  session,  the  British  government 
] addressed  a circular  note  to  the  ministers  of  the  great  powers, 
suggesting  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  the  east.  The  Chinese 
were  in  readiness  to  make  terms  of  peace,  conscious  of  the  enor- 
mous sacrifices  and  risks  which  would  have  to  be  incurred  before 
she  could  bring  her  immense  reserves  of  strength  into  action,  and 
being  devoid  of  military  ambition.  The  British  cabinet  council 
which  decided  upon  this  letter  met  on  October  4,  and  three  days 
later  it  was  generally  known,  in  spite  of  government  denials,  that 
the  action  had  been  taken.  The  reception  of  it  was  not  cordial. 
In  reply  to  the  proposals  put  forward  by  England,  the  German 
government  formally  intimated  that  it  was  not  prepared  to  join  in 
any  measures  for  circumscribing  the  political  results  of  the  con- 
flict between  Cliina  and  Japan.  The  French  government  shared 
the  same  view,  and  the  United  States  was  earnest  in  the  same  ex- 
pression. Russia,  too,  decided  to  avoid  interference  in  connection 
with  other  nations,  preferring  to  retain  the  opportunity  of  indi- 
vidual interference.  On  the  part  of  Russia,  the  military  com- 
manders in  the  Amoor  province  were  ordered  to  hold  troops  in 
readiness,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  situation  in  China  might 
make  intervention  necessary.  There  seems  to  be  good  ground 
for  believing  true  the  rumor,  oft  repeated  after  the  battle  of  the 
Yalu,  that  China  had  made  to  Japan  overtures  for  peace,  on  the 
basis  of  an  acknowledgment  of  Corea’s  independence,  and  pay- 
ment of  an  indemnity  for  the  losses  and  expenses  of  the  war. 
The  proposal  was  rejected  by  Japan  as  inadequate.  Altogether  it 
seemed  that  the  initiative  taken  by  the  British  foreign  office  was 
premature  to  say  the  least. 

The  mikado,  in  his  address  to  Parliament,  made  no  allusion  to 
the  proposals  for  peace,  but  seemed  rather  to  look  on  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  to  the  end  as  the  sole  means  of  insuring  lasting 
tranquility.  With  England’s  effort  for  Europea'n  intervention  in 


532 


MOVEMENTS  OF  TROOPS. 


mind,  Parliament  adopted  a resolution  that,  “ No  foreign  int^rfer- 
ence  will  be  suffered  to  obstruct  the  great  object  of  the  national 
policy,  to  secure  a guarantee  of  permanent  peace  in  the  orient.'^ 
A renewed  offer  of  mediation  in  the  interest  of  peace  was  made 
to  China  and  Japan  in  the  name  of  some  of  the  European  powers, 
after  the  adjournment  of  Parliament.  China  declared  her  willing^ 
ness  to  conclude  an  armistice  or  a peace  on  anj^  reasonable  terms  •, 
Japan  refused  to  consider  the  proposal  until  it  should  be  made 
directly  at  Hiroshima  “ From  a quarter  formally  accredited  and 
empowered  to  offer  it.” 

The  movements  of  troops,  both  Japanese  and  Chinese,  were 
now  multiplying  to  such  an  extent,  that  except  for  one  familiar 
with  the  geography  of  eastern  Asia,  they  were  very  confusing. 
Almost  every  day  it  was  reported  that  some  Japanese  force  had 
made  a landing  on  the  Chinese  coast,  rumor  after  rumor  of  this 
sort  being  circulated  and  denied.  Chinese  troops  massed  in  tlie 
vicinities  already  named,  their  numbers  constantly  increasing. 
An  army  of  five  thousand  Japanese  was  taken  by  transports  along 
the  east  coast  of  Corea  to  Possiet  harbor,  near  the  boundary  of 
Siberia,  and  five  thousand  Russian  troops  were  posted  on  the 
other  side,  facing  them,  to  guard  the  Siberian  frontier.  Corea  was 
being  steadily  cleared  of  Chinese  stragglers,  deserters  from  the 
late  army  and  others,  who  if  allowed  to  be  at  large  might  develop 
into  bandits  or  spies.  The  restlessness  of  the  natives  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Chulla  was  difficult  to  restrain,  and  a combined  force  of 
Japanese  and  Corean  troops  was  despatched  to  the  district  to 
quell  the  outbreak.  Rumors  of  land  battles  in  the  north  of  Corea, 
on  the  lower  Yalii,  were  circulated  every  da}^  but  for  a time  were 
foundationless.  Towards  the  end  of  October,  troops  began  to 
pour  into  Tien-tsin  in  large  numbers  daily,  and  were  disposed  for 
the  defense  of  the  capital.  Most  of  the  new  arrivals  were  in- 
fantry, the  bulk  of  the  cavalry  being  sent  to  the  Manchoorian 
provinces  to  the  northeast. 

The  fleets  of  the  two  nations  were  now  again  in  fighting  condi- 
tion, although  the  loss  of  many  vessels  sufl'ered  by  the  Chinese  at 
the  Yalu  had  left  them  in  strength  far  inferior  to  the  Japanese. 
The  Chinese  fleet  was  concentrated  at  Port  Arthur  and  Wei-liai 
wei,  where  it  wds  believed  to  be  safe  from  attack  or  favorably  sit* 


SURRENDER  OF  CHINESE  GENERAL  AND  STAFF. 


READY  TO  INVADE  MANCHOORIA. 


535 


uated  for  offensive  operations.  The  Japanese  squadron  under 
Admiral  Ito  was  conce'iitrated  at  Ping-Yang.  On  October  18  the 
last  of  the  transports  carrjdng  the  second  Japanese  army  steamed 
out  of  the  harbor  of  Ujina  on  their  way  to  Hiroshima,  where  they 
were  held  in  readiness  for  active  operations. 

The  extraordinary  session  of  the  Japanese  diet  at  Hiroshima 
was  closed  October  22,  all  the  bills  submitted  by  the  government 
having  passed  unanimously.  Before  separating,  the  Diet  voted  a 
memorial  urgently  requesting  the  officers  of  the  government  to 
execute  the  desires  of  the  Mikado,  in  order  that  Japan  might 


achieve  a complete  victory  over  the  Chinese,  whereby  peace  would 
be  restored  in  the  east  and  the  glory  of  the  Japanese  nation  in- 
creased. A resolution  was  passed  unanimously,  placing  upon 
record  the  thanks  of  the  nation  to  the  army  and  navy,  for  the  gal- 
lantry and  patriotism  displayed  by  all  ranks,  and  for  the  splendid 
success  which  had  attended  the  Japanese  arms. 

On  October  24  Count  Yamagata,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Japanese  forces  in  Corea,  threw  a small  force  across  the  Yalu, 
thus  invading  Chinese  territory.  In  order  to  understand  the  sub- 
sequent operations,  a brief  topographical  explanation  is  here  neo- 
26 


686 


ON  CHINESE  TERRITORY. 


essarj.  At  a little  distance  below  Wi-ju,  the  Yalu,  flowing  west, 
receives  a tributary,  the  Ai,  coming  from  the  northeast.  Chiu- 
lien  lies  in  the  western,  or  obtuse-angled  corner  formed  by  tlie 
junction  of  the  two  rivers,  some  distance  back  from  their  banks. 
Within  the  eastern,  or  acute-angled  corner  the  land  rises  to  an 
eminence  called  Hu-shan.  A traveler  by  the  main  road  from 
Wi-ju  to  Chiu-lien,  having  crossed  the  Yalu,  must  pass  on  the  left 
or  to  the  west  of  Hu-shan,  which  overlooks  the  highway,  and 
thus  reaching  the  Ai  must  cross  it  also  to  Chiu-lien.  The  Chinese 
had  intrenched  Hu-shan,  and  posted  there  a force  estimated  by 
the  Japanese  at  three  thousand  five  hundred,  but  subsequently 
alleged  by  prisoners  to  have  aggregated  seven  or  eight  thousand. 

The  plan  pursued  by  Field-Marshal  Count  Yamagata  was  to  oc- 
cupy a long  stretch  of  the  Yalu  River,  so  that  his  point  of  passage 
would  remain  to  the  last  uncertain,  and  any  flanking  movement 
on  the  east  by  the  cavalry,  of  which  the  enemy  possessed  a large 
force,  was  rendered  impossible.  Having  rested  his  troops  and 
completed  his  arrangement  for  a final  advance,  he  threw  a battalion 
across  the  river  under  Colonel  Sato,  at  Shai-ken-chau,  a place  ten 
miles  up  stream  from  Wi-ju.  The  passage  was  made  by  wading 
and  was  unopposed.  The  detachment  was  composed  entirely  of 
riflemen,  no  calvary  or  artillery  accompanying  them,  A Chinese 
earthwork  had  been  thrown  up  at  this  point  to  oppose  a landing, 
but  a slight  deviation  enabled  the  detachment  to  cross  without  in- 
terference. An  attack  was  immediately  opened  on  the  Chinese 
position,  which  was  garrisoned  only  by  a few  artillerymen  and  in- 
fantry. They  fled  after  the  first  two  or  three  rounds  had  been 
fired,  and  the  Japanese  captured  the  works  with  a rush.  A regi- 
ment of  Manchoorian  cavalry  arrived  as  the  little  garrison  fled, 
and  covered  their  retreat.  The  Chinese  made  for  the  batteries 
constructed  lower  down  the  river,  the  infantry  throwing  away 
their  arms  in  their  flight.  The  Chinese  loss  was  about  twenty 
killed  and  wounded,  while  on  the  Japanese  side  not  a man  was 
hit.  The  Japanese  force  now  moved  down  the  river  and  captured 
the  Chinese  fortifications  at  the  Suckochi  ferry,  where  they  passed 
the  night.  The  Japanese  engineers  had  pontoons  in  readiness  for 
passage  across  the  river. 

During  the  night  of  the  24th,  the  Japanese  pontoon  men  threw 


JAPANESE  AGAIN  SUCCESSFUL. 


537 


a bridge  across  the  Yalu  at  the  ferry, 
and  at  dawn  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  liaving  passed  over  unop- 
posed, commenced  an  attack  against 
Hu-shan,  Colonel  Sato’s  brigade 
coming  into  action  simultaneously 
from  the  other  side.  The  battle 
began  at  6:30  A.  M.,  and  lasted  until 
a few  minutes  past  10.  At  first  the 
Chinese  lield  their  ground  with  toler- 
able firmness,  but  presently,  finding 
their  position  swept  by  rifle  and 
artillery  fire  from  a hill  on  their 
riglit  flank,  of  which  possession  had 
been  taken  by  a brigade  under 
Major-General  Osako,  tliey  broke 
and  fled  across  the  Ai  to  Chiu-lien. 
The  reserves,  however,  did  not  join 
the  rout.  Posted  advantageously, 
they  preserved  their  formation  and 
maintained  a resolute  fire,  until 
thrown  into  confusion  b}^  a flanking 
movement,  which  placed  a large 
force  under  Major-General  Tachimi 
to  the  rear  of  their  left.  Then  they 
too  gave  way,  and  retreated  in  con- 
fusion across  the  Ai,  so  hotly  pur- 
sued that  they  had  to  abandon  ten 
pieces  of  artillery.  The  Japanese 
had  lost  twenty  killed  and  eighty- 
three  wounded ; the  Chinese  two 
hundred  and  fifty  killed  and  a some- 
what large  number  of  wounded. 
Two  divisions  of  the  army  then 
crossed  the  Ai  and  encamped  on  the 
east  of  Chiu-lien,  the  brigades  of 
Major-General  Tachimi  and  Colonel 
Sato  posting  themselves  on  the 


538 


IN  POSSESSION  OF  THE  FIELD. 


same  side  of  the  Ai,  but  further  north,  so  as  to  menace  the  same 
road  from  Chiu-lien  northward  to  Feng-hwang.  Field  Marshal 
Yamagata  and  Lieutenant-General  Nodzu  took  up  their  quarters 
in  a farmer’s  house  to  the  northeast  of  Hu-shan.  Thus  with  all 
the  advantages  of  elevated  ground,  a position  fortified  at  leisure, 
and  a force  ample  for  defensive  purposes,  the  feebleness  and  faulty 
strategy  of  the  Chinese  converted  into  a mere  skirmish  what  ought 
to  have  been  a sanguinary  battle. 

The  following  morning,  October,  26,  before  dawn,  a general  ad- 
vance was  commenced  against  Chiu-lien.  It  was  supposed  that 
the  enemy  would  make  an  obstinate  stand  there,  since  after 
Feng-hwang  the  fortified  town  of  Chiu-lien  ranks  as  a position  of 
eminent  importance  in  the  defense  of  southwestern  Manchooria. 
Moreover,  throughout  the  night  a cannonade  had  been  kept  up 
from  the  town  against  the  Japanese  camp,  and  though  the  invad- 
ing columns  were  posted  so  that  the  enemy’s  missiles  passed  harm- 
lessly over  them,  this  resolute  service  of  guns  seemed  to  promise 
stout  fighting  on  the  following  day.  But  in  truth  the  artillery 
was  employed  merely  in  the  vain  hope  of  intimidating  the  assail- 
ants, or  in  order  to  cover  the  flight  of  the  garrison.  The  Japanese 
encountered  no  resistance  whatever.  At  eight  o’clock  in  the 
morning  they  entered  Chiu-lien.  The  enemy  had  decamped  in 
the  direction  of  Feng-hwang  before  dawn,  leaving  beliind  him  al- 
most everything,  twenty-two  guns,  three  hundred  tents,  large 
stores  of  ammunition  and  quantities  of  grain  and  forage. 

The  series  of  defeats  following  the  crossing  of  the  Yulu  River 
by  the  Japanese  seemed  to  complete  the  Chinese  demoralization 
in  tliat  vicinity.  The  defeated  forces  probably  numbered  more 
than  twenty  thousand  men,  the  victorious  army  was  considerably 
inferior  in  numbers,  the  batteries  were  well  built,  and  the  position 
was  a strong  one.  The  continuous  loss  of  artillery,  and  throwing 
away  of  muskets  and  rifles  wherever  the  Chinese  made  retreat,  was 
gradually  depleting  the  stores  of  arms  possessed  by  the  forces  in 
Manchooria,  leaving  them  unable  to  fight  even  if  they  had  desired 
to.  A little  fighting  evidently  went  a long  way  with  them.  Did 
they  carry  away  their  artillery  and  stores,  these  precipitate  re- 
treats might  possess  some  strategical  character,  but  they  simply 
saved  their  own  lives,  leaving  all  their  material  of  war  behind 


i 

f 


THE  TAPANESE  A'r  PORT  ARTHUR 


CHINESE  DEMORALIZATION. 


541 


them.  The  troops  at  Chiu-lien  were  not  ill-disciplined  or  badly 
armed  from  a Chinese  point  of  view.  Coming  from  Port  Arthur, 
from  Taku,  and  from  Lu-tai,  they  ranked  among  the  best  soldiers 
China  conld  put  into  the  field.  If  such  men  proved  themselves  so 
conspicuously  invertebrate,  it  was  to  be  questioned  whether  or 
not  the  addition  to  their  number  of  a few  thousand  Tartars  would 
make  them  stand  more  stiffly  in  a subsequent  conflict.  It  seemed 
even  to  the  friends  of  China  that  her  capacity  for  resisting  the 
invasion  of  Manchooria  in  the  face  of  well-organized  and  res- 
olute attack,  was  simply  contemptible. 

The  second  invasion  of  Chinese  territory  was  made  by  the 
second  Japanese  army  corps,  twenty-two  thousand  strong,  under 
tlie  command  of  General  Count  Oyama.  These  forces  sailed  in 
transports  from  Hiroshima,  and  on  October  24  commenced  landing 
in  a little  cove  northeast  of  Talien-wan  Bay  and  protected  by  the 
Elliot  islands  from  the  open  sea,  Talien-wan  Bay  was  avoided 
because  the  Chinese  were  known  to  have  made  some  preparations 
to  resist  a landing  there.  The  peninsula  which  juts  out  south- 
westward  between  the  Gulf  of  Liao-Tung  and  Corea  Bay  is  known 
variously  as  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula  and  the  Kwang  Tung  pen- 
insula. Every  yard  of  it  was  familiar  to  the  Japanese  military 
staff,  and  had  been  included  in  their  system  of  minute  cartography, 
so  that  whatever  point  they  selected  was  well  chosen.  Up  to  the 
last  moment  it  had  been  supposed  by  the  general  public  that  Port 
Adams,  on  the  west  of  the  peninsula,  would  be  the  port  of  de- 
barkation, but  as  that  would  have  involved  the  passing  of  a great 
flotilla  of  transports  into  Pechili  Gulf,  it  was  considered  too 
hazardous  an  operation.  The  last  of  the  flotilla  of  fifty  trans- 
ports left  Hiroshima  October  18,  and  the  fleet  having  assembled 
at  Shimonoseki,  steamed  westward  on  the  morning  of  the  19th. 
A distance  of  eight  hundred  miles  had  to  be  traversed,  and  ini 
this  case  as  in  all  previous  operations  everything  worked  with 
smoothness  and  success.  On  the  evening  of  the  23rd  the 
great  flotilla  reached  its  destination,  and  on  the  following  morn- 
ing the  landing  was  commenced. 

There  was  no  resistance.  The  Pei-yang  squadron  did  not 
show.  Had  there  been  any  ordinary  exercise  of  vigilance  on  the 
part  of  Admiral  Ting’s  war  ships  they  must  have  sighted  the 


542 


AT  THE  EXD  OF  OCTOBER. 


Japanese  flotilla  in  ample  time  to  strike  at  it.  That  they  would 
have  effected  nothing  in  the  face  of  the  convoying  squadron  may 
be  taken  for  granted,  but  if  the  prospect  of  failure  deterred  them 
from  making  any  effort  to  protect  their  own  headquarters,  China’s 
only  dockyard  and  really  important  naval  station  in  the  north, 
they  certainly  deserved  the  indifference  with  which  the  Japanese 
treated  them.  From  the  time  of  the  naval  battle  of  September 
17,  the  Pei-yang  squadron  played  no  part  in  the  war.  Many  at- 
tempts  were  made  to  prove  that  it  had  not  been  vitally  hurt  in 
the  encounter,  and  that  a few  days  would  suffice  to  put  it  in  a 
thorough  state  of  repair.  But  whether  repaired  or  not  it  disap- 
peared from  the  scene,  and  the  Japanese  cruisers  thenceforth 
roamed  at  will  along  the  Chinese  coasts. 

With  the  move  towards  the  investment  of  Port  Arthur,  and  the 
crossing  of  the  Yalu,  the  war  entered  upon  a new  phase.  In  se- 
lecting Port  Arthur  as  an  objective  point,  the  Japanese  w^ere  well 
advised.  By  such  an  attack  a dockyard  of  the  first  importance 
was  threatened,  and  full  advantage  of  naval  superiority  could  be 
taken.  The  Kwang  Tung  peninsula,  or  “ Regent’s  Sword,”  was 
peculiarly  inaccessible  by  land,  while  a power  in  command  of  the 
sea  could  land  men  at  pleasure  at  several  points  within  a short 
distance  of  Port  Arthur,  and  with  a small  force  only  could  isolate 
it  from  the  mainland. 

Two  days  after  the  landing  of  troops  on  the  peninsula,  the  col- 
lection of  a third  army  at  Hiroshima  commenced.  This  force  was 
to  number  twenty-four  thousand,  and  be  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant-General  Viscount  Takashima.  At  the  same  time  an- 
other revolt  of  some  little  magnitude  arose  in  the  south  of  Corea, 
and  two  thousand  rebels  attacked  the  quarters  of  the  Japanese 
commissary  at  Anpo.  Tlie  malcontents  were  afterwards  dispersed 
by  a military  force  though  not  without  difficulty. 

We  have  now  reached  the  end  of  October.  The  first  Japanese 
army  is  safely  installed  on  the  north  bank  of  the  ^ alu  River  in 
Manchoorian  territory,  threatening  the  road  to  Mukden,  Niu- 
chwang  and  the  intervening  cities.  The  second  army  is  safe  on 
shore  on  the  Kwang  Tung  peninsula,  threatening  China’s  proudest 
naval  station.  The  next  month  will  see  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur  and 
the  practical  destruction  of  all  Chinese  hopes  of  ultimate  success. 


REVIEW  OF  THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR  TO  THE 
FIRST  OF  NOVEMBER. 


Characteristics  of  the  two  Nations  in  War— China’s  Ignorance  of  the  Coasts  of  Corea— 
Japan’s  Knowledge  of  Chinese  Topography  and  Climate— Patriotism  in  the  Two  Countries— 
Bad  Judgment  of  China  in  Methods  of  Conducting  the  War— The  Governmental  Weather- 
Vane  and  its  Revolutions— No  Comniander-in-Chief  for  the  Cliinese  Army— Official  Corrup- 
tion in  Civil  as  Well  as  Military  Officials— The  Battles  of  Ping-Yang  and  the  Yalu  River- 
Handling  the  Forces  of  the  Enemies. 

At  this  period  in  the  war,  occurs  a lull  which  makes  it  possible 
and  wise  to  take  a glance  at  the  whole  course  of  affairs  during 
the  hostilities,  since  the  declaration  three  months  earlier.  The 
war  has  advanced  far  enough  to  prove  the  mettle  of  both  com- 
batants, and  to  furnish  data  for  judging  of  the  probable  issue  of 
the  struggle,  at  least  from  a purely  military  point  of  view.  At  the 
beginning  of  November,  prophets  were  quite  well  equipped  with 
material  for  predictions  that  were  surely  not  to  be  disappointed, 
and  it  is  from  the  aspect  at  this  date  that  the  present  chapter 
takes  its  view.  On  the  one  side  there  is  little  but  praise  to  be 
offered.  The  Japanese  have  proved  themselves  assiduous  stu- 
dents of  all  modern  armaments,  and  have  in  many  points  bettered 
their  European  instruction.  They  have  made  good  their  claim  to 
l)e  the  rising  power  of  the  Orient. 

Of  the  Chinese  a diametrically  opposite  account  must  be  given. 
From  a military  standpoint  nothing  favorable  can  be  said  of 
them,  and  the  only  palliation  of  their  failure  is  that  they  were 
wholly  unprepared  for  an  unexpected  aggression.  The  course  of 
the  war  has  brought  out  in  strong  relief  what  has  not  always 
been  clearly  recognized,  the  essential  differences  between  the  two 
belligerent  nations.  A stronger  contrast  is  scarcely  imaginable 
than  that  between  China  and  Japan,  though  they  are  so  near  and 
have  been  nursed  on  a common  literature.  With  passionate 
effort  the  Japanese  have  ransacked  the  western  world  for  its 
treasures  of  knowledge,  and  have  vigorously  applied  what  they 
have  learned.  The  Chinese,  on  the  other  hand,  have  set  their 

(543) 


544  HOW  THE  JAPANESE  HAVE  STUDIED  CHINA. 


faces  against  the  science  of  other  nations,  and  with  an  unhappy 
mixture  of  apathy  and  contempt  have  rejected  the  teaching  which 
has  pressed  upon  them.  In  the  same  spirit  they  have  spurned 
the  knowledge  of  their  own  country  and  of  their  own  forces, 
while  the  Japanese  have  been  for  years  making  a minute  study 
of  both,  and  possess  maps  and  details  which  the  Chinese  them- 
selves have  not  and  do  not  care  for.  The  Chinese  have  carried 
on  a large  trade  with  the  Yalu  river,  but  the  government  knew 
nothing  of  the  coast.  Captain  Calder  of  Port  Arthur  made  a 
holiday  expedition  to  the  Manchoo-Corean  coast,  found  the 
country  beautiful,  and  recommended  the  naval  authorities  to  let 
the  cadets  go  and  improve  themselves  by  surveying  it.  Nothing 
was  done,  the  sole  reason  being  that  the  incidental  expenses  of 
the  ships  would  be  increased  by  being  at  sea,  and  the  captains 
would  not  save  so  much  of  their  monthly  allowance.  Now  the 
only  survey  the  Chinese  admiral  possesses  even  of  the  scene  of 
the  late  naval  battle,  is  the  outline  made  by  Captain  Calder  him- 
self. The  Japanese  navy  has  complete  charts  both  of  the  Corean 
and  the  Chinese  coasts.  In  the  summer  of  1893  a small  expedi- 
tion of  Japanese  disguised  as  Chinese,  in  a native  boat  surveyed 
the  islands  and  coasts  of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  sp<=nding  eight  days 
in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Port  Arthur.  The  topography 
and  physiography  of  North  China  have  been  their  study  for 
years. 

A Japanese  physician  even  devoted  a whole  year  to  the  climate 
and  pathology.  With  his  headquarters  in  Tien-tsin,  where  he 
plied  the  foreign  doctors  incessantly  with  queries,  this  Japanese 
investigator  thoroughly  explored  the  province  of  Chihli,  and 
probably  knows  more  of  the  climatic  conditions  of  North  China 
than  any  other  living  man.  He  pretended  he  had  the  intention 
of  practicing  among  the  Chinese,  as  possibly  he  may  in  the  not 
distant  future.  The  Chinese  have  started  exotic  medical  schools, 
but  they  have  not  overcome  the  elementary  difficulty  about 
dissection,  and  the  enterprise  is  but  half  hearted.  As  for  employ- 
ing competent  men  to  gather  knowledge,  the  whole  idea  is 
foreign  to  the  Chinese  official  mind,  and  they  only  accept  un- 
graciously as  a gift  the  results  of  the  explorations  of  enthusiasts 
for  science.  It  is  not,  therefore,  the  accident  of  being  a little 


CONDITION  OF  PATRIOTISM  IN  THE  TWO  COUNTRIES.  545 


earlier  in  the  field,  or  quicker  in  movement  to  seize  the  benefit  of 
an  opportunity,  that  gives  the  Japanese  such  crushing  advan- 
tages over  the  Chinese,  but  rather  a deep-seated,  congenital  love 
of  improvement  on  one  side  and  hatred  of  it  on  the  other. 

Another  essential  difference  between  the  people  is  their  exhibi- 
tion of  patriotism.  The  Japanese  are  saturated  with  it,  while  the 
Chinese  have  none.  The  instinct  of  loyalty  is  there,  and  it  can 
be  called  out  by  any  man,  native  or  foreign,  who  is  worthy  of  it, 
but  in  the  sense  of  nationality  the  Chinese  have  no  capacity  for 
enthusiasm,  and  the  people  as  a whole  are  indifferent  as  to  who 
rules  them,  so  long  as  they  are  left  to  cultivate  their  gardens. 
For  want  of  a patriotic  focus,  what  would  elsewhere  be  treacher}^ 
is  in  China  a commonplace  of  official  practices ; every  man  to  the 
limit  of  his  small  ability  selling  his  country  for  his  private 
benefit,  and  no  one  able  to  cast  a stone  at  his  neighbor.  In 
Japan  it  would  be  impossible  to  get  a man  to  betray  his  father- 
land;  in  China  where  is  the  man  who  would  not?  From  the 
same  root  springs  the  incredible  difference  between  tlie  peoples 
in  their  treatment  of  soldiers  and  sailors.  In  the  one  country 
they  are  made  heroes  of,  the  people  at  home  send  delicacies  to 
the  troops  abroad,  honor  the  dead,  and  nurse  the  wounded.  In 
the  other  the  men  are  treated  worse  than  dogs,  robbed  of  their 
small  pay,  deserted,  discarded,  or  grossly  neglected  by  their 
leaders  whenever  they  can  be  dispensed  with  and  their  monthly 
pay  saved.  Attachment  between  men  and  officers  in  China  is  a 
rare,  though  not  an  unknown  thing,  for  the  Chinese  are,  after 
all,  human  at  heart,  if  one  can  but  penetrate  the  pile  of  heredi- 
tary corruption  which  has  covered  up  the  divine  spark. 

The  foregoing  are  but  examples  which  might  be  multiplied 
indefinitely,  of  the  antitheses  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  character 
and  mode  of  action.  If  to  all  this  is  added  the  fact  that  the 
Japanese  are  a people  who  delight  in  war,  while  the  Chinese 
abominate  it,  no  further  search  is  needed  for  explanation  of  the 
actual  result.  It  is  simply  ignorance  overcome  by  science,  in- 
difference by  energy. 

The  Chinese  have  conducted  the  campaign  in  the  manner  those 
best  acquainted  with  them  would  have  predicted,  doing  on  most 
occasions  the  utterly  wrong  thing,  or  stumbling  on  the  right 


546 


CONSTANT  FAILURES  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


thing  at  the  wrong  time  in  the  wrong  way.  But  the  most' pessi- 
mistic prophet  could  hardly  have  predicted  the  utter  inaptitude 
of  the  Chinese  military  movements.  It  is  not  only  that  they  have 
failed  to  learn  the  modern  art  of  war,  but  that  they  have  for- 
gotten the  old  methods.  It  was  thought  that  Chinese  troops, 
though  deficient  in  enterprise,  might  at  least  make  a respectable 
defense.  They  were  advised  never  to  risk  a pitched  battle,  but 
to  retreat  slowly,  giving  trouble  to  the  enemy  by  night  attacks  on 
his  baggage,  and  compelling  him  to  use  up  an  army  corps  to  keep 
open  his  line  of  communication.  They  failed  in  every  point,  and 
allowed  themselves  to  be  chased  and  caught  like  sheep,  losing 
stores,  guns,  and  munitions.  When  all  else  failed,  it  was  said 
that  winter  would  come  to  their  assistance,  as  the  Japanese  could 
never  stand  the  cold,  while  the  Chinese  and  Manchoos  were 
inured  to  it.  But  when  the  cold  came  it  was  found  that  it  was 
not  the  Japanese  but  the  Chinese  who  suffered,  having  abandoned 
their  warm  clothing  in  precipitate  flight.  Their  heart  was  never 
ill  the  business,  and  nothing  therefore  could  go  right  with  the 
Chinese  conduct  of  the  war. 

While  the  war  was  incubating,  China  had  to  make  up  her  mind 
how  she  was  to  meet  the  aggression  of  the  Japanese  in  Corea. 
Candid  friends,  who  knew  well  that  her  inchoate  forces  could 
never  be  a match  for  any  organized  army  whatsoever,  commended 
strictly  defensive  strategy.  She  was  caught  in  the  false  position 
— in  a military  sense,  though  it  was  politically  correct — of  having 
a small  force  isolated  in  southern  Corea,  while  the  Japanese  were 
occupying  the  capital  in  strength.  The  fighting  value  of  the 
respective  fleets  was  as  yet  an  unknown  quantity,  but  on  the 
Japanese  side  tliere  was  confidence  in  their  own  superiority,  and 
on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  a tacit  acquiescence  in  that  estimate. 
Under  such  circumstances  an  over-sea  campaign  was  an  absurdity 
for  China,  and  the  commonest  prudence  dictated  that  the  small 
garrison  at  Asan  be  withdrawn  before  the  outbreak  of  war. 

This  crisis  in  affairs  was  met,  as  crises  usually  are  in  China,  by 
divided  counsels;  moral  cowardice  on  the  part  of  those  who  knew, 
blind  rage  on  the  part  of  those  who  did  not  know,  and  the  sub- 
mission of  the  judgment  of  the  informed  to  the  arbitrary  decrees 
and  even  the  insidious  advice  of  the  uninformed.  To  speak 


DIVIDED  COUNSELS  IN  CHINA. 


547 


plainly,  Li  Hung  Chang,  on  whom  the  burden  of  the  war  would 
in  all  cases  rest,  and  who  knew  something,  though  very  little,  of 
the  power  of  discipline  and  organization,  and  who  from  the  first 
was  strongly  opposed  to  the  intervention  in  Corea,  which  was 
forced  on  him  by  pressure  applied  from  Peking,  was  for  with- 
drawing the  garrison  from  Asan.  In  answer  to  his  memorials  to 
the  throne,  he  had  obtained  the  imperial  authority  and  had  hired 
transports  to  bring  the  troops  over  into  Chinese  territory.  But 


SINKING  OP  THE  KOW-SHING.  {Drawn  by  a Chinese  Artist.) 


other  counsels  supervened,  and  Li  Hung  Chang  refrained  from 
giving  effect  to  his  own  views.  As  the  Japanese  were  by  imperial 
fiat  to  be  driven  out  of  Corea,  it  followed  that  the  garrison  at 
Asan  must  be  strengthened,  and  China  committed  herself  to  the 
conditions  of  war  dictated  by  the  enemy,  an  offensive  war  over- 
sea, which  was  entirely  beyond  China’s  capacit3^ 

There  were  still  discussions  and  hesitations  up  to  the  moment 
of  dispatching  troops  by  sea  to  ^orea.  When  the  expedition  of 


648 


FATE  OF  THE  KOW-SHING. 


troops  was  seen  to  be  inevitable,  the  Chinese  were  advised  to  take 
at  least  the  precaution  of  having  the  transports  escorted  by  a 
strong  naval  squadron.  This  was  decided  to  be  done,  and  the  ill- 
fated  Kow-shing  left  Taku  on  the  clear  understanding  that  an 
, escort  of  warships  would  join  her  outside  Wei-hai-wei,  which  was 
two  hundred  and  twenty  miles  distant,  and  roughl}'  half  way  to 
Asan.  But  before  the  transport  had  got  so  far  on  her  voyage, 
the  official  weathercock  had  set  in  another  direction.  The  diplo- 


NAVAL  SKIRMISH,  JULY  25th.  {Drawn  by  a Chinese  Artist.) 


matic  Yuan-si-Kai,  former  resident  in  Corea,  where  he  had  done 
so  much  to  irritate  the  Japanese,  now  advised  that  the  appear- 
ance of  warships  with  the  transports  might  give  umbrage  to  the 
Japanese,  and  in  deference  to  this  opinion,  before  tlie  pendulum 
had  time  to  swing  back,  the  Kow-shing  with  twelve  hundred  men 
on  board,  was  sent  unprotected  to  the  Bay  of  Asan.  The  Jap- 
anese consular  establishment,  with  its  wonderfully  organized 
intelligence  department,  was  still  in  Tien-tsin,  perfectly  informed 


ROUTED  CHINESE  FLYING  BEFORE  THE  VICTORIOUS  ENEMY 


HOW  CHINA  CONDUCTS  A WAR. 


551 


of  everything  that  ,was  being  said  and  done  in  the  most  secret 
places,  and  making  free  use  of  the  telegraph  wires. 

With  the  tragic  destruction  of  the  Kow-shing,  the  war  was 
begun  most  disadvantageously  to  the  Chinese.  Being  by  one  and 
the  same  stroke  deprived  of  the  expected  re-enforcements  and  cut 
off  from  the  sea,  the  small  force  at  Asan  had  either  to  fight  to  the 
death,  surrender,  or  make  good  their  retreat  by  a long  and  dan- 
gerous flank  march.  This  last  course  was  adopted,  and  after 


SKIRMISH  ON  JULY,  27th.  {Drawn  hy  a Chinese  Artist.) 


making  sufficient  stand  to  cover  their  retreat,  not  without  inflict 
ing  loss  on  the  enemy,  they  succeeded  in  joining  the  Chinese 
army  which  had  entered  Corea  from  the  north-west.  The  numbers 
of  the  retreating  force  were  given  as  four  thousand,  but  they  were 
certainly  less. 

The  simultaneous  engagements  by  land  and  sea  on  the  same  day, 
July  25,  proved  that  the  Japanese  had  determined  to  begin  the 
war  in  earnest.  The  naval  action  in  which  two  Chinese  ships 


552  HOW  CHINA  CONDUCTS  A WAR. 

were  waylaid  as  they  were  leaving  the  Corean  coast,  served  to 
prove  that  the  Chinese  ships  could  both  fight  and  run  away,  and 
that  the  Japanese  ships  were  very  ably  manoeuvred,  but  the  affair 
had  little  other  significance. 

Enraged  by  the  sinking  of  the  transport  in  time  of  nominal 
peace,  the  emperor  of  China  ordered  the  fleet,  over  the  head  of 
Li  Hnng  Chang,  to  pursue  the  enemy  to  destruction.  In  obedb 
ence  to  the  imperial  mandate,  the  Pei-yang  squadron,  in  the  early 


BEFORE  THE  WALL  OF  SEOUL.  {Drawn  by  a Chinese  Artist.) 


days  of  August,  steamed  for  the  Corean  coast,  but  before  sighting 
it  steamed  back  again.  The  viceroy  Li  tlien  interested  himself 
to  obtain  a modification  of  the  decree,  and  the  fleet  was  com- 
manded to  remain  on  the  defensive  for  the  special  protection  of 
the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  which  instruction  held  good  until  the  middle 
of  September,  when  the  fleet  was  forced  to  accept  battle  off  the 
Yalu  river. 

August  1st,  troops  were  ordered  to  enter  Corean  territory  from 


A GOOD  GENERAL  AND  A BAD  ONE. 


553 


the  Manchoorian  side,  and  in  the  course  of  the  month  a considerable 
force  had  filtered  its  way  to  the  city  of  Ping- Yang,  the  strongest 
strategical  point  in  western  Corea,  and  even  to  a considerable 
distance  beyond.  The  massing  of  these  troops  was  conducted  in 
the  old  rough-and-tumble,  half-hearted  Chinese  fashion.  There 
was  no  head,  but  separate  and  rival  commands,  each  general  look- 
ing only  to  the  viceroy,  Li  Hung  Chang  for  orders  and  supplies, 
and  receiving  more  of  the  former  than  of  the  latter. 

These  Chinese  generals  are  an  old  world  curiosity,  scarcely 
conceivable  in  our  age.  They  might  be  described  as  array  con- 
tractors rather  than  fighting  agents,  for  like  the  civil  mandarins 
they  buy  their  posts  as  an  investment.  The  battalion  or  camp  is 
farmed,  as  regards  its  expenses,  by  the  general,  who  draws  from 
government  a lump  sum  for  the  maintenance  of  the  force,  and 
makes  his  economies  according  to  his  conscience,  by  falsifying  his 
muster  roll  and  defrauding  his  men.  At  the  battle  or  rout  of 
Ping-Yang  there  were  soldiers  who  were  three,  four,  and  even 
five  months  in  arrears  of  pay,  some  generals  deliberately  calcu- 
lating on  the  casualties  of  war  to  reduce  the  number  of  eventual 
claimants  on  the  pay  fund.  The  most  notorious  offender.  General 
Wei  of  Ping-Yang  notoriety,  who  had  less  than  half  the  troops  he 
drew  pay  for,  and  these  mostly  untrained  coollies,  hustled  into  the 
ranks  to  take  the  place  of  unpaid  deserters,  and  in  whose  program 
fighting  had  no  place,  had  paid  certain  influential  persons  liber- 
ally for  his  command.  Desertion,  it  may  be  observed  in  passing, 
is  not  regarded  as  a calamity  by  an  avaricious  Chinese  general. 

Chinese  officers  are  however  by  no  means  all  abandoned  to 
money  making.  Some  are  liberal  with  their  funds,  just  as  some 
are  brave  and  loyal,  and  are  backed  by  equally  brave  and  loyal 
soldiers.  The  efficieny  of  a force  depends  altogether  on  the  per- 
sonality of  the  general,  and  as  in  feudal  times  in  Europe,  it  is  to 
their  chief  rather  than  to  any  government  or  country  that  the 
troops  feel  the  ties  of  allegiance.  As  the  leader  is,  therefore,  so 
are  the  men.  General  Tso-pao-kwei  for  example,  who  bore  to  his 
grave  the  honors  of  the  fight  at  Ping-Yang,  was  a man  well 
known  to  many  foreigners  of  different  classes,  missionary  and 
others,  and  the  unanimity  of  good  opinion  of  him  is  quite  remark- 
able. He  was  not  only  brave,  but  a courteous  and  kindly  gentle- 


554 


NO  SYSTEM  OF  ARMY  COMMANDERS. 


man  who  gained  the  affections  of  all  around.  A Mohamme- 
dan* himself,  all  his  soldiers  were  of  the  same  faith,  amd  they 
stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  like  heroes  in  the  face  of  overpower- 
ing odds. 

During  the  month  of  August,  while  the  Japanese  forces  were 
advancing  upon  Ping-Yang  in  three  columns,  there  were  outpost 
skirmishes  in  which  the  Japanese  were  frequently  worsted. 
These  affairs  were  naturally  enough  reported  by  the  Chinese 
commanders  concerned,  according  to  their  lights,  as  victories,  and 
when  it  is  remembered  how  the  view  of  each  is  bounded  by  the 
horizon  of  his  own  camp,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  they  could  deceive 
themselves  as  to  the  significance  of  such  apparent  success.  The 
truth  seems  to  be  that  the  Chinese  commanders  in  and  about 
Ping-Yang  did  not  realize  that  they  were  surrounded,  each  per- 
haps thinking  it  was  the  other’s  business.  They  had  sent  out  no 
scouts,  nor  posted  videttes  to  watch  the  mountain  passes  to  the 
north  of  them.  These  elementary  military  precautions  had  been 
pressed  on  Li  Hung  Chang,  who  sent  repeated  orders  to  the  front 
to  have  them  seen  to;  but  nothing  was  done,  for  according  to  the 
vicious  tradition  of  the  Chinese  service,  the  word  is  taken  for  the 
deed,  and  orders  which  are  either  impracticable  or  inconvenient 
are  simply  ignored  or  forgotten,  without  the  delinquent  being  ever 
called  to  account.  Spacious  but  wholly  fictitious  excuses  would 
in  any  case  serve  the  turn  in  a system  whose  fetich  is  universal 
sham.  Perhaps,  as  there  was  no  commander-in-chief,  but  a num- 
ber of  independent  commands,  duties  which  concerned  the  army 
at  large  fell  within  the  sphere  of  no  one  in  particular.  But  in 
w’hatever  manner  it  came  about,  the  result  was  that  the  Chinese 
remained  in  comatose  ignorance  of  the  intentions  of  the  enemy, 
until  the  only  thing  left  was  precipitate  retreat. 

The  affair  of  Ping- Yang  was  observed  by  one  military  expert, 
a Russian,  who  speaks  in  high  terms  of  the  precision  and  com- 
pleteness of  the  Japanese  equipment  and  organization,  but  the 
opposition  had  been  so  contemptible  througliout  the  war  that  the 
military  qualities  of  the  Japanese  have  not  been  seriously  put  to 
the  proof.  They  remain  a theoretical  quantity.  So  far  as  the 
campaign  had  gone,  to  November  1,  the  chief  obstacles  encountered 
had  been  bad  roads,  standing  crops,  and  sickness, 


REVIEW  OF  THE  BATTLE  OFF  THE  'YALU  RIVER.  555 


The  second  day  after  the  flight  from  Ping-Yang,  September  17, 
the  naval  battle  off  the  Yalu  River  was  fought.  The  collision  of 
the  fleets  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  unpremeditated.  The 
Chinese  were  engaged  in  disembarking  troops  for  the  re-enforce- 
ment of  the  army  at  Ping-Yang,  and  it  is  a characteristically 
haphazard  proceeding  that  they  should  have  been  landing  troops 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  the  front,  to  strengthen  a 
position  already  abandoned.  The  battle  which  ensued,  and  which 
raged  for  five  hours,  has  been  described  with  as  much  fullness  as 
the  limits  of  this  volume  permit,  but  the  ultimate  truth  about  it 
will  perhaps  never  be  fully  known  except  of  course  to  the  Jap- 
anese government.  From  the  Chinese  side  it  will  be  impossible 
to  obtain  a consistent  account,  not  because  of  intentional  con- 
cealment, but  because  of  the  simple  reason  that  no  one  in  the 
Chinese  fleet  was  able  to  observe  accurately  what  was  going  on, 
except  near  his  own  vessel.  Nevertheless  the  salient  points  of  the 
battle  stand  out  clear  enough.  The  sea  fight  was  but  a repeti- 
tion of  the  land  fight,  with  two  important  differences.  The  first 
of  these  was  that  as  the  nature  of  the  cause  rendered  it  impos- 
sible to  sail  modern  ships  of  war  at  all  by  two-thousand-year-old 
tactics,  the  mere  possession  of  a fleet  required  a European  organ- 
ization. But  the  organization  was  imperfect,  and  would  have 
been  unable  to  sustain  itself  in  action,  but  for  the  presence  of  an- 
other element  in  which  the  Chinese  land  forces  were  entirely 
lacking,  competent  foreign  direction.  This  factor  also  was  most 
imperfect.  The  foreign  officers  had  been  extemporized  hastily, 
the  leader  of  them  being  not  even  a seaman.  They  were  of  vari- 
ous nationalities  and  were  enlisted  about  the  middle  of  August. 
Three  engineers,  two  German,  one  English;  two  gunnery  officers, 
one  English,  one  German  ; had  been  for  some  years  in  the  fleet,  and 
volunteered  for  war  service.  One  American  engaged  for  many 
years  in  the  Chinese  naval  college  also  volunteered  for  active  ser- 
vice during  the  war.  Captain  Von  Hannecken,  bearing  now  the 
rank  of  Chinese  general,  commissioned  as  Inspector  General  of 
Fortifications,  was  entrusted  with  the  anomalous  office  of  adviser 
of  the  admiral,  thus  giving  him  the  real  command  of  the  fleet. 
An  English  civilian  with  naval  training  also  joined. 

On  entering  on  their  duties,  these  officers  found  the  fleet  honey 
7 


556 


INDUCING  THE  CHINESE  FLEET  TO  FIGHT. 


combed  with  abuses  requiring  patient  reform,  but  they  set  them- 
selves to  make  the  best  of  things  as  they  were,  and  to  get  the 
ships  as  quickly  as  possible  into  action,  as  the  thing  most  need- 
ful in  order  to  brace  up  officers  and  men.  Von  Hannecken  urged 
unceasingly  an  offensive  policy.  He  would  seek  out  the  Japanese 
and  attack  them  wherever  found,  fall  on  their  convoys,  and  gen- 
erally assert  the  supremacy  of  China  in  Corean  waters,  from  the 
Yalu  eastward.  In  particular  he  urged  the  occupation  of  Ping- 
Yang  inlet,  so  important  for  the  support  of  the  army  which  held 
the  city  of  that  name,  and,  if  necessary,  to  fight  to  the  death  for 
the  possession  of  a harbor  at  once  so  valuable  and  so  easily  de- 
fended. His  prescience  was  indicated  in  the  sequel,  but  to  all 
such  suggestions  Admiral  Ting  replied  with  the  imperial  edict 
which  forbade  him  to  move  out  of  Chinese  waters.  The  convoy- 
ing service  for  which  the  fleet  was  eventually  told  off  in  the 
middle  of  September  was  a sort  of  compromise,  which,  without 
transgressing  too  flagrantly  the  imperial  restrictions,  yet  com- 
mitted the  fleet  to  an  engagement  on  conditions  not  of  its  own 
choosing. 

'The  handling  of  the  respective  fleets  showed  the  great  superi- 
ority of  the  Japanese  professional  training,  and  critics  have  com- 
mented on  the  weakness  of  the  Cliinese  manoeuvring,  but  the 
first  consideration  was  to  get  the  Chinese  to  fight  at  all.  The 
government  had  satisfied  itself  that  without  foreigners'  to  lead 
them,  the  Chinese  commanders  would  rather  lose  their  ships  in 
trying  to  escape  than  stand  up  to  the  enemy.  The  man,  the  only 
man  available,  who  possessed  the  requisite  qualities,  personal  and 
professional,  including  a competent  knowledge  of  Chinese,  hap- 
pened to  be  a soldier,  but  he  at  least  made  the  fleet  fight,  not  as  a 
trained  admiral  would  have  done  with  a trained  fleet,  but  in  a 
manner  to  inspire  the  Chinese  with  some  confidence  in  them- 
selves, in  which  till  then  they  were  greatly  lacking.  That  is  per- 
haps the  most  important  result  of  the  baptism  of  fire  of  tlie 
Chinese  navy. 

As  regards  the  technical  bearings  of  the  action  off  the  Yalu, 
the  Chinese  admiral  and  captains  adopted  the  formation  which 
they  said  had  been  taught  them  by  Captain  Lang  as  the  most  ad- 
vantageous for  attack.  But  obviously  a plan  communicated  four 


ECONOMIZING  ON  AMMUNITION. 


557 


years  ago  by  an  officer  whom  these  same  men  had  intrigued  out  of 
their  navy,  when  he  had  taken  it  through  only  half  its  course  of 
training,  could  not  be  considered  an  infallible  weapon  with  which 
to  meet  the  thoroughly  efficient  navy  of  Japan. 

The  fight  brought  out  several  of  the  weak  points  of  the 
Chinese  naval  organization,  and  taught  the  officers  many  lessons. 
Most  conspicuously  was  the  fatuous  economy  of  ammunition  ex- 
posed. The  most  formidable  ships  for  offense  and  defense  were 
of  course  the  two  iron  clads  Ting-Yuen  and  Chen-Yuen,  with  their 
twelve  and  one-half  inch  guns.  These  guns  throw  a shell  three  and 
one-half  calibres  long,  charged  with  forty  pounds  of  powder.  It  is 
a projectile  of  low  initial  velocity,  but  a most  destructive  explosive, 
as  the  Japanese  have  testified.  There  were  but  four  of  these  shells 
in  the  fleet,  all  being  on  board  the  Chen-Yuen.  Of  a smaller,  and 
of  course  cheaper  shell  for  the  same  guns  two  and  one-half  cal- 
ibres long,  used  for  target  practice,  there  were  in  all  fourteen  in 
the  two  iron  clads,  and  they  were  fired  off  in  the  first  hour  and  a 
half  of  the  engagement,  after  which  only  steel  shot  was  left  with 
which  to  continue  the  fight.  From  the  condition  of  the  flag  ship 
and  her  consort,  may  be  inferred  that  of  the  other  vessels  in  the 
fleet.  They  were  at  once  however,  after  the  battle,  well  supplied 
with  shell  except  of  the  larger  size. 

The  Chinese  fleet  was  at  a disadvantage  in  manoeuvring  from 
inferior  speed,  but  a greater  difficulty  even  than  that  w^as  the  per- 
versity of  the  personnel.  Even  on  board  the  flag  ship  orders 
were  not  carried  out,  but  varied  or  suppressed  at  the  discretion  of 
the  officers.  In  telegraphing  from  the  conning  tower  to  the  en- 
gine room,  the  plans  of  the  admiral  were  frustrated,  by  the  officer 
who  moved  the  telegraph  signalling  a low  speed  when  the  admiial 
was  ordering  a high  speed,  in  order  to  close  with  the  enemy. 
This  trick  was  only  discovered  after  the  battle,  by  comparing 
notes  with  the  German  engineer  who  was  below.  How  many 
other  ways  of  cheating  the  commanding  officer  were  resorted  to 
during  those  critical  hours,  no  one  can  tell.  As  for  the  other 
ships  of  the  fleet,  it  is  acknowledged  that  after  the  first  round 
they  kept  no  formation,  each  ship  fighting  her  own  battle,  except 
the  two  ironclads  with  the  foreign  officers  on  board,  which  kept 
moving  in  concert  till  the  close.  The  flagship  lost  all  her  signal 


558  EFFECTS  OF  WINTER  ON  THE  TWO  ARMIES. 


halyards  and  a number  of  signal  men  in  the  beginning  of  the 
action,  and  thereby  lost  touch  with  the  rest  of  the  squadron. 

From  the  capture  of  Ping-Yang,  to  the  first  of  November, 
the  progress  of  the  war  attested  the  circumspection  of  the  Jap- 
anese, who  from  first  to  last  resolved  to  risk  nothing  by  land 
or  sea.  There  was  practically  no  resistance,  and  the  Chinese 
government  was  tolerably  aware  that  there  would  be  none,  either 
at  the  Yalu  or  at  Feng-hwang-tcheng.  What  the  government 
reckoned  on,  if  they  can  be  said  to  have  made  any  reckoning  at 

all,  was  that  the 
forces  assembled  at 
Chiu-lie  n- tcheng 
would  delay  the 
advance  of  the  ene- 
my till  something 
turned  up,  or  till 
the  winter  should 
come  to  the  aid  of 
the  invaded.  Well, 
winter  came,  and 
lo  it  was  the  Chin- 
ese and  not  the 
Japanese  who  were 
its  first  victims. 
Poor  General 
Sung,  driven  out 
of  Kiu-lien-tcheng, 
and  falling  back 
on  Feng-hwang- 
tcheng,  was  followed  up  so  sharp  that,  with  the  remnant  of  his 
force,  he  had  to  retreat  to  the  mountains,  without  extra  clothing  or 
baggage.  The  cold  set  in,  and  snow  was  falling  on  these  shiver- 
ing wretches,  while  the  enemy  was  enjoying  the  comparative 
luxury  of  the  towns  and  villages. 

By  this  time  in  the  history  of  the  war,  it  seemed  certain  that 
in  such  a conflict  as  was  to  be  anticipated,  China  would  not  en- 
trust the  ultimate  defense  of  the  empire  to  such  loose  levies  as 
had  been  in  the  field.  From  the  time  of  their  organization,  these 


JAPANESE  CAVALRYMAN. 


*ORT  ARTHUR— TRANSPORTS  KNl'ERINCJ  THE  INNER  HARBOR. 


WHAT  THE  FRIENDS  OF  CHINA  HOPED. 


561 


troops  under  arms  have  constituted  a danger  to  the  peace  of 
China,  wliether  in  viatory  or  defeat,  and  perhaps  there  was  a cer- 
tain cynical  calculation  in  the  release  by  the  Japanese  of  pris- 
oners, that  they  might  swell  the  ranks  of  brigands.  It  was  be- 
lieved by  many  friends  of  China  that  the  dispersion  of  these 
troops  would  make  room  for  an  army  built  up  on  a different 
system,  should  the  government  be  at  last  aroused  to  a sense  of  the 
necessity  for  military  reform. 

Until  this  time,  the  government  of  China  properly  so  called, 
had  not  been  able  to  bring  its  intelligence  to  bear  on  the  question 
of  imperial  defense.  That  had  been  left  in  the  hands  of  the  im- 
perial viceroy  Li  Hung  Chang,  who  has  for  many  years  con- 
ducted the  foreign  as  well  as  the  naval  and  military  affairs  of  the 
empire.  But  during  the  fall  the  Peking  government  was  gradu- 
ally gathering  the  reins  into  its  own  hands.  The  return  of  Prince 
Kung  to  the  counsels  of  the  emperor  was  a marked  expression  of 
the  new  resolution.  The  summoning  of  Von  Hannecken  by  im- 
perial edict  to  Peking  was  another  indication  of  the  suspension  of 
Li  Hung  Chang’s  function  of  general  middleman  between  the 
empire  and  the  world.  Whether  this  new  born  energy  for  affairs 
was  to  have  s^ayingpower  sufficient  to  launch  the  government  on 
the  unknown  sea  of  foreign  science,  and  save  the  empire  from 
disruption  wasi  problematical,  but  the  war  still  raged  on,  and  out 
of  its  immediate  issues,  it  was  predicted  by  many,  was  to  arise  a 
state  of  thing  which  would  mock  the  slow  progress  of  mere 
evolutionary  reform,  by  a cataclysm  which  might  do  in  one  day 
what  a centu*‘v  <)f  deliberation  could  not  accomplish. 


I 

i 

I 

* 

V 

I 


THE  ADVANCE  UPON  PORT  ARTHUR. 


Landing  of  the  Second  Japanese  Army  at  Kwa-yuen-ken— Capture  of  Kinchow— Taking 
of  Talien-vvan— Flight  of  the  Chinese  to  Port  Arthur— General  Nodzu’s  Force  and  its  Action 
—Pekin  Authorities  Despondent— Prince  Kung  Asks  Foreign  Intervention— Propositions  for 
Peace  Fail— Contractors  Want  to  Destroy  Japanese  Fleet— Foreigners  in  Chinese  Service— 
The  Emperor  Eeceives  Visitors— Drawing  Near  to  Port  Arthur— People  of  the  Peninsula- 
Skirmishes  on  the  Way— The  Night  Before  the  Battle. 

The  troops  of  the  second  Japanese  army  landed  at  a place 
called  Kwa-yuen-ken  near  the  mouth  of  the  Pili  River,  northeast 
of  Talieri-wan  Bay.  From  the  mouth  of  the  Pili  to  Kinchow, 
the  principal  town  in  the  peninsula,  the  distance  is  fifty-four  miles. 
The  debarkation  was  completed  without  interruption,  and  the 
march  south  west  ward  began.  The  capture  of  Kinchow,  at  the 
narrowest  point  in  the  Adams  Isthmus,  was  made  without  diffi- 
culty, and  the  victorious  forces  continued  on  their  way.  Novem- 
ber 7 the  Japanese  occupied  Talien-wan.  The  more  the  captured 
Chinese  position  here  was  examined,  the  greater  became  the  as- 
tonishment at  the  poor  defense  made.  The  defensive  works  were 
excellent  in  design.  Six  large  and  strongly  constructed  forts 
commanded  Talien-wan  bay,  mounting  all  together  eighty  guns  of 
various  sizes  and  patterns.  Many  of  them  were  comparatively 
modern  and  excellent  of  their  kind.  All  of  these  guns,  as  well 
as  large  stores  of  ammunition,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Japanese. 

Beside  the  forts  on  the  bay,  the  Chinese  had  constructed  across 
the  narrow  neck  of  the  peninsula,  which  was  here  about  seven 
miles  wide,  a series  of  earthworks  of  an  elaborate  kind.  The 
whole  system  had  evidently  been  planned  by  an  engineer  of  high 
skill.  It  was  completely  fitted  with  telephones  and  other  modern 
appliances  for  communication.  The  works  had  been  designed  to 
facilitate  a concentration  of  troops  at  any  threatened  point  in  the 
shortest  possible  time.  The  batteries  were  powerfully  constructed 
and  well  armed.  The  greatest  strength  of  the  forts  on  the  bay 
was  on  the  side  facing  the  sea.  Some  successful  reconnoitering 
revealed  weakness  upon  the  land  side.  An  intimation  was  con* 

t563) 


664 


CAPTURE  OF  TALIEN-WAN. 


veyed  to  Count  Ito  that  the  seaward  forts  were  of  such  strength 
that  a bombardment  from  the  Japanese  fleet  would  assuredly  re- 
sult in  serious  damage  to  some  of  the  ships.  Marshal  Oyama  in- 
formed his  colleague  that  he  believed  a land  attack  would  be  at- 
tended with  success,  and  that  idea  was  therefore  put  into  effect. 

The  Japanese  fleet  took  a station  off  the  bay,  and  opened  a tre- 
mendous bombardment  of  the  forts  on  the  6th  of  November. 
For  many  hours  the  firing  scarcely  ceased,  and  on  the  following 
day  it  was  resumed.  On  the  7th,  covered  by  the  bombardment, 
the  land  force  attacked  Talien-wan  at  daybreak  by  a general  as- 


sault, and  the  success  was  complete.  The  Chinese,  taken  by  sur- 
prise, fled  panic-stricken  towards  Port  Arthur. 

The  losses  in  the  capture  of  these  two  fortifications,  Kinchow 
and  Talien-wan,  were  not  great  on  either  side.  The  Chinese  gar- 
rison at  the  former  place  consisted  of  one  thousand  infantry  and 
one  hundred  cavalry.  They  fled  to  Talien-wan,  which  was  de- 
fended by  three  thousand  infantry  and  one  hundred  and  eighty 
cavalry,  and  all  together  retreated  thence  towards  Port  Arthur. 
On  the  Japanese  side  the  losses  were  only  ten  killed  and  wounded, 
and  the  losses  of  the  Chinese,  who  offered  practically  no  resist- 


GENERAL  NODZU’S  ARMY. 


565 


ance,  were  not  much  greater.  As  in  previous  retreats,  the  Chi- 
nese threw  away  their  arms  in  their  flight,  and  reached  Port 
Arthur  with  nothing  but  the  clothes  they  wore. 

During  tliese  days  of  action  by  the  force  under  Oyama,  Gen- 
eral Nodzu’s  troops  had  not  been  idle.  Immediately  after  the 
capture  of  Chiu-lien,  the  Japanese  headquarters’  staff  moved  there 
from  Wi-ju.  Two  columns  were  sent  after  the  fleeing  Chinese. 
Colonel  Sato  moved  upon  Aii-tung,  which  was  taken  without 
fighting.  General  Tachimi,  with  the  first  division,  moved  upon 
Feng-hwang  on  October  27,  and  on  the  31st  the  town  surrendered.  | 


VIEW  OF  TALIEN-WAN  BAY. 


No  prisoners  were  taken  by  the  Japanese.  The  orders  were  to 
disarm  and  scatter  the  enemy  wherever  found,  and  this  was  done 
with  vigor.  By  Marshal  Yamagata’s  orders,  the  peaceable  inhabi- 
tants were  treated  with  the  utmost  consideration.  All  food  pur- 
chased was  paid  for  and  laborers  were  paid  for  any  extra  help  re- 
quired. As  a result  the  Japanese  camp  was  thronged  with  Chi- 
nese peasants  offering  produce,  and  more  Chinese  laborers  asked 
for  work  than  could  be  engaged. 

The  enemy  divided  in  flight  from  Feng-hwang,  some  going  to 
Mukden,  others  to  Hai-tcheng,  and  others  to  Taku-shan.  Most 
of  the  generals  fled  to  Mukden.  As  the  last  fugitives  left  Feng- 


566 


IMPERIAL  TROUBLE  IN  PEKING. 


hwang  it  was  set  on  fire,  and  tlie  flames  wrecked  the  village  be- 
fore the  Japanese  could  extinguish  them.  Cold  had  set  in  among 
the  Manchoorian  hills  by  this  time  and  some  snow  had  fallen. 
The  victorious  army  therefore  took  pains  to  make  itself  as  com- 
fortable as  possible,  advancing  slowly,  living  off  the  country,  and 
driving  all  enemies  before  it. 

In  Peking  at  this  time  the  authorities  were  bus}'  attempting 
to  devise  means  of  safety  for  their  armies,  and  to  provide  for  their 
own  escape  from  threatening  danger.  Li  Hung  Chang  was  de- 
prived of  all  his  decorative  honors.  Liu  Kunyi,  viceroy  of  Nan- 
king, was  made  viceroy  of  Tien-tsin.  Chang  Chi  Stung,  viceroy 
of  Wu-chang,  was  appointed  viceroy  of  Nanking.  Hu  Yuff,  a 
judge  of  Kwang-hsi,  and  Captain  Von  Hannecken  were  ordered 
to  enlist  and  equip  a force  of  troops  after  the  German  model,  as  the 
nucleus  of  a new  grand  army  of  China.  Finally  Prince  Kung 
was  appointed  Chief  Controller  of  Military  Affairs,  with  Prince 
Chung  to  assist  him,  thus  further  centralizing  the  power. 

Anotlier  imperial  edict  gave  executive  effect  to  the  sentence 
passed  by  the  military  courts  upon  General  Wei.  It  declared  that 
by  his  withdrawal  from  the  battle  of  Ping-Yang  he  caused  the 
defeat  of  the  entire  army.  Furthermore,  he  was  adjudged  guilty 
of  embezzling  public  funds  entrusted  to  him  for  the  specific  purpose 
of  paying  his  soldiers,  and  of  gross  incompetence  and  violation 
of  duty  in  that  he  permitted  the  troops  with  whom  he  retreated 
to  maltreat  and  rob  the  people  along  the  line  of  route,  thereby 
lowering  the  national  character.  For  these  offenses  General  Wei 
was  degraded  from  military  rank  and  deprived  of  all  his  honors. 
It  was  also  announced  that  Admiral  Ting  kept  from  the  knowledge 
of  the  throne  many  important  matters  connected  with  the  naval 
battle  of  the  Yalu,  and  that  while  losing  some  ships  and  getting 
others  crippled  he  inflicted  scarcely  any  damage  upon  the  enemy. 
The  admiral  was  therefore  deprived  of  all  the  honors  recently  be- 
stowed upon  him  under  a misapprehension  of  the  facts. 

How  despondent  was  the  view  of  the  situation  held  by  the 
Chinese  authorities  may  be  judged  by  the  first  action  taken  by 
Prince  Kung  after  his  promotion.  On  Sunday,  November  4,  be- 
fore the  news  of  the  Japanese  success  at  Talieii-wan  had  reached 
the  Chinese,  owing  to  the  cutting  of  the  telegraph  wires,  he  in- 


CHINA  ASKS  INTERFERENCE. 


667 


vited  the  representatives  all  the  powers  to  assemble  at  the  Tsung- 
li  Yaiiien  to  hear  what  the  Chinese  government  had  to  say  re- 
specting the  critical  situation.  At  this  audience  Prince  Rung 
calmly  avowed  the  comj^lete  impotence  of  his  country  to  withstand 
the  Japanese  attack,  and  appealed  to  the  powers  to  intervene. 
He  made  an  appeal  for  their  assistance  in  bringing  about  some 
agreement  for  the  termination  of  the  war,  indicating  as  a basis  of 
negotiation  a willingness  of  China  to  abandon  her  claim  to  the 
suzerainty  of  Corea,  and  to  pay  a war  indemnity  to  Japan.  This 
appeal  was  made  formally  and  officially,  and  marked  for  the  first 
time  the  fact  that  China  recognized  her  utter  defeat. 

Having  concluded  his  speech.  Prince  Rung  handed  to  each 
minister  a note  embod}dng  his  remarks.  The  ministers  were  favor- 
ably impressed,  and  they  applauded  the  frankness  of  China’s  con- 
fession. They  promised  to  support  her  appeal  to  their  respective 
governments,  with  a view  to  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  in  order 
to  avert  the  dangers  threatening  all  interested.  Simultaneously 
with  this  action  of  Prince  Rung,  the  Chinese  minister  to  Great 
Britain  and  France  endeavored  to  enlist  the  assistance  of  the 
foreign  offices  of  those  countries,  but  again  the  effort  to  secure 
peace  for  China  by  the  intervention  of  western  nations  met  with 
little  encouragement. 

A diplomatic  complication  arose  between  Japan  and  France 
early  in  November  which  had  an  element  of  comedy  in  it  and  is 
of  interest  here.  Two  American  citizens,  John  Brown  and 
George  Howie,  of  British  extraction,  offered  their  services  to  the 
Chinese  government  in  the  capacity  of  torpedo  experts.  They 
claimed  to  be  in  possession  of  an  invention  capable  of  most  de- 
structive effects  in  naval  warfare,  and  having  succeeded  in  con- 
vincing a Chinese  agent  of  the  validity  of  their  claim^  they  were 
engaged  to  employ  the  invention  against  the  Japanese  navy,  in 
consideration  of  a payment  of  fl00,000  down,  f 1,000,000  for  each 
naval  squadron  destroyed,  and  a proportion  of  the  value  of  each 
merchantman  sent  to  the  bottom.  With  their  contract  in  their 
pocket,  they  sailed  from  San  Francisco,  and  at  Yokahama  trans- 
ferred themselves  to  the  French  steamer  Sydney.  Meanwhile  the 
Japanese  authorities,  having  obtained  intelligence  of  the  two  men’s 
proceedings,  telegraphed  instructions  to  Robe,  and  in  that  port 


568 


JAPANESE  FORCES  MEET. 


the  alleged  inventors  were  taken  off  the  ship,  together  with  their 
Chinese  companions.  The  French  minister  inclined  to  push  the 
case  in  their  favor,  but  diplomacy  and  international  law  was  so 
clearly  on  the  side  of  the  Japanese  that  he  withdrew  his  efforts. 
After  their  arrest  however,  the  two  men  signed  a stringent 
guarantee  binding  themselves  not  to  assist  the  Chinese  during  the 
present  war,  and  this  with  the  representation  of  the  American 
minister  secured  their  release. 

The  Japanese  forces  occupying  Talien-wan  used  their  time  to 
advantage  in  strengthening  their  positions,  completing  the  tele- 
graph line  along  the  north  shore  of  Corea  Bay,  to  a junction  with 
the  line  which  had  already  been  built  across  the  Yalu  River  from 
Corea,  and  in  preparing  for  their  investment  of  Port  Arthur. 
Admiral  Ito’s  sailors  and  marines  destroj^ed  all  the  torpedoes 
placed  by  the  enemy  in  the  bay  and  its  approaches.  They  also 
captured  several  torpedo  boats  and  apparatus.  The  fleet  and  the 
transports  all  entered  the  bay,  and  there  remained  to  act  in 
harmony  with  the  land  forces.  A few  days  after  the  occupation 
of  Talien-wan,  the  advance  column  of  the  first  Japanese  army, 
pursuing  from  Feng-hwang  that  portion  of  the  divided  fugitive 
Chinese  who  were  seeking  Port  Arthur,  met  the  outposts  of  the 
second  invading  army,  and  communication  was  thereby  estab- 
lished, both  by  telegraph  and  by  messenger  service,  through 
Japanese  garrisons,  in  a chain  extending  the  full  length  of  the 
Corean  peninsula  and  around  Corea  Bay  to  Talien-wan. 

Consternation  was  caused  in  Peking  by  the  discovery,  which 
one  would  have  supposed  not  difficult,  that  the  Pei-yang  squadron 
was  caught  in  a trap  at  Port  Arthur.  Li  Hung  Chang  had  made 
efforts  to  bring  all  the  damaged  war  ships  out  of  that  harbor, 
ordering  the  squadron  to  keep  within  range  of  the  guns  of  Wei- 
hai-wei.  But  on  account  of  somebody’s  violation  of  orders,  a 
dozen  Chinese  vessels  of  war  were  now  within  the  Port  Arthur 
harbor,  hemmed  in  by  the  neighboring  Japanese  fleet.  The 
responsible  Chinese  officials  appeared  to  be  callous  to  the  fate  of 
the  empire,  giving  their  chief  attention  to  matters  of  personal 
interest  and  gain. 

Port  Arthur  was  now  effectively  invested  and  threatened,  and 
to  provide  for  their  personal  safety,  Kung,  the  taotai  of  the 


PORT  ARTHUR— JAPANESE  COOLIES  REMOVING  CHINESE  DEAD. 


FOREIGNERS  IN  CHINESE  SERVICE. 


571 


place,  together  with  several  military  leaders,  abandoned  Port 
Arthur  as  hastily  as  possible.  The  effort  made  by  one  English- 
man, anxious  to  preserve  some  Chinese  dignity,  to  save  Port 
Arthur,  was  received  with  considerable  surprise  and  not  by  any 
means  appreciated. 

The  position  of  foreigners  in  the  employ  of  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment has  always  been  anomalous,  but  the  exigencies  of  the  war 
have  shown  up  the  relationship  between  Chinese  and  foreigners 
in  a vivid  and  highly  instructive  light.  Their  rooted  aversion  to 
foreigners,  which  springs  from  fear,  does  not  withhold  the 
Chinese  from  flying  to  seek  foreign  aid  in  their  extremity.  On 
these  occasions  they  betray  a superstitious  feeling  towards  the 
foreigners,  regarding  him  as  a sort  of  medicine  man  who  can  see 
through  a millstone  or  work  any  other  miracle.  Their  idea  is  to 
hire  him  by  the  job,  and  when  the  job  is  done  cast  him  off  as  any 
other  laborer.  When  war  came  upon  them,  the  Chinese  fleet  was 
in  a quandary,  scuttling  about  from  one  snug  harbor  to  another, 
the  officers  knowing  nothing  of  their  enemy,  his  movements,  or 
his  capacities.  Though  they  were  told  they  had  the  strongest 
fleet,  they  would  have  preferred  not  to  put  its  presumed  superi- 
ority to  too  severe  a test,  yet  they  had  the  imperial  order  to 
destroy  the  enemy  unconditionally.  In  this  extremity,  the 
authorities  cast  about  for  extemporized  foreigners  to  help  them. 

A hardy  Scandinavian  came  first  to  the  rescue,  offering  to 
scout,  pilot,  or  fight  for  them,  run  a torpedo  boat,  or  do  anything 
that  youthful  daring  might  legitimately  venture.  Only  he  stipu- 
lated for  a twenty-knot  steamer,  performing,  however,  in  the 
meantime,  the  emergency  service  in  a common  tugboat  of  less 
than  half  that  speed.  The  promise  of  a fast  steamer  was  broken, 
as  every  promise  of  every  Chinese  official,  with  few  exceptions, 
from  the  beginning  of  time  has  been  broken,  and  until  the  end  of 
the  war  the  hardy  Norseman  had  to  content  himself  on  the  deck 
of  that  same  wet  and  lively  tugboat.  Comical  indeed  were  the 
adventures  he  had  with  his  convoys  of  troops,  munitions,  and 
stores,  which  never  would  follow  the  program  laid  down  for 
them,  sometimes  bolting  from  the  smoke  of  their  own  escort,  and 
and  he  chasing  them  back  into  their  own  ports  whose  forts  would 
open  fire  on  him.  This  was  the  uniform  experience  of  Europeans 


572 


CHINESE  RESISTANCE  MELTING  AWAY. 


who  served  the  Chinese.  The  zeal  and  loyalty  were  all  on  the 
side  of  the  aliens,  whose  hearts  were  broken  in  hopeless  efforts  to 
make  the  Chinese  do  their  duty  to  their  own  country.  Every 
foreigner  wlio  served  China,  no  matter  in  what  capacity,  unless 
he  belonged  to  the  class  which  is  content  to  draw  pay  and  say 
nothing,  had  the  same  strenuous  battle  with  his  employers  to 
compel  them  to  interest  themselves  in  their  own  service.  The 
Chinese,  on  their  part,  failed  to  comprehend  the  folly  of  the 
foreigner  who  was  not  content  to  draw  his  pay  and  keep  quiet. 

At  Port  Arthur  there  were  some  half  dozen  rival  generals,  but 
no  one  in  command,  each  caring  only  for  his  own  camp,  and  all  at 
loggerheads  with  the  others.  The  head  of  the  port,  the  poor 
taotai,  of  the  literary  graduate  order,  was  a brother  of  the 
present  minister  to  England.  There  was  also  the  admiral  of  the 
Pei  yang  squadron,  the  most  likely  man  to  assume  the  responsi- 
bility of  a general  command  ; but  for  fear  of  getting  himself  dis- 
liked by  Taotai  Kung  or  the  generals,  he  kept  his  hands  out  of 
mischief.  Finally,  the  English  harbor  master  at  Port  Arthur 
went  to  Tien-tsin,  and  showed  the  condition  of  affairs  to  the 
viceroy.  The  result  was  that  the  viceroy  sent  instructions  to 
Kung,  which  the  latter  ignored,  flying  from  Port  Arthur  at  the 
first  chance.  The  collapse  of  Chinese  resistance  was  proceeding 
at  a rate  which  more  than  astonished  the  Japanese  themselves. 
With  Kinchow  and  Talien-wan  captured  almost  without  a blow, 
although  amply  supplied  with  the  means  of  making  a vigorous 
and  protracted  defense,  and  all  the  soldiers  joining  in  an  ignomin- 
ious rush  for  Port  Arthur,  it  seemed  that  the  Chinese  were 
exhibiting  all  that  reluctance  to  make  trouble  which  character- 
ized Crockett’s  famous  ’coon,  demonstrating  their  willingness  to 
come  down  to  any  required  extent  if  Marshal  Oyama  would  only 
consent  not  to  shoot. 

The  force  under  Yamagata,  advancing  from  Feng-hwang  in 
two  divisions,  one  towards  Port  Arthur  and  one  on  the  road  to 
Mukden,  met  no  resistance  that  was  strong  enough  to  intercept 
their  advance,  although  there  was  some  fighting  at  two  or  three 
stands.  The  right  division  advanced  northwestward  and  entered 
the  Manchoorian  highlands  by  the  Mo-thien-ling  pass  where  a 
force  was  gathered  to  oppose  it.  The  left  division  marched 


THE  EMPEROR  RECEIVES  VISITORS. 


573 


towards  Siu-Yen  where  another  Chinese  force  was  encamped.  It 
was  the  outpost  of  this  division,  pursuing  the  Chinese  fugitives 
through  Taku-shan,  which  made  junction  with  the  second  army 
and  completed  the  chain  of  communication. 

On  the  9th  of  November  the  Japanese  advanced  and  attacked 
Namquan  pass,  a strongly  fortified  neck  between  Society  Bay  and 
Talien-wan.  There  was  no  concerted  defense,  and  each  Chinese 
"^detachment  was  separately  routed.  Some  thousands  of  refugees 
from  Kinchow,  who  were  flying  towards  villages  in  the  vicinit}^ 
were  mistaken  for  the  enemy  and  were  fired  upon  from  the  rear 
of  the  defenses,  many  being  killed. 

Again  the  Chinese  authorities  in  Peking  decided  to  seek  peace 
through  the  influence  and  intervention  of  western  powers  be- 
tween herself  and  Japan.  On  the  morning  of  November  15  the 
emperor  gave  an  audience  to  the  diplomatic  representatives  in 
Peking,  and  all  the  ministers  were  present.  His  Majesty’s  action 
in  thus  receiving  the  diplomatists  caused  considerable  stir  in  high 
Chinese  circles,  such  a violation  was  it  of  imperial  Chinese  eti- 
quette. This  audience  was  granted  on  the  occasion  of  the  pres- 
entation of  letters  of  congratulation  by  the  ministers,  on  the  six- 
tieth birthday  of  the  dowager  empress.  For  the  first  time  in 
Chinese  history  the  audience  was  held  in  the  imperial  palace  it- 
self. As  an  especial  mark  of  courtesy  the  foreign  ministers 
entered  by  the  central  gate,  the  gate  through  which  the  emperor 
only  is  usually  allowed  to  pass. 

The  ministers  had  audience  with  the  emperor  separately,  and 
the  reception  was  of  a distinctly  formal  character,  lasting  but  a 
few  minutes.  The  audience  took  place  in  the  hall  where  His 
Majesty  was  accustomed  to  hear  the  Confucian  classics  expounded. 
He  was  seated  cross-legged  on  the  Dragon  Throne,  surrounded 
by  a numerous  body  of  princes  and  officials.  In  front  of  His 
Majesty  was  placed  a small  table  covered  with  yellow  satin, 
which  concealed  the  lower  half  of  his  person.  In  the  short  inter- 
views with  each  minister,  who  stood  some  ten  feet  from  His 
Majesty,  Prince  Kung  and  Prince  Ching  acted  alternately  as 
masters  of  the  ceremonies,  and  interpreted  the  speeches.  The 
emperor  spoke  entirely  in  the  Manchoo  tongue.  He  appeared 
sjnall  and  delicate,  poi?sessing  a fine  forehead,  with  expressive 


574 


RETROSPECT  OF  OPERATIONS. 


brown  eyes,  and  an  intellectual  countenance.  The  emperor’s 
position,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  the  dignitaries  of  his  court, 
gave  liim  an  imposing  appearance,  although  to  a close  observer 
he  looked  and  spoke  like  a lad  of  sixteen  or  seventeen  years. 
Plis  Majesty  did  not  indulge  in  any  social  conversation  with  the 
visitors,  but  spoke  formally  to  all.  The  interview  was  granted 
in  the  hope  that  western  sympathy  would  be  secured  for  the 
threatened  orientals. 

Now  that  the  approach  to  Port  Arthur  has  brought  the  Jap- 
anese army  almost  to  the  walls,  let  us  take  a brief  retrospect  of 
the  operations  of  the  month.  On  the  24th  of  October  the  de- 
barkation of  the  second  army  on  the  Liao  Tung  peninsula  began, 
to  the  northwest  of  the  Elliot  islands,  at  Kwa-yuen.  No  opposi- 
tion of  any  kind  was  encountered,  but  natural  difficulties  such  as 
shallow  beaches  and  great  range  of  tides  impeded  the  operation, 
so  that  all  the  stores  were  not  landed  until  the  evening  of  the 
30th.  The  troops  however  were  put  in  motion  at  once,  and  on 
October  28th  the  advance  guard  reached  Pitszwo,  a place  of  some 
importance  at  the  junction  of  the  Niuchwang,  Port  Arthur,  and 
Taku-shan  road.  This  place  was  twenty-five  miles  from  the  port 
of  debarkation.  Forty-five  miles  farther  southwest,  the  troops 
came  upon  Kinchow,  at  the  point  where  the  two  post  roads  of  the 
peninsula  met.  On  November  6 the  Japanese  captured  this  town 
without  difficulty,  and  the  next  day  Field  Marshal  Oyama’s 
troops,  pressing  close  on  the  heels  of  the  flying  enemy,  reached 
the  formidable  isthmus  a couple  of  hours  after  them,  and  to  the 
accompaniment  of  a thunderous  bombardment  from  the  fleet, 
seized  the  defenses  without  a struggle.  After  such  a singular 
display  of  blundering  and  cowardice  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese, 
what  followed  was  not  astonishing.  The  troops  passing  the  isth- 
mus, found  themselves  on  the  shore  of  Talien-wan  Bay,  one  of  the 
best  harbors  in  North  China.  Ample  preparations  for  defense 
had  indeed  been  made,  but  they  were  not  utilized  by  the  cow- 
ardly soldiers.  The  Japanese  themselves  were  taken  by  surprise. 
They  had  not  contemplated  such  a fiasco. 

Meanwhile  the  army  had  continued  its  march  towards  Port 
Arthur.  Their  line  of  communication  to  the  rear,  both  by  land 
and  sea,  was  perfect,  commissariat  wa,s  in.  the  best  condi- 


DISPOSITION  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


575 


tion  for  service.  The  hospital  corps  was  active  and  modern  in  its 
manner  of  work.  Nurses  of  the  Red  Cross  Society,  both  men 
and  women,  accompanied  the  army  and  were  provided  with 
everything  in  the  power  of  the  commander  to  grant,  being  shown 
every  courtesy.  On  the  other  hand,  efforts  made  by  hospital 
corps  to  reach  the  Chinese  wounded  from  the  Chinese  side  of  the 
lines,  met  with  utter  failure.  Two  Red  Cross  nurses  were  turned 
back  by  the  Chinese  authorities  at  Tien-tsin,  they  declining  to  be 
responsible  for  the  safety  of  non-combatants.  The  Taotai  Sheng 
said,  “We  do  not  want  to  save  our  wounded.  A Chinaman 
cheerfully  accepts  the  fates  that  befall  him.” 

More  than  a fortnight  had  Marshal  Oyama’s  army  been  march- 
ing in  two  divisions,  eastern  and  western,  down  the  peninsula  to 
Port  Arthur.  The  distance  was  less  than  fifty  miles,  but  the 
country  was  a difficult  one,  there  being  practically  no  roads  avail- 
able except  in  the  cultivated  valleys.  As  the  army  approached  the 
objective  point,  there  were  occasional  brushes  with  the  enemy. 
At  Ye-jo-shu  on  November  18,  the  army  was  more  than  half  way 
from  Kinchow  to  Port  Arthur,  and  almost  within  ^sight  of  the 
goal.  The  next  day’s  march  was  expected  to  bring  the  forces  to 
camp  on  the  safe  side  of  the  hills,  within  an  hour’s  ride  of  Port 
Arthur,  unless  the  Chinese  should  prevent.  The  next  day  was  to 
be  devoted  to  rest  and  to  making  sure  that  everything  was  prop- 
erly arranged  and  ready  for  the  fray ; and  it  was  confidently 
asserted  that  on  the  evening  of  the  day  after,  November  21,  the 
Japanese  army  would  sleep  peacefully  in  Port  Arthur  with 
Dragon  Flags  for  bed  quilts. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  the  Chinese  made  a reconnoissance 
in  force,  but  retired  without  discovering  much  except  a Japanese 
scouting  party,  which  had  a narrow  escape.  The  army  was 
moving  along  steadily  with  General  Nishi  leading  the  vanguard. 
General  Yamaji,  his  staff,  and  the  war  correspondents  all  with  the 
main  body,  and  General  Nogi  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  field 
marshal  and  his  staff  were  also  behind,  and  General  Hasegawa 
was  on  the  left  wing,  with  his  forces  practically  covering  the 
country  down  to  the  south  coast.  In  front  and  on  the  right  as 
far  as  the  not  very  distant  north  coast,  small  bodies  of  cavalry 
and  infan trv  were  thrown  out  along  the  valleys.  The  country 
28 


576 


VILLAGES  AND  PEOPLE. 


was  magnificent  for  defensive  purposes,  studded  with  moderately 
steep  hills,  ranging  from  low  undulations  up  to  huge  crags  two 
thousand  feet  high,  with  hundreds  of  rocky  ravines  and  gulleys ; 
broad  fertile  valleys  never  very  level,  intersected  by  winding 
water  courses,  like  a labyrinth,  almost  dry  at  this  season. 

Every  two  or  three  miles  there  were  small  villages  roughly 
built  of  stone,  nestling  in  hollows,  with  a few  trees  here  and 
there.  In  and  about  the  villages  scores  of  natives  crowded, 
curious  to  see  the  foreigners  they  feared ; on  the  hilltops  were 
the  more  timorous  ones,  watching  awhile  and  then  hurrying  away 
perhaps  to  tell  the  Chinese  army  what  they  had  seen,  but  no  at- 
tempt was  ever  made  to  stop  them,  except  occasionally  to  ask  a 
question  or  two.  The  road  was  the  military  road  connecting  Port 
Arthur  with  Kinchow,  Niuchwang  and  Peking.  There  was  not 
the  least  sign  of  anything  having  been  done  to  keep  it  in  repair 
since  it  was  first  cut  a quarter  of  a century  ago,  the  soft  parts 
were  deep  rutted,  and  would  be  well-nigh  impassable  after  heavy 
rain,  while  the  rocky  parts  were  jagged  and  strewn  with  stones  of 
all  sizes  and  shapes.  Over  the  plains  dust  drove  in  black  clouds 
which  enveloped  the  column,  suggesting  the  great  dust  storms  of 
North  China.  There  was  bright  sunny  weather,  but  the  nights 
were  cold  during  the  march  down  the  peninsula. 

The  day’s  march  which  had  begun  at  seven  in  the  morning,  was 
to  end  at  Ye-jo-shu,  a big  village  near  the  sea,  about  ten  miles 
northeast  of  Port  Arthur.  Before  entering  the  village  General 
Yamaji  was  met  by  an  aid-de-camp  with  news  of  fighting  ahead, 
half  way  to  Port  Arthur.  After  a little  hesitation  the  general 
granted  the  request  of  two  of  the  correspondents  to  permit  them 
to  go  forward,  and  they  galloped  off  to  the  left  in  a southwesterly 
direction.  Five  miles  away,  among  the  hilltops,  they  caught  a 
glimpse  of  a small,  square,  stone  building,  like  a fort  or  watch- 
tower,  and  all  around  it  could  be  discerned  figures  moving  amidst 
clouds  of  smoke.  The  road  was  lined  many  yards  on  either  side 
with  men  and  animals,  all  racing  in  the  same  direction,  spurting 
to  be  first  at  a ford  or  a narrow  defile,  urging  and  helping  each 
other,  and  only  afraid  the  enemy  might  retire  too  soon. 

It  was  an  hour  after  midday,  and  Nishi's  force  had  just  begun 
to  pitch  camp  south  of  Ye-jo-shu,  when  a courier  arrived  and  an* 


A SKIRMISH  ON  THE  ROAD. 


677 


nounced  that  the  outer  pickets  were  being  forced  and  cut  off. 
Firing  had  begun  at  eleven  o’clock,  but  did  not  become  'serious 
until  an  hour  later.  Cavalry  were  rushed  to  the  front,  then  in- 
fantry, then  artillery  and  ammunition  trains  as  they  could  be 
mustered  and  got  away.  The  correspondents  galloped  hard  where 
the  land  allowed,  past  soldiers  looking  to  their  rifles  and  pouches 
as  they  ran,  past  lumbering  guns  and  kicking  mules,  past  panting 
coolies  and  Red  Cross  men,  threading  their  way  through  the 
throng,  cheering  the  wounded  as  they  were  taken  to  the  rear, 
smiling  bravely  in  spite  of  pain.  Progress  was  delayed  in  the 


narrow  lanes  of  a picturesque  village,  in  a little  wooded  hollow 
where  the  artillery  stuck  in  a broad,  shallow  stream.  But  by 
eager  efforts  it  was  got  clear,  and  went  on  scrambling  up  the  bank, 
splashing  and  stumbling  through  half  dried  ditches,  plunging  in 
the  soft  sand,  and  bumping  over  boulders,  sparing  neither  man 
nor  beast  in  the  rush  up  the  glen  to  the  top  of  the  hill.  There 
stood  Brigadier-General  Nishi,  watching  a “ strategic  rearward  ” 
movement  of  the  Chinese  in  the  plain  beyond,  and  directing  oper- 
ations intended  to  cut  them  off  if  possible.  Two  strong  columns 
were  pushed  out  right  and  left,  like  the  horns  of  a crescent 
among  the  hills  encircling  the  valley,  towards  the  sea  northwest 


678 


CHINESE  ADVANCE  AND  RETREAT. 


and  Port  Arthur  southwest.  The  artillerj^  was  already  on  the 
spot,  but  was  not  used  yet ; there  was  no  need  to  let  the  Chinese 
know  how  much  strength  was  massing  before  Port  Arthur. 

The  engagement  originated  simply  in  a surprise  meeting  of 
opposing  scouts.  The  Chinese  had  been  creeping  all  over  the 
valley  and  surrounding  liills,  along  the  ravines  and  behind  the 
ridges ; Japanese  had  been  striking  out  in  twos  and  threes,  recon- 
noitering  many  miles  into  the  enemy’s  country.  Suddenly  shots 
were  heard,  and  a general  move  was  made  on  both  sides  for  the 
main  road  in  the  center.  The  Japanese  seeing  no  great  force  in 
front,  and  knowing  how  quickly  help  could  be  brought  from  be- 
hind them,  stood  their  ground  at  first.  About  noon  however 
three  stong  columns  of  Chinese  with  cavalry  and  artillerjq  prob- 
ably three  thousand  in  all,  filed  out  through  the  hills  from  main 
roads  and  by-paths  leading  from  Port  Arthur.  The  Japanese 
were  in  great  danger  of  being  surrounded  before  the  advance 
guard  could  arrive.  Only  a score  of  cavalry  and  about  two  hun- 
dred infantry,  they  had  to  fight  their  way  back  at  pretty  close 
quarters,  hand  to  hand  at  one  point.  The  Chinese  advanced  with 
an  immense  display  of  banners  almost  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  where 
Nishi  stood ; but  the  small  force  of  three  hundred  Japanese  cav- 
alry sent  out  to  draw  them  on,  seemed  to  scare  them  off,  for  by 
half  past  one  they  were  in  full  retreat,  in  good  order,  over  the 
same  paths  by  which  they  had  come,  only  just  in  time  to  escape 
the  consummation  of  the  Japanese  flank  movements.  It  was  no 
use  trying  to  pursue  them  into  the  hills  about  Port  Arthur ; for 
as  the  full  force  of  Nishi’s  brigade  was  collecting  about  the  old 
stone  monument  the  Chinese  army  was  disappearing  through  the 
passes  six  miles  away. 

A cavalry  patrol  of  seven  went  forward  and  followed  cautiously 
along  the  main  road  until  dusk,  turning  back  at  a village  just 
under  the  hills.  They  saw  the  bodies  of  the  seven  Japanese  who 
had  been  left  dead  on  the  field,  hacked,  stripped,  beheaded,  and 
in  two  cases  minus  the  right  hand ; they  saw  the  cavalryman’s 
horse  lying  partly  flayed  with  the  skin  turned  back  where  two 
large  pieces  of  flesh  had  been  carved  out  and  carried  away.  They 
saw  traces  of  the  Chinese  every  few  yards,  but  no  bodies ; they 
must  have  been  removed,  for  the  men  of  Satsuma  had  not  died 


RHI  REAT  OK  CIIINESK  SOLDIERS  AFTER  THE  FALT.  OF  PORT  ARTHUR. 


1 


SKIRMISH  AT  DOJOSHU. 


581 


for  nothing.  They  saw  no  signs  of  life  except  the  patrols  and 
nien  with  stretchers  for  the  dead,  as  they  rode  back  slowly  into 
camp  at  Ye-jo-shu,  over  ten  miles'  of  wretched  roads,  the  horses 
nearly  dead  with  the  fatigue  of  a long  day’s  work,  stumbling  at 
every  step,  and  finally  having  to  be  left  with  the  coolies  while  the 
riders  walked  most  of  the  way.  These  coolies  were  simply  won- 
derful in  their  endurance ; after  the  helter-skelter  race  for  the 


monument  they  came  up  smiling  only  a few  minutes  behind,  in 
spite  of  their  forty  pound  pack  on  their  shoulders. 

The  advance  was  slow  during  the  19th  and  20th,  the  desire 
being  to  give  the  soldiers  as  much  rest  as  possible  before  the  hard 
work  of  the  assault.  On  arriving  at  Dojoshu,  a village  at  the  foot 
of  the  hills  near  Port  Arthur,  about  noon  on  the  20th,  the  troops 
were  halted.  Oyama  had  gone  around  to  survey  the  field,  and 
was  expected  back  every  minute,  so  the  time  of  waiting  was  passed 


582 


SKIRMISH  AT  DOJOSHU. 


in  a hurried  midday  meal.  Suddenly  the  boom  of  heavy  guns  was 
heard,  and  the  Chinese  were  seen  advancing  in  two  columns,  the 
riglit  one  by  Suishiyeh,  under  the  eyes  of  the  troops  who  held  the 
hill  where  the  army  had  halted,  and  the  left  by  way  of  the  west 
side  of  the  valley,  out  of  sight  behind  the  foot  hills.  They  had  at 
last  learned  that  the  invading  armies  had  almost  surrounded  them, 
and  must  be  dislodged  if  possible.  But  it  was  not  possible  now. 
It  was  too  late. 

As  soon  as  the  advancing  left  column  got  within  a mile,  a 
portion  of  the  Japanese  artillery  opened  with  shrapnel.  The  forts 
replied  as  soon  as  the  positions  were  revealed.  About  3;00  o’clock 
the  Chinese  column  got  within  short  range  of  the  Japanese  bat- 
teries, and  was  struck  fairly  in  the  center  by  the  first  two  shells. 
The  foolish  banners  dropped  at  once,  and  the  column  lay  down. 
Bravely  the  line  was  reformed  twice,  but  the  shelling  was  too  hot 
and  too  accurate.  The  Chinese  got  their  field  guns  into  position 
but  could  do  nothing  for  practically  none  of  the  Japanese  were 
exposed  to  them  or  to  the  forts.  There  was  a little  musketry  fire 
on  both  sides,  but  of  no  importance.  The  artillery  settled  the 
affair,  and  by  5;00  o’clock  the  whole  of  the  Chinese  army  had 
marched  back  into  camp.  The  forts  away  on  the  sea-front  got 
into  action  before  dusk,  and  dropped  a few  12-inch  shells  uselessly 
on  the  hilltops  a mile  beyond  the  Japanese  ; but  when  the  last 
streak  of  daylight  had  disappeared,  all  was  quiet.  Duiing  the 
rest  of  the  night  there  was  no  sound  nor  sign  on  either  side. 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  PORT  ARTHUR  AND  THE  MAS- 
SACRE. 


Description  of  the  Great  Chinese  Naval  Station— Strength  of  its  position— The  Defenses— 
Arrangement  of  Japanese  Troops,  and  Plan  of  Attack— The  First  Assault— Attack  and 
Counter-Attack— Fall  of  the  Chinese  Forts— Action  of  the  Fleet— The  Japanese  in  the  Streets 
of  Port  Arthur— Massacre  of  Fugitives— Japanese  Red  Cross  Society  and  Its  Previous  Good 
Work— Shocking  Details  of  the  Atrocities  Committed  After  the  Taking  of  the  Town— Four 
Days  of  Violence  and  Cruelty— Stories  of  Eyewitnesses— Japanese  Explanations  and  Ex- 
cuses— Effects  of  the  Capture  of  Port  Arthur  on  the  War. 

Port  Arthur,  or  to  give  it  its  native  name,  Lu-shun-kou,  was 
the  largest  naval  station  possessed  by  the  Chinese.  Situated  at 
the  extreme  southern  end  of  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula,  Port  Arthur 
in  its  earlier  days  afforded  convenient  shelter  for  winter-bound 
junks  employed  in  carrying  timber  from  the  Yalu  River  to  the 
ports  westward.  At  that  period  it  was  merely  a small  village 
consisting  of  less  tlian  one  hundred  mud  houses,  an  occasional- 
shop,  and  three  or  four  inns.  The  prosperity  of  the  town  began 
with  the  determination  of  the  authorities  in  1881  to  establish  a 
naval  dockyard  at  the  port.  At  first  the  work  was  entrusted  to 
native  contractors,  who  however  proved  to  be  quite  incapable  of 
carrying  out  so  extended  an  undertaking,  and  in  1887  a French 
company  took  up  the  contract,  completing  the  work  in  three 
years.  The  port  then  boasted  of  a large  basin  with  a depth  of 
twenty-five  feet  at  low  water.  Spacious  wharves  and  quays  bor- 
dered this  basin,  and  were  connected  with  the  workshops  by  a 
railroad.  Two  dry-docks  were  built  ready  for  repairing  ships  of 
all  sizes,  from  iron-clads  to  torpedo  vessels.  Foundries  and  work- 
shops were  constructed  on  the  most  improved  models,  and  con- 
taining the  best  modern  machinery.  The  fact  that  the  harbor 
was  always  free  from  ice,  even  in  the  coldest  of  winter,  added  to 
its  value.  By  the  time  of  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  number 
of  houses  had  multiplied  until  they  were  able  to  contain  a popu- 
lation of  about  six  thousand,  exclusive  of  the  garrison.  There 
were  also  two  large  temples,  two  theatres,  and  several  banks,  be- 
sides the  necessary  stores  and  warehouses. 


(583) 


584 


DEFENSES  OF  PORT  ARTHUR. 


Such  land  defenses  as  tins  important  dockyard  possessed  when 
the  war  broke  out,  were  limited  to  nine  small  redoubts,  connected 
by  mud  walls  in  some  cases,  on  the  north  and  northeast,  and  three 
redoubts  on  the  southwest.  On  the  north  side  a range  of  hills 
from  three  hundred  and  fifty  to  six  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high, 
running  from  the  sea  to  a shallow  inlet  of  the  harbor,  enclosed 
the  position.  The  tops  of  these  hills  were  not  more  than  two 
thousand  five  hundred  yards  from  the  dockyard  and  town.  The 
original  line  of  defenses  was  still  closer  to  the  town,  and  on  the 
northern  side  was  only  about  one  thousand  yards  in  advance  of 
the  vital  point.  The  strongest  part  of  the  position  was  a group 
of  three  coast  batteries  surrounded  by  a continuous  mud  wall,  and 
crowning  a hill  on  the  right  of  the  entrance  to  the  harbor.  The 
works  all  appeared  to  be  designed  for  the  protection  of  the  nar- 
row harbor  mouth,  which  at  the  entrance  was  only  a few  hundred 
yards  wide. 

Upon  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  much  additional  fortification  was 
carried  out.  The  normal  garrison  of  four  thousand  was  greatly 
increased,  and  the  troops  who  were  drilled  on  the  European  model 
garrisoned  the  fortifications,  and  were  to  be  further  assisted  in  the 
defense  of  the  port  by  submarine  mines  and  a fleet  of  torpedo 
boats.  The  forts  were  armed  with  heavy  Krupp  guns,  and  the 
artillery  men  were  especially  trained  by  a German  officer. 
Within  the  defenses  there  were  all  of  the  most  recent  scientific 
appliances,  electric  search  lights,  torpedo  factories,  etc.,  and  the 
forts  were  connected  by  telephone. 

The  Japanese  army  broke  camp  at  Dojoshu  village  before  Port 
Arthur  at  1:00  A.  M.  on  November  21,  and  marching  by  circuit- 
ous and  very  difficult  routes  over  the  outlying  hills,  sometimes 
quite  close  to  the  sea  at  Pigeon  Bay,  got  into  line  of  battle  before 
daylight.  The  moon  was  in  the  last  quarter,  and  gave  very  little 
light ; the  sky'  was  quite  clear,  and  the  weather  dry  and  cool. 
The  positions  were  as  heretofore  described. 

The  key  of  the  position  was  the  northwest  triple  fort  on  Table 
Mountain,  and  there  the  whole  weight  of  the  opening  attack  was 
concentrated.  The  field  marshal  and  his  staff  were  mostly  near 
the  center  of  the  line,  and  the  heavy  siege  artillery  was  planted 
on  the  best  position  available  near  the  center,  and  north  to  north- 


POSITION  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


585 


east  of  Port  Arthur,  five  or  six  miles  away,  with  Suishiyeh  and 
the  forts  right  opposite  and  well  in  range.  The  first  division  un- 
der General  Yamaji  occupied  the  right  wing,  and  had  the  rough- 
est and  most  broken  country  to  traverse.  Nine  batteries  of  field 
and  mountain  guns  were  got  into  fine  positions,  on  lofty  ridges, 
nearly  on  the  same  level  and  almost  within  rifle  shot  of  the  forts; 
while  behind  the  artillery  lay  large  bodies  of  infantry  ready  for  a 
rush.  Brigadier-General  Nishi  had  charge  of  the  extreme  right, 
and  Bi  igadier-General  Nogi  the  right  center,  near  the  field  mar- 
shal. On  the  left,  Brigadier-General  Hasegawa  had  his  mixed 
brigade  rather  wider  apart,  as  the  hills  were  not  near  enough  to 
aid  greatly  in  an  assault  on  the  forts ; nor  were  the  hills  very  good 
as  artillery  positions.  Hasegawa  had  only  two  batteries,  but  the 
flying  column  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Masamitsu,  that  had 
moved  from  San-ju-li  Ho  on  the  south  shore  road  was  with  him, 
and  had  a mountain  battery  beside  two  battalions  of  infantry  and 
a thousand  cavalry. 

The  first  shot  was  fired  within  two  or  three  minutes  of  seven 
o’clock,  from  a battery  of  thirty  guns,  just  as  the  day  was  becom- 
ing light  enough  for  gun  practice.  Then  for  an  hour  the  Japanese 
guns  blazed  into  the  Table- Top  forts,  which  with  their  guns  of  all 
sizes  kept  up  a spirited  reply.  In  the  forts,  and  in  the  rifle  pits 
on  the  hillside  under  the  walls,  were  about  one  thousand  infantry ; 
near  the  Japanese  batteries  trenches  had  been  dug  in  the  stony 
ground  during  the  night,  and  sheltered  ravines  had  been  carefully 
selected,  where  practically  the  whole  of  the  first  division,  at  least 
ten  thousand  men,  lay  in  wait.  The  Chinese  shells  came  close  by 
their  ears  in  dozens,  bursting  or  burying  themselves  on  the  other 
side  of  the  little  ravine  behind.  Many  of  the  boulders  about  were 
struck,  but  strange  to  say  not  a man  was  killed.  In  the  first  half 
hour  there  must  have  been  three  hundred  shells  over  an  area  of 
as  many  yards,  but  the  average  elevation  was  slightly  too  high, 
and  no  damage  was  done. 

Meantime  the  Japanese  were  getting  to  work  all  along  the  line. 
Each  battery  had  a telescope  fixed  to  bear  on  the  desired  target, 
though  the  dense  morning  mist  and  the  thick  clouds  of  smoke 
frequently  made  it  quite  impossible  to  see  for  a time.  It  was  easy 
enough  to  tell  that  the  Japanese  had  got  the  reins  from  the  very 


586 


BEGINNING  WARM  WORK. 


first.  The  opening  shot  of  the  day,  which  all  watched  with  in- 
tense interest,  had  struck  within  five  yards  short  of  a Krupp  gun 
in  the  nearest  of  the  three  forts.  The  closeness  of  this  shot,  in 
semi-darkness,  at  an  unknown  range  estimated  to  be  one  thousand 
yards,  was  a fair  indication  of  what  followed.  One  by  one  the 
Chinese  guns  ceased  fire  towards  eight  o’clock,  and  suddenly  a 
great  shouting  came  across  the  valley  from  the  fort.  The  Jap- 
anese infantry  were  singing  a march  song  as  they  charged  the 
forts,  and  in  a few  minutes  a huge  cheer  ran  all  along  the  line 
over  the  hilltops  and  in  the  valleys  where  the  rest  of  the  Japanese 
were,  and  great  cries  of  “ Kot-ta — Victory ! ” The  Chinese  emptied 
their  guns  and  small  arms  as  the  Japanese  swarmed  up  on  three 
sides,  firing  every  few  yards  and  then  rushing  forward.  The 
enemy,  not  numerous  enough  for  hand-to-hand  combat,  waited  no 
longer  but  fled  over  the  edge  of  the  hill,  down  to  the  fortified 
camps  before  the  town,  and  the  Table  IMountain  forts  displayed 
the  flag  of  the  Rising  Sun. 

After  this  first  success,  the  rest  of  the  battle  was  practically 
little  more  than  a question  of  time,  although  there  was  still  a 
great  deal  of  hard  fighting  to  follow.  Neither  side  had  yet  lost 
more  than  fifty  or  sixty  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  there  were  still 
many  thousand  Chinese  soldiers  to  be  considered.  Had  the  forts 
been  fully  manned  with  plenty  of  picked  marksmen,  they  should 
have  cost  the  invaders  several  hundreds  if  not  thousands  and 
should  have  held  out  longer.  And  if  the  Chinese  artillery  had 
been  as  accurate  and  steady  as  the  Japanese,  the  vast  difference  in 
position  and  shelter  should  have  more  than  compensated  for  the 
disparity  in  numbers.  Careful  planning,  rapidity  of  attack,  and 
individual  bravery  were  all  on  the  Japanese  side.  The  Chinese 
did  not,  indeed,  run  at  the  sound  of  shooting,  as  has  been  said. 
They  stood  their  ground  manfully  and  tried  their  best  to  shoot 
straight  up  to  the  last  minute  ; but  they  never  attempted  to  face 
the  foe  hand  to  hand  to  “ Die  in  the  last  ditch.” 

Only  one  definite  counter-attack  was  made;  a large  force, 
probably  near  two  tliousand  of  Chinese  infantry  with  a few 
cavalry,  marched  out  around  the  hills  westward,  north  of  the  Port 
Arthur  lagoon,  to  turn  the  Japanese  right  flank.  General  Yamaji, 
who  never  showed  fatigue  all  day  but  kept  near  the  front  calmly 


ONLY  A QUESTION  OF  TIME. 


587 


and  resolutely  at  every  move,  detected  the  attempt  at  once,  and 
dispatched  Brigadier-General  Nishi  with  the  third  regiment  and  , 
the  mountain  battery  to  meet  it.  The  extremely  rough,  broken 
country  rendered  movement  slow,  and  this  part  of  the  battle 
dragged  on  until  the  afternoon. 

The  second  regiment  had  occupied  the  Isusen  forts  shortly 
after  eight  o’clock,  and  the  artillery  was  then  ordered  forward. 
The  guns  had  come  on  late  from  Talien-vvan,  by  forced  marches 
night  and  day,  over  a very  difficult  route,  and  only  arrived  at  , 


Dojoshu  on  the  night  of  the  20th,  after  the  enemy’s  attempt  to 
dislodge  the  field  and  mountain  guns.  The  same  night  twenty  of 
these  large  guns  had  been  taken  into  position  for  the  fight  north 
and  west  of  Suishiyeh,  and  from  one  to  three  kilometers  from  the 
nearest  forts.  They  were  supported  by  the  whole  of  the  fiist 
division,  fifteen  thousand  men  less  twenty-four  hundred  men  de- 
tailed to  garrison  Kinchow  and  Talien-wan.  Deducting  also  the 
regiment  of  twenty-four  hundred  sent  to  head  offi  the  flank  move- 
ment in  the  west,  there  were  ten  thousand  left  before  the  Table 


588 


JAPAESE  OPERATIONS. 


Mountain  forts.  Not  more  than  a third  actually  took  part  in  the 
storming.  The  rest  were  waiting  ready  for  use  if  needed,  all 
along  the  line  from  the  advance  guard  under  Nishi,  near  the 
lagoon,  to  the  center  under  Nogi,  about  Peh-ka-shu  village,  where 
the  skirmish  was  on  the  19th.  Here,  midwa}^  between  the  camp 
at  Dojoshu  and  the  large  village  of  Suishiyeh,  Field  Marshal 
Oyama  and  his  staff  remained  during  the  first  part  of  the  day, 
communicating  his  orders  by  aides-de-camp,  never  by  flag,  or 
flash  signal,  or  bugle,  to  Yeinaji  and  Hasegawa  on  the  left. 

Peh-ka-shu  was  about  a kilometer  north  of  Suishiyeh,  and 
Suishiyeh  about  five  kilometers  north  of  Port  Arthur  town,  and 
one  kilometer  from  Table  Mountain  fort  on  the  east,  and  Pine 
Tree  fort  on  the  west.  About  half  way  between  Peh-ka-shu  and 
the  sea,  southeastward,  was  So-tai-shu  where  Hasegawa  faced  the 
line  of  eight  forts  along  a wall  of  five  or  six  kilometers.  Of  course 
this  brigade  did  not  cover  all  the  country;  he  had  about  five 
thousand  men  near  the  center  and  two  thousand  near  the  sea. 
The  five  thousand  were  about  equally  divided  between  Shoju  and 
Nirj^o,  each  one  regiment  of  two  thousand  four  hundred  with 
artillery.  In  attacking,  two  battalions  of  eight  hundred  each 
formed  the  front,  and  one  was  held  behind  until  within  range. 
Then  the  whole  opened  out  in  skirmishing  order  and  charged,  and 
the  Chinese  exploded  several  mines,  but  without  effect,  as  the 
fuses  were  not  well  timed.  Some  electric  mines  were  also  used 
but  wrongly  timed. 

While  Yamaji  was  attacking  the  northwest  forts,  Hasegaw'a 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  northeast  forts,  in  order  to  prevent 
them  from  concentrating  fire  on  the  Japanese  right.  No  serious 
attack  was  made  by  the  mixed  brigade  until  the  first  division  had 
made  the  winning  move.  Thus  the  Chinese  right  wasted  their 
energy  on  almost  bare  country,  wliile  the  weight  of  the  Japanese 
attack  fell  on  the  almost  entirely  isolated  Chinese  left.  The 
strategy  succeeded  completely,  for  by  the  time  the  Chinese  dis- 
covered their  mistake  it  was  too  late.  The  Shoju,  or  Pine  Tree 
Hill  forts  opened  a heavy  fire  across  Suishiyeh  plain,  on  the  hills 
occupied  by  the  Japanese  ; but  Isu  was  already  finished  and  the 
whole  weight  of  Japanese  artillery  was  centered  on  the  largest 
Shoju  fort.  Thus  the  Japanese  right  wdng,  w’hich  had  been  briefly 


TIIK  ATTACK  ON  KINCIIOW. 
Japanese  Drawinq;. 


•Jf*  - 


TACTICS  OF  THE  ARMIES. 


591 


threatened  by  the  forts  on  its  left  and  the  Chinese  column  on  its 
right,  was  never  really  in  any  clanger,  for  while  the  third  regi- 
ment under  Nishi  was  storming  Isu,  the  second  regiment  with  its 
back  to  the  third  beat  off  the  enemy’s  infantry,  and  the  mountain, 
field,  and  siege  batteries  gave  Shoju  far  more  than  it  could  face. 

It  was  surprising  how  the  Chinese  stood  to  their  guns  ; they 
worked  like  heroes  and  aimed  their  guns  well.  But  what  could  a 
fort  or  a half-dozen  of  forts  do,  against  fifty  guns  hidden  in  the 
mountains,  moving  to  get  better  positions  when  possible,  and  fir- 
ing systematically  and  simultaneously  at  one  point. 

A furious  fusillade  was  maintained  by  both  sides  for  nearly  two 
hours ; but  the  Chinese  shots  got  wilder  and  wilder  as  the 
Japanese  improved,  until  finally  the  Shoju  magazine  blew  up  and 
set  fire  to  the  sheds  inside  of  the  forts.  Then  shortly  after  eleven 
o’clock,  Hasegawa  charged  all  along  the  line,  and  took  all  the 
eight  forts  one  by  one.  The  big  Shoju  fort,  which  had  done  such 
determined  work  was,  of  course,  evacuated  as  soon  as  it  caught 
fire,  and  for  two  hours  afterward  the  ruined  wood-work  burned 
and  the  piles  of  ammunition  continued  to  explode.  The  second 
largest  fort,  Liang  Leong,  or  Double  Dragon,  held  out  longest. 
Twice  the  Japanese  advancing  along  a ravine  tried  to  break  cover 
and  rush  up  the  hill,  but  were  met  by  bombs  from  the  mortars, 
and  had  to  get  back  into  shelter  and  try  musketry  again.  Again 
they  came  up  magnificently  at  their  officers’  call,  and  scrambled 
up  the  mountain  side  in  the  teeth  of  a galling  cross  fire.  At  the 
ramparts,  not  a Chinaman  remained.  They  fled  from  fort  to  fort 
along  tlie  high  wall,  firing  as  they  went,  and  making  a stand  at  every 
point  till  too  close  for  rifles.  All  over  the  hills  they  were  chased 
and  for  many  miles  around  hardly  a hundred  yards  could  be 
passed  without  sight  of  a Chinese  corpse.  Those  who  escaped  got 
down  into  the  town  with  the  main  body  of  the  Chinese  army. 

Meanwhile  there  had  been  heavy  firing,  chiefly  infantry,  be- 
tween Suishiyeh,  Isu  and  Port  Arthur.  There  was  a flat  tract 
about  three  miles  square,  with  low  ridges  of  mud  and  stones 
across,  behind  which  the  Chines  riflemen  lay.  They  had  tried 
to  make  a stand  about  the  walled  camps  below  Isu,  but  shells 
and  shrapnel  soon  cleared  them  out.  The  Japanese  then  mus- 
tered in  the  same  place  about  two  thousand  men  from  the  right 


592 


THE  BATTLE  BEC(JMES  DESPERATi;. 


wing  and  right  center,  increasing  in  number  every  minute,  and 
ready  to  force  the  town  itself.  Between  these  camps  and  the  big 
drill  ground  at  the  entrance  to  Port  Arthur  were  some  three  thou- 
sand Chinese  in  skirmishing  order,  making  tlie  most  of  eveiy  bit 
of  cover  and  firing  desperately.  Behind  them  the  Chinese  field 
guns,  some  dozen  in  number,  tried  to  locate  the  enemy  and  occa- 
sionally succeeded ; one  shell  shattered  the  corner  of  the  largest 
camp,  where  a dense  body  of  Japanese  stood  behind  the  wall  wait- 
ing for  orders,  and  killed  several  of  them.  Still  farther  back,  a big 
hill  which  threatened  the  town  swarmed  with  riflemen,  who  were 
sheltered  by  piles  of  stones  and  abundantly  supplied  with  am- 
munition. Last  of  all  the  shore  forts  were  firing  a little,  but 
could  not  aid  much  in  the  melee. 

Steadily  the  Japanese  crept  forward  from  cover  to  cover,  as- 
sisted by  artillery  from  Suishiyeh,  until  the  parade  ground  and 
the  general’s  pavilion  overlooking  it  had  been  mastered  and 
cleared,  and  nothing  remained  but  the  trenches  of  Boulder  hill,  or 
Hakugoku,  the  town  itself,  and  the  shore  forts.  Along  the  south 
of  the  parade  ground  ran  a broad,  shallow  stream  that  came 
down  the  Suishiyeh  valley,  flowing  into  a creek  west  of  Hakugoku. 
Three  times  the  Japanese  came  out  from  behind  the  parade 
ground  wall,  to  cross  the  bridge,  but  were  driven  back  by  a with- 
ering hail  of  bullets.  At  last  they  forced  it  and  rushed  across 
with  a cheer,  and  spread  out  over  the  face  of  the  hill  pursuing  the 
Chinese  up  to  the  town  itself.  The  Second  Regiment  fired  vol- 
leys as  it  advanced  to  the  town.  Not  a shot  was  fired  in  reply. 
The  battle  was  over  as  far  as  Port  Arthur  was  concerned. 

The  Japanese  fleet  was  not  inactive  during  the  assault  by  the 
land  forces.  At  10;30  A.  M.  the  Japanese  vessels,  comprising  the 
Matsusima,  Chiyoda,  Itsukusima,  Hasidate,  Yoshino,  Naniwa, 
Akitsushima,  Takachiho,  Fuso,  Hiyei,  and  Kongo  steamed  past 
Port  Arthur,  rounding  the  promontory.  The  Chiyoda  here  be- 
gan to  fire  shells  over  the  forts  at  a very  long  range.  A tugboat 
from  Taku  was  searched  by  the  Japanese,  but  was  allowed  to  pro- 
ceed. At  4:00  o’clock  the  fleet  returned,  passing  Port  Arthur 
again,  at  a distance  of  about  six  miles,  and  one  of  the  big  forts 
fired  at  the  Chiyoda  but  failed  to  hit  her.  The  admiral  did  not 
respond  to  the  fire  nor  alter  his  course  but  steamed  slowly  on.  A 


WORK  OF  THE  FLEET. 


few  minutes  later,  as  the  Chinese  troops  were  hurrying  down  to 
the  harbor,  ten  torpedo  boats  dashed  from  the  fleet,  separating  in 
pairs  and  firing  three-pounder  Hotchkiss  guns  at  the  exposed 
soldiers.  The  fire  was  briskly  responded  to  by  one  fort  to  the 
left  of  the  harbor,  but  not  a single  shot  told.  A steamer  which 
had  towed  a junk  out  of  Port  Arthur  with  Taotai  Kung  in  it, 
making  his  escape,  was  cut  off  on  her  return  and  ran  ashore, 
where  the  crew  deserted  her  and  took  to  the  hills. 

As  the  Japanese  troops  reached  the  edge  of  the  town,  driving 


the  Chinese  before  them,  a halt  was  called  before  the  army 
marched  in,  as  the  force  was  not  yet  assembled  in  strength.  This 
delay  enabled  the  Chinese  to  take  to  boats,  and  scores  of  sampans 
and  junks  were  soon  moving  off,  some  over  the  lagoon  to  the 
mountain  fastnesses  of  Lao-tieh-shan  promontory  in  tlie  south- 
west, and  some  out  to  sea,  in  full  view  of  the  Japanese  fleet. 
When  the  first  division  was  all  assembled  before  the  town,  with  the 
left  wing  to  the  northeast  in  case  tlie  enemy  should  rally  and  try 
to  dash  out,  the  order  was  given  to  enter  the  town  and  storm  the 


594 


PORT  ARTHUR  TAKEN. 


inner  fort,  Golden  Hill.  The  Second  Regiment  led,  firing  volleys 
file  by  file  through  the  streets,  past  tlie  docks,  and  the  burning 
army  stores,  up  the  hill,  and  into  Ogunsan,  which  was  practically 
abandoned  without  an  effort  at  defense. 

During  the  evening  Hasegawa’s  brigade  went  over  the  hills, 
and  occupied  the  two  eastern  shore  forts  called  the  “Mule’s 
Jaws.”  The  following  morning  Yamaji’s  first  regiment  marched 
around  the  lagoon  and  occupied  the  peninsula  forts,  which  had 
been  deserted  during  the  night.  Where  the  Chinese  all  vanished 
to,  appeared  rather  a mystery  to  the  victors.  It  was  found  that 
most  of  them  got  away  along  the  beach  past  Hasegawa,  and  the 
rest  westward  in  small  parties  under  cover  of  darkness.  In  such 
a wide  stretch  of  hilly  country,  it  was  easy  for  them  to  conceal 
themselves  if  they  once  escaped  the  vicinity  of  their  foes.  Port 
Arthur  was  in  full  possession  of  Marshal  Oyama,  with  the  fleet 
under  Admiral  Ito  safe  in  the  harbor. 

Now  comes  the  most  painful  recital  of  the  war.  It  is  difiScult 
to  reconcile  in  any  one’s  mind  the  pretensions  to  enlightened 
civilization  which  the  Japanese  had  claimed,  with  the  horrible 
atrocities  committed  by  the  victorious  army  during  the  days 
following  the  capture  of  Port  Arthur.  Let  us  glance  at  what  had 
been  the  history  of  Japanese  treatment  of  the  wounded  in 
previous  battles. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  a foregoing  chapter  of  this  work, 
the  proclamation  of  the  Japanese  minister  of  war  enjoining 
humanity  upon  all  his  soldiers  was  quoted,  and  that  it  was  stip- 
ulated that  the  ignorance  of  the  Chinese  as  to  the  true  meaning 
of  humanity  would  cause  them  to  commit  atrocities  no  doubt, 
which  must  not  be  imitated  in  retaliation  by  Japanese  troops.  At 
Hiroshima,  the  military  headquarters  of  Japan  during  the  war,  was 
the  principal  military  hospital  and  the  establishment  of  the  Red 
Cross  society,  which  to  investigators  were  a remarkable  revelation 
after  all  that  had  been  said  about  Japanese  inhumanity  and  in- 
difference to  suffering.  As  long  ago  as  1877,  when  the  Satsuma  clan 
raised  the  standard  of  rebellion,  a benevolent  society  was  founded 
to  aid  and  care  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  enemies  as  well  as 
friends,  after  the  manner  of  the  European  Red  Cross  societies. 
Subscriptions  at  once  began  to  pour  in,  the  emperor  and  empress 


THE  RED  CROSS  SOCIETY. 


595 


helping  greatly,  and  throughout  the  Satsurna  war  the  young  or- 
ganization distinguished  itself  admirably.  From  that  time  special 
efforts  were  made  to  bring  the  society  up  to  the  high  standard  of 
its  western  models  in  every  way;  and  when  the  government  of 
Japan  in  1886  declared  its  adhesion  to  the  Geneva  convention,  the 
Hakuaisha  ” was  reorganized  and  formally  enrolled  on  the 
international  list  of  Red  Cross  societies.  Since  then  it  had  made 
rapid  progress,  its  membership  reaching  nearly  thirty  thousand  in 
1893,  with  funds  liberally  augmented  by  the  emperor,  and  an 
annual  income  before  the  war  with  China  of  $70,000.  Since  1887, 
a large  number  of  women,  including  members  of  the  royal  family 
and  of  the  nobility,  have  become  qualified  nurses  of  the  order  and 
have  taken  instruction  in  the  making  of  articles  for  use  in  its 
work.  The  objects  of  the  society,  as  set  forth  in  the  rules,  are  to 
help  the  sick  and  wounded  in  time  of  war,  and  to  prepare  for  the 
same  by  organizing  a trained  staff  in  time  of  peace.  The  last 
activity  of  the  Red  Cross  society  prior  to  the  war  in  1891,  when 
the  central  provinces  of  Japan  were  devastated  by  an  earthquake 
which  caused  the  loss  of  more  than  seven  thousand  lives,  besides 
untold  suffering. 

With  the  object  of  training  a staff  properly,  the  society  in  1886 
established  a hospital  of  its  own  in  Tokio,  and  three  years  later, 
when  this  one  was  outgrown,  a new  one  was  erected  on  a splendid 
site  provided  by  the  emperor  and  empress.  The  hospital  itself 
covers  some  two  acres,  and  the  grounds  about  ten.  After  the 
war  began,  the  membership  funds  and  operations  of  the  society 
were  all  multiplied  about  three  times  above  normal.  All  the 
working  staff  was  under  the  control  of  the  army  medical  staff, 
and  operated  in  conjunction  with  the  army  corps.  At  Hiroshima 
in  the  permanent  military  hospital,  Chinese  wounded  by  the 
scores  and  hundreds  were  received  and  treated  with  the  same 
care  that  was  given  to  the  Japanese.  For  order,  cleanliness,  and 
convenience  these  institutions  would  reflect  credit  on  any  country. 
Just  prior  to  the  battle  of  Port  Arthur,  the  female  nurses  of  the 
Red  Cross  societies  in  Hiroshima  numbered  eighty-eight  and  more 
were  soon  to  come  from  Tokio.  Like  the  men  they  had  uniforms  of 
European  pattern,  and  all  wore  the  badge  of  membership.  Many 
had  other  badges  representing  special  qualifications  or  services, 

29 


^96 


THE  HORRORS  OF  PORT  ARTHUR. 


In  Corea  there  were  two  hospitals  managed  by  the  Red  Cross 
society,  one  near  Chemulpo  and  the  other  near  Ping-Yang.  At 
the  seat  of  war  the  societ}"  had  a staff  of  fort}%  consisting  of  a 
chief  manager,  a secretary,  a treasurer,  five  doctors,  two  phar- 
macists in  charge  of  the  drug  supplies  and  thirty  male  nurses. 

To  those  who  love  contrasts,  it  will  be  startling  to  note  the  dif- 
ference between  the  spirit  of  the  Japanese  Red  Cross  society, 
which  was  doing  everything  that  humanit}'  and  science  could  sug- 
gest for  wounded  Chinamen,  and  that  of  the  victorious  army  at 
Port  Arthur  in  its  atrocious  butcheiy  of  unarmed  fugitives. 

The  execrable  deeds  which  followed  the  taking  of  the  place 
pushed  into  the  background  the  question  of  how  many  hundreds 
on  one  side  or  the  other  fell  in  the  battle.  The  massacre  of  the 
whole  remaining  population  of  Port  Arthur,  between  two  and 
three  thousand,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  and  that  by  the 
soldiers  of  Marshal  Oyama’s  army,  for  a time  passed  practically 
without  mention  in  the  newspapers  of  England  and  the  United 
States.  Three  of  the  famous  correspondents  who  entered  the 
town  with  the  Japanese  army  were  Creelman  of  the  New  York 
Worlds  Villiers  of  the  London  Standard^  and  Cowan  of  the  Lon- 
don Times,  The  first  detailed  description  of  the  atrocities  wit- 
nessed by  these  correspondents  was  that  made  by  Creelman,  and  for 
a time  after  his  story  was  published,  other  leading  American  jour- 
nals denounced  it  as  false.  One  month  later  it  was  found  that 
Creelman’s  shocking  story  was  true  in  every  essential  particular. 
No  words  except  those  from  the  lips  of  men  who  saw  the  acts  of 
inhuman  barbarity  can  justly  describe  the  scenes.  Said  Cowan, 
in  a letter  dated  at  Kobe  twelve  days  after  the  taking  of  Port 
Arthur ; 

“ What  happened  after  Port  Arthur  fell  into  Japanese  hands, 
it  would  have  been  impossible  and  even  dangerous  to  report  while 
on  the  spot.  At  the  earliest  possible  moment,  every  foreign  cor- 
respondent escaped  from  the  horrifying  scene  to  a place  where 
freedom  of  speech  would  be  safe ; and  as  we  sailed  away  from 
Port  'Arthur  on  the  Nagoto  Maru  eight  days  ago,  almost  aston- 
ished to  find  ourselves  escaping  alive  from  the  awful  epidemic  of 
incredible  brutality,  the  last  sounds  we  heard  were  those  of  shoot- 
ing, of  wanton  murder,  continued  the  fifth  day  after  the  great 


SLAUGHTER  WITHOUT  REASON. 


597 


battle.  When  the  Japanese  army  entered  Port  Arthur  on  the  21st, 
beginning  a little  after  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  Chinese 
had  resisted  desperately  till  the  last,  retreating  slowly  from  cover 
to  cover,  until  they  got  back  among  the  buildings  on  the  out- 
skirts of  the  town.  Then  at  last  all  resistance  ceased ; they  were 
thoroughly  defeated,  and  made  a stampede  through  the  streets 
trying  to  hide  or  to  escape,  east  or  west  as  best  they  might.  I was 
on  the  brow  of  a steep  liill  called  “ White  Boulders,”  in  Japan- 
ese Hakugoku,  commanding  a close  view  of  the  whole  town  at 
my  feet.  When  I saw  the  Japanese  march  in,  firing  up  the 
streets  and  into  the  houses,  chasing  and  killing  every  live  thing 
that  crossed  their  path,  I looked  hard  for  the  cause.  I saw  prac- 
tically every  shot  fired,  and  I swear  positively  that  not  one  came 
from  any  but  Japanese.  I saw  scores  of  Chinese  hunted  out  of 
cover,  shot  down,  and  hacked  to  pieces,  and  never  a man  made 
any  attempt  to  fight.  All  were  in  plain  clothes,  but  that  meant 
nothing  for  the  soldiers  flying  from  death  got  rid  of  their  uni- 
forms how  they  might.  Many  went  down  on  their  knees,  suppli- 
cating with  heade  bent  to  the  ground  in  kowtow,  and  in  that  at- 
titude were  butchered  mercilessly  by  the  conquering  army. 
Those  who  fled  were  pursued  and  sooner  or  later  were  done  to 
death.  Never  a shot  came  from  a house  as  far  as  I could  see,  and 
I could  hardly  believe  m}^  eyes,  for,  as  my  letters  have  shown, 
the  indisputable  evidence  of  previous  proceedings  had  filled  me 
with  admiration  of  the  gentle  Japanese.  So  I watched  intensely 
for  the  slightest  sign  of  cause,  confident  that  there  must  be  some, 
but  I saw  none  whatever.  If  ray  eyes  deceived  rae,  others  were 
in  the  same  plight ; the  military  attaches  of  England  and  Amer- 
ica were  also  on  Boulder  Hill  and  were  equally  amazed  and  hor- 
rified. It  was  a gratuitous  ebullition  of  barbarism  they  declared, 
a revolting  repudiation  of  pretended  humanity. 

“ Gun  shots  behind  us  turned  our  attention  to  the  north  creek 
leading  into  the  broad  lagoon.  Here  swarms  of  boats  were  mov- 
ing away  to  the  west,  loaded  to  twice  their  normal  limit  with 
panic-stricken  fugitives,  men,  women,  and  children,  who  had 
stayed  too  late  in  the  beleaguered  town.  A troop  of  Japanese 
cavalry  with  an  officer,  was  at  the  head  of  the  creek,  firing  sea- 
ward, slaughtering  all  within  range.  An  old  man  and  two  chil- 


698 


MURDER  OF  HELPLESS  FUGITIVES. 


dreii  of  ten  and  twelve  years  had  started  to  wade  across  the 
creek ; a horseman  rode  into  the  water  and  slashed  them  a dozen 
times  with  his  sword.  The  sight  was  more  than  mortal  man 
could  stand.  Another  poor  wretch  rushed  out  at  the  back  of  a 
house  as  the  invaders  entered  the  front  door,  firing  promiscuously. 
He  got  into  a back  lane,  and  a moment  later  found  himself  cor- 
nered between  two  fires.  ' We  could  hear  his  cry  for  quarter  as 
he  bowed  his  head  in  the  dust  three  times ; the  third  time  he  rose 
no  more,  but  fell  on  his  side,  bent  double  in  the  posture  of  peti- 
tion for  the  greatly  vaunted  mercy  of  the  Japanese,  who  stood 
ten  paces  off  and  exultantly  emptied  their  guns  into  him. 

“More  of  these  piteous  deaths  we  saw,  unable  to  stay  the 
hands  of  the  murderers;  more  and  more,  far  more  than  one  can 
relate,  until  sick  and  saddened  beyond  the  power  of  words  to 
tell,  we  slowly  made  our  way  in  the  gathering  gloom  down  the 
hill,  picking  a path  through  rifle-pits  thick  with  Chinese  cart- 
ridge cases,  and  back  to  headquarters.  There  at  the  Chinese 
general’s  pavilion,  facing  a spacious  parade  ground.  Field  Mar- 
shal Oyama  and  all  his  officers*  assembled,  amid  the  strains  of 
strange  music  from  the  military  band,  now  a wierd,  characteristic 
Japanese  march,  now  a lively  French  waltz,  and  ending  with  the 
impressive  national  anthem,  “ Kaminoga,”  and  a huge  roar  from 
twenty  thousand  throats,  “ Banzai  Nippon  ! ” All  were  overflow- 
ing with  enthusiastic  patriotism  and  the  delight  of  a day’s  work 
done,  a splendid  triumph  after  a hard  fought  fight ; none  of  the 
Japanese  dreamed  that  their  guests  from  the  west  were  filled  with 
horror,  indignation,  and  disgust.  It  was  a relief  to  get  away 
from  that  flood  of  fiendish  exultation,  to  escape  from  the  effusive 
glee  of  our  former  friends,  who  would  overwhelm  us  with  their 
attention  which  we  loathed  like  caresses  from  the  ghouls  of  hell. 
To  have  to  remain  among  men  who  could  do  what  we  had  seen 
was  little  short  of  torture. 

“ Robbed  of  our  sleep  on  the  eve  of  the  battle,  and  utterly  ex- 
hausted, we  lay  long  next  morning  until  the  sound  of  shooting 
roused  us.  To  our  surprise  and  dismay  we  found  that  the  mas- 
sacre of  Wednesday,  which  might  have  been  explained  though 
certainly  not  excused  on  the  ground  of  excitement  in  the  heat 
of  battle,  the  flush  of  victory,  and  the  knowledge  of  dead  com- 


WOMEN  AND  CHILDREN  BUTCHERED. 


599 


Uides  mutilated,  was  being  continued  in  cold  blood  now.  Thurs- 
day, Uriday,  Saturday,  and  Sunday  were  spent  by  the  soldiery  in 
murder  and  pillage  from  dawn  to  dark,  in  mutilation,  in  every  con- 
ceivable kind  of  nameless  atrocity,  until  the  town  became  a 
ghastly  Inferno  to  be  remembered  with  a fearsome  shudder  until 
one’s  dying  day.  I saw  corpses  of  women  and  children,  three  or 
four  in  the  streets,  more  in  the  water ; I stooped  to  pick  some  of 
them  out  to  make  sure  that  there  could  be  no  possibility  of  mis- 


JAPANESE  SOLDIERS  MUTILATING  BODIES. 

take.  Bodies  of  men  strewed  the  streets  in  hundreds,  perhaps 
thousands,  for  we  could  not  count — some  with  not  a limb  unsev- 
ered, some  with  heads  hacked,  cross-cut,  and  split  lengthwise,  some 
ripped  open,  not  by  chance  but  with  careful  precision,  down  and 
across,  disemboweled  and  dismembered,  with  occasionally  a dag- 
ger or  bayonet  thrust  in  private  parts.  I saw  groups  of  prisoners 
tied  together  in  a bunch  with  their  hands  behind  their  backs,  rid- 
dled with  bullets  for  five  minutes,  and  then  hewn  in  pieces.  I saw 


600 


JAPANESE  ALLEGATIONS. 


a junk  stranded  on  the  beach,  filled  with  fugitives  of  either  sex 
and  of  all  ages,  struck  by  volley  after  volley  until — I can  say  no 
more. 

“ Meanwhile  every  building  in  the  town  was  thoroughly  ran- 
sacked, every  door  burst  open,  every  box  and  closet,  every  nook 
and  cranny  looted.  What  was  worth  taking  was  taken,  and  the 
rest  destroyed  or  thrown  into  the  gutter.  Even  Mr.  Hart,  Reut- 
er’s war  correspondent  on  the  Chinese  side,  whom  we  found  when 
we  entered  Port  Arthur,  was  robbed  of  everything  but  the  clothes 
he  had  on,  while  his  cook  and  two  scully  boys  in  the  same  house 
were  shot  at  their  kitchen  stove,  while  doing  nothing  but  their  reg- 
ular work.  Mr.  Hart  himself  had  told  the  Chinese  hotel  keeper  be- 
fore the  battle  not  to  leave  the  town,  because  the  Japanese  would 
certainly  do  no  harm  to  citizens  or  property.  So  thoroughly  had  been 
the  discipline  maintained,  and  so  perfect  the  show  of  civilized 
methods  in  warfare,  that  the  present  outburst  of  cold-blooded  bru- 
tality was  the  very  last  thing  to  have  been  thought  possible. 

“ The  Japanese  alleged  that  the  populace  of  the  town  had  been 
armed  with  guns  and  express  ammunition,  and  that  the  army  when 
entering  the  town  had  been  attacked  from  the  houses.  I did  af- 
terward find  cartridges  such  as  these  lying  about;  but  I never  saw 
one  fired.  I never  saw  any  attack  from  the  houses.  I saw  the 
Japanese  firing  before  they  entered,  and  as  they  entered,  without 
intermission. 

‘‘  The  Japanese  who  had  been  wounded  and  killed  or  captured 
in  several  skirmishes  before  the  day  of  the  battle,  had  been  liorri- 
bly  mutilated  by  the  Chinese.  We  saw  several  bodies  along  the 
line  of  march,  and  it  is  said  others  were  found  in  the  town,  with 
hands  and  heads  cut  off,  stomachs  opened,  etc.  And  some  were 
burnt  at  Kinchow,  and  one  said  to  be  burnt  in  Port  Arthur.  jMore- 
over,  placards  have  been  found  offering  rewards  and  stating  prices, 
for  heads,  hands,  or  prisoners.  So  tlie  Japanese  soldiers  swore  re- 
venge, and  they  carried  out  their  vow  thoroughly  in  barbarous 
eastern  style.  All  that  can  be  said  is  tliat  the  Chinese  committed 
nameless  atrocities  which  the  Japanese  repaid  a liundred  fold. 

“ It  is  unavoidable  that  innocent  persons  must  be  killed  in  war. 
I do  not  blame  the  Japanese  for  tliat  alone  ; Chinese  soldiers  dress 
as  peasants  and  retain  their  weapons,  and  attack  when  they  can 


COWAN’S  FINAL  OPINION. 


601 


under  cover  of  disguise.  It  therefore  becomes  excusable  to  some 
extent  to  regard  all  Chinese  as  enemies,  with  or  without  uniform  ; 
in  that  the  Japanese -are  plainly  justified.  But  regarding  them  as 
enemies,  it  is  not  humanity  to  kill  them  ; they  should  be  taken 
alive.  I saw  hundreds  killed  after  being  captured  and  tied.  Per- 
haps that  is  not  barbarity  ; at  any  rate  it  is  the  truth.  On  the  day 
of  the  battle,  soldiers  fresh  from  the  excitement  of  a hard  strug- 
gle cannot  help  being  somewhat  bloodthirsty,  perhaps.  At  any 
rate  their  nerves  are  tense,  their  blood  is  up,  they  are  violently  ex- 
cited. Not  that  it  is  right  to  be  so,  but  it  is  usual.  But  the  bat- 
tle was  on  the  21st,  and  still  on  the  25th,  after  four  nights’  sleep, 
the  slaughter  was  continued.  Some  allowance  must  be  made  for 
the  intense  indignation  of  the  soldiers  whose  comrades  had  been 
mutilated  by  the  Chinese.  Indignation  is  perfectly  justifiable ; 
the  Japanese  were  quite  right  to  feel  incensed.  But  why  should 
they  express  themselves  in  the  very  same  barbarous  manner?  Is 
it  because  they  are  also  barbarous  at  heart  like  the  Chinese  ? Of 
course  they  say  ‘ No.’  Then  they  will  have  to  prove  it,  for  the 
fact  remains  that  a dozen  white  men  saw  these  Japanese  commit 
these  savageries  for  four  clear  days  after  the  day  of  the  fight.” 
Creelman’s  story  was  as  graphic  and  as  shocking  in  its  details, 
and  included  man}^  of  the  same  sights  which  were  related  by 
Cowan.  He  says  in  part : “ The  story  of  the  taking  of  Port  Ar- 
thur will  be  one  of  the  blackest  pages  in  history.  An  easy  vic- 
tory over  a Chinese  mob,  and  the  possession  of  one  of  the  most 
})Owerful  strongholds  in  the  world,  was  too  great  a strain  upon  the 
Japanese  character, which  relapsed  in  a few  hours  back  to  the  state 
from  which  it  awakened  a generation  ago.  Almost  the  entire 
population  found  in  Port  Arthur  have  been  massacred,  and  the 
work  of  butchering  unarmed  and  unresisting  inhabitants  has 
continued  day  after  day  until  the  streets  are  choked  with  corpses. 
The  march  upon  helpless  Peking  or  a surrender  of  China  to  her 
foe  is  a small  matter  in  its  vital  significance  compared  with  this 
appalling  crime  against  the  nineteenth  century,  at  a moment  when 
Japan  asks  to  be  admitted  as  an  equal  into  the  family  of  civilized 
nations.  The  Japanese  lost  about  fifty  dead  and  two  hundred  and 
fifty  wounded  in  carrying  a fortress  that  would  have  cost  them  ten 
thousand  men  had  it  been  occupied  by  European  or  American 


602 


CREELMAN’S  GRAPHIC  ACCOUNT. 


troops,  and  the  sense  of  uncontrolled  power  which  let  loose 
the  savagery  which  had  been  pent  up  in  the  Japanese  under  the 
external  forms  of  civilization,  has  proved  the  utter  incapability 
of  the  nation  to  stand  the  one  sure  test.  Japan  stands  disgraced 
before  the  world.  She  has  violated  the  Geneva  convention,  dis- 
honored and  profaned  the  Red  Cross,  and  banished  humanity  and 
mercy  from  her  councils.  Victory  and  a new  lust  for  dominion 
have  set  her  mad. 

‘‘All  attempts  to  justify  the  massacre  of  the  wretched  people 
of  Port  Arthur  and  the  mutilation  of  their  bodies,  are  mere  after- 
thoughts. The  evidence  is  clear  and  overwhelming  that  it  was 
the  sudden  breaking  down  of  Japanese  civilization  under  the 
stress  of  conscious  power.  The  tremendous  facts  revealed  by  the 
war  so  far  are,  that  there  is  practically  no  Chinese  army  in  ex- 
istence; that  Japan  has  been  arraying  herself  in  the  outward 
garb  of  civilization,  without  having  gone  through  the  process  of 
moral  and  intellectual  development  necessary  to  grasp  the  ideas 
upon  which  modern  civilization  is  founded ; that  Japan  at  heart 
is  a barbarous  nation,  not  yet  to  be  trusted  with  sovereign  power 
over  the  lives  and  property  of  civilized  men.  Up  to  the  moment 
Port  Arthur  was  entered  I can  bear  witness  that  both  of  her 
armies  now  in  the  field  were  chivalrous  and  generous  to  the 
enemy.  There  w^as  not  a stain  on  her  flag.  But  it  was  all  blind 
sentiment.  The  Japanese  were  playing  with  the  Red  Cross  as 
with  a new  toy  and  their  leaders  were  never  weary  of  calling  the 
attention  of  other  nations  to  the  spectacle. 

“ When  Port  Arthur  fell,  not  even  the  presence  of  the  horrified 
British  and  American  military  attaches  and  of  foreign  newspaper 
correspondents  served  to  check  the  carnival  of  murder.  I have 
again  and  again  tried  to  save  helpless  men  from  slaughter  by 
protest  and  entreaty,  but  in  vain.  The  sign  of  the  Red  Cross 
was  jeered  at,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  orgies  of  blood  and  rapine, 
with  troops  tramping  over  the  bodies  of  unarmed  victims  who  lost 
their  homes,  the  fat  field  marshal  and  his  generals  paced  smiling, 
content  at  the  sound  of  rifle  shots  mingling  with  the  music  of  the 
national  hymn  and  the  clink  of  wine  glasses.  I am  satisfied  that 
not  more  than  one  hundred  Chinamen  were  killed  in  fair  battle 
at  Port  Arthur  and  that  at  least  two  thousand  unarmed  men  were 


ADDITIONAL  TESTIMONY. 


603 


put  to  death.  It  may  be  called  the  natural  result  of  the  fury  of 
troops  who  have  seen  the  mutilated  corpses  of  their  comrades,  or 
it  may  be  called  retaliation,  but  no  civilized  nation  could  be 
capable  of  tlie  atrocities  I have  witnessed  in  Port  Artliur.  Every 
scene  I have  described  I have  looked  upon  myself,  either  in  the 
presence  of  the  American  and  British  military  attaches,  or  in  the 
company  of  Mr.  Cowan  or  Mr.  Villiers.  The  field  marshal  and 
all  his  generals  were  aware  that  the  massacre  was  being  continued 
day  after  day. 

“We  watched  the  Second  regiment  as  it  marched  into  town,! 
firing  volleys  as  it  advanced.  Not  a shot  was  fired  in  reply 
The  soldiers  had  made  their  escape,  and  the  frightened  inhabi- 
tants were  cowering  in  the  streets. 

As  the  troops  moved  on  they  saw 
the  heads  of  their  slain  comrades 
hanging  by  cords  with  the  noses 
and  ears  gone.  There  was  a rude 
arch  in  the  main  street  decorated 
with  bloody  Japanese  heads.  A 
great  slaughter  followed.  The  in- 
furiated soldiers  killed  every  one 
they  saw.  I can  say  as  an  eyewit- 
ness that  the  wretched  people  of 
Port  Arthur  made  no  attempt  to 
resist  the  invaders.  Just  below  me 
was  a hospital  flying  the  Red  Cross 
flag,  but  the  Japanese  fired  upon 
the  unarmed  men  who  came  out  of  the  doorway.  A merchant  in 
fur  cap  knelt  down  and  raised  his  hands  in  entreaty.  As  the 
soldiers  shot  him  he  put  his  hands  over  his  face.  I saw  his  corpse 
the  next  day,  slashed  beyond  recognition.  Women  and  children 
were  hunted  and  shot  at  as  they  fled  to  the  hills  with  their  pro- 
tectors. All  along  the  streets  I could  see  the  bleeding  store 
keepers  shot  and  sabered.  A junk  was  discovered  in  the  harbor 
crowded  with  fugitives.  A platoon  was  stretched  across  the  end 
of  a wharf,  and  fired  into  the  boat  until  every  man,  woman  and 
child  was  killed.  The  torpedo  boats  outside  had  already  sunk 
ten  junks  filled  with  terror  stricken  people. 


604 


DETAILS  OF  THE  ATROCITIES. 


“ Tlie  Japanese  had  tasted  blood,  and  the  work  went  on  the 
second  day.  I saw  four  men  walking  peaceably  along  the  edge 
of  the  town,  one  man  in  the  street  carried  a naked  infant  in  his 
arms.  As  he  ran  he  dropped  the  baby.  I found  it  an  hour  later, 
dead.  The  third,  the  father  of  the  baby  tripped  and  fell.  In  an 
instant  a soldier  had  pounced  upon  his  back  with  a naked  bayonet 
in  his  hand.  I ran  forward  and  made  the  sign  of  the  Red  Cross 
on  the  white  non-combatant’s  bandage  around  my  arm,  but  the 
appeal  was  useless.  The  bayonet  was  plunged  three  or  four 
times  into  the  neck  of  the  prostrate  man,  and  then  he  was  left  to 
gasp  his  life  out  on  the  ground.  I hurried  back  to  my  quarters 
and  awakened  Frederick  Villiers,  who  went  with  me  to  the  spot 
where  I left  the  dying  man.  He  was  dead,  but  his  wounds  were 
still  smoking. 

“ While  we  were  bending  over  the  corpse  we  heard  shooting  a 
few  yards  around  a road,  and  went  forward  to  see  what  it  was. 
We  saw  an  old  man  standing  with  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back. 
On  the  ground  beside.him  were  the  writhing  bodies  of  three  other 
pinioned  men  who  had  just  been  shot.  As  we  advanced  a soldier 
shot  the  old  man  down.  This  was  the  third  day  after  the  battle. 
Next  day  I went  in  company  with  Mr.  Villiers  to  see  a courtyard 
filled  with  mutilated  corpses.  As  we  entered  we  surprised  two 
soldiers  bending  over  one  of  the  bodies.  They  had  ripped  open 
the  corpse.  When  they  saw  us  they  cowered  and  tried  to  hide 
their  faces.” 

It  is  but  fair  to  the  Japanese  to  relate  what  they  had  to  offer 
in  contravention  of  these  shocking  reports  so  well  substantiated. 
The  Japanese  minister  to  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Takaki  Kato,  while 
passing  through  New  York  some  weeks  after  the  taking  of  Port 
Arthur,  offered  these  explanations. 

“ Port  Arthur,  while  vastly  important  as  a stragetic  point,  was 
scarcely  more  than  a village  as  far  as  the  number  of  its  inhabitants 
was  concerned.  These,  which  at  the  outside  could  not  have  num- 
bered more  than  two  or  three  thousand,  consisted  of  a few  petty 
merchants,  laborers,  and  workmen  in  the  docks,  their  families, 
and  the  wives  and  children  of  some  of  the  soldiers.  This  was 
all  that  Port  Arthur  consisted  of,  as  far  as  population  was  con- 
cerned in  times  of  peace,  except  the  military  forces  that  manned 


JAPANESE  REPLIES. 


605 


the  forts.  Second,  it  had  long  been  known  that  the  Japanese 
forces  were  advancing  on  the  fort.  All  the  non-combatants, 
women  and  children,  were  removed  to  places  of  safety  long  before 
the  battle  began ; indeed  the  exodus  was  begun  fully  a month 
beforehand.  Third,  in  the  face  of  these  reports  of  wholesale 
slaughter,  how  do  you  account  for  the  fact  that  between  three  and 
four  hundred  Chinese  soldiers  were  taken  prisoners  in  and  about 
tlie  town  of  Port  Arthur  immediately  after  its  occupation  ? 

“The  victorious  army  was  compelled  before  entering  the  town 
to  pass  through  a narrow  defile  which  was  strewn  with  the  muti- 
lated bodies  of  their  advance  troops.  There  lay  their  comrades 
in  arms,  not  only  dead,  but  with  every  evidence  that  they  had 
been  tortured  to  death  by  the  most  revolting  and  brutal  methods. 
Picture  such  a scene  of  horror,  and  you  will  have  a faint  concep- 
tion of  the  sight  that  greeted  our  victorious  soldiers  as  they 
marched  through  that  narrow  pass.  These  were  their  comrades, 
their  companions,  that  lay  before  them  as  ghastly  evidences  of 
inhuman  brutality.  Can  you  appreciate  the  low  murmur  of  hor- 
ror that  passed  along  the  line  ? Can  you  understand  how  each 
man  then  and  there  in  his  heart  determined  to  avenge  such  fiend- 
ishness, and  then  can  you  blame  our  men  for  killing  every  Chinese 
soldier  found  hidden  in  the  town  when  they  first  entered?  Yes, 
there  were  excesses,  regrettable  but  surely  exhonorable  excesses,, 
after  the  battle  of  Port  Arthur.  But  these  wild  tales  of  the 
wholesale  slaughter  of  innocent  women  are  fiction  pure  and  sim- 
ple. A few  women  may  have  been  killed  in  the  general  melee 
that  followed  the  first  entrance  into  the  town,  but  that  was  acci- 
dent, not  intention,  if  it  occurred  at  all.  With  a very  few  excep- 
tions all  the  men  killed  proved  to  be  Chinese  soldiers  who  had  dis- 
carded their  arms  and  uniforms. 

“ What  our  troops  saw  of  Chinese  barbarity  did  not  begin  with 
Port  Arthur  nor  did  it  end  there.  The  most  atrocious  cruelties 
were  the  rule  at  Ping-Yang,  Kinchow,  and  indeed  every  engage- 
ment. Before  accepting  this  reported  wantonness  of  our  troops 
at  Port  Arthur  we  must  take  into  consideration  what  the  Japan- 
ese troops  did  before  and  what  they  have  done  since.  Nowhere 
has  there  been  butchery  or  cruelty,  but  kindness,  moderation  and 
nobility.  This  in  spite  of  all  that  our  soldiers  saw  of  the  fate  of 


606 


TALES  OF  CHIXESE  BARBARITY. 


their  unhappy  companions  ; this  in  the  face  of  new  barbarities 
that  were  revealed  almost  daily.  Is  this  not  a credit  to  our  sol- 
diers worthy  of  national  pride  and  international  appreciations  ? ” 

The  variety  of  explanations  offered  to  excuse  the  atrocities  was 
considerable.  It  was  reported  from  Port  Arthur  a few  days  after 
the  charges  had  been  made,  that  the  capture  of  the  place  was  in- 
deed marked  by  regrettable  excesses,  but  the  offenders  were  not 
regular  soldiers.  It  was  said  that  the  night  after  the  capture  of 
the  stronghold,  a number  of  coolies  attached  to  the  army  as  laborers 
came  into  the  town  from  the  camps.  These  men  carried  swords, 
in  order  to  obviate  the  necessity  of  always  having  regular  troops 
told  off  for  their  protection.  Unfortunately  they  obtained  access 
to  some  Chinese  stores  of  liquor,  and  became  intoxicated. 
While  in  this  condition  they  were  reminded  of  the  atrocious 
cruelties  committed  by  the  Chinese  upon  defenseless  Japanese 
prisoners,  and  became  frenzied.  All  the  coolies  practically  ran 
amock,  and  no  Chinamen  whom  they  met  was  spared.  It  was 
declared  that  some  of  the  coolies  were  at  once  arrested,  and 
that  Marshal  Oyama  was  already  investigating  the  affair,  when 
he  received  instructions  from  imperial  headquarters  at  Hiroshima 
to  institute  a rigorous  inquiry. 

The  barbarities  practised  by  the  Chinese  against  the  Japanese, 
which  resulted  in  the  atrocious  retaliation,  were  fully  corroborated 
from  many  sources.  A correspondent  of  the  American  Bible 
Society  wrote  thus  from  Shanghai : 

“ The  reported  inhuman  atrocities  of  the  Chinese  are  fully  con- 
firmed. They  were  guilty  of  barbarities  too  revolting  to  men- 
tion. A scouting  party  of  Japanese,  including  an  interpreter,  were 
captured  by  the  Chinese  near  Port  Arthur  just  before  the  attack 
on  the  fortress.  They  were  fastened  to  stakes  by  nails  through 
their  shoulders,  burned  alive,  and  then  quartered  and  their  ghastly 
remains  stuck  up  on  poles  by  the  roadside.  Some  Japanese  mem- 
bers of  the  Red  Cross  society  were  captured  by  the  Chinese  sol- 
diers and  flayed  alive.  During  the  attack  on  Port  Arthur  the  de- 
fenders used  explosive  bullets.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  Jap- 
anese generals  issued  the  order  that  no  quarter  should  be  shown  ? 
The  track  of  the  retreating  army  has  been  marked  by  pillage, 


ANSWERS  OF  THE  JAPANESE. 


607 


rapine,  wanton  destruction  and  outrage,  so  that  the  people  wel- 
come the  Japanese.” 

Japanese  diplomats  in  Washington  did  not  take  kindly  to  the 
civilized  censure  of  Japanese  atrocities.  They  had  read  up  on 
Anderson ville,  Libby  Prison,  Fort  Pillow,  Wounded  Knee,  the 
British  cruelties  in  India  and  Africa,  the  Russian  record,  and 
they  were  ready  to  compare  notes  with  civilized  armies  on  the 
subject  of  cruelty  in  war.  They  also  brought  forward  native 
Japanese  papers  which  described  the  taking  of  Port  Arthur,  and 
declared  that  those  who  were  killed  after  the  assault  suffered  only 
because  of  the  frenzy  of  a few  Japanese,  shocked  by  what  they 
had  seen  of  the  cruelties  to  their  own  comrades.  It  was  declared 
that  the  Japanese  officers  and  the  body  of  the  troops  did  all  in 
their  power  to  stop  the  bloodshed.  Furthermore,  the  Japanese 
government  asked  for  a suspension  of  judgment  until  the  merits 
of  the  case  could  be  investigated. 

The  savage  massacres  which  marked  the  capture  of  Port  Ar- 
thur were  not  the  first,  nor  will  they  be  the  last  which  will  dis- 
grace the  conduct  of  troops  calling  themselves  civilized.  'English 
troops  were  guilty  of  similar  massacre  in  the  Peninsular  cam- 
paign, at  least  one  time  in  the  Crimea,  and  repeatedly  in  suppress- 
ing rebellion  in  India.  Our  own  troops  in  the  west  have  been 
stung  to  ruthless  massacre  by  the  discovery  of  their  tortured  dead 
in  Indian  villages.  Fort  Pillow  gave  ghastly  proof  of  the  readi- 
ness to  butcher  in  our  war.  French  troops  in  Algeria,  New  Zea- 
land colonists  in  suppressing  a Maori  rising,  and  Boers  in  South 
Africa  have  slaughtered  without  mercy.  These  occasions  neither 
palliate  nor  excuse  barbarity.  It  is  wrong  in  all  races,  and  in  all 
races  from  time  to  time  it  will  come  to  the  surface.  The  amazing 
fact  about  Japan  is  that  it  is  the  first  Asiatic  nation  in  all  history 
which  has  fought  any  battles  and  conducted  any  military  opera- 
tions without  massacre.  The  slaughter  or  slavery  of  surrendered 
troops  has  been  the  unbroken  rule  of  Asiatic  warfare  for  centur- 
ies. Japan  has  actually  been  able  to  reverse  the  practice  and 
habit  of  generations,  to  school  its  soldiers  to  mercy,  and  even 
in  the  present  instance  it  has  been  followed,  as  Wellington’s 
massacres  in  the  Peninsula  never  were,  by  investigation  and  an 
attempt  at  repressing  like  disorder  in  the  future. 


608 


PARALLELS  OF  CRUELTY. 


As  an  indication  of  the  trend  of  thought  of  Chinese  news- 
papers, and  of  ignorance  of  the  Chinese  people  concerning  the 
truth  of  the  war,  it  is  amusing  to  note  the  report  of  one  of  the 
vernacular  papers  on  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur.  This  paper  editor- 
ially says  : — “ In  allowing  the  Japanese  to  take  Port  Arthur,  Gen- 
eral Tso  was  actuated  by  motives  of  the  deepest  strategy,  and  the 
able  manner  in  which  he  attained  his  end,  without  allowing  his 
opponents  to  penetrate  his  designs,  stamps  him  as  one  of  the 
greatest  military  commanders  China  has  ever  seen.  Knowing 
Peking  to  be  the  ultimate  goal  of  the  Japanese,  General  Tso  was 
satisfied  that  should  a too  obstinate  resistance  be  offered  at  any 
point,  the  Japanese  would  leave  the  Chinese  unconquered  in  his 
rear,  and  would  push  on  to  the  capital ; whereas,  if  an  important 
place  like  Port  Arthur  should  fall  into  their  hands,  the  little  men 
would  enjoy  the  sensation  as  they  w^ould  a new  toy,  and  it  would 
delay  them  in  their  march  while  the  road  to  Peking  w^as  rendered 
impregnable.  General  Tso,  therefore,  infiicted  all  the  loss  possi- 
ble upon  the  Japanese,  without  allowing  them  to  be  absolutely 
discouraged,  and  then  when  defeat  w’as  staring  his  opponents  in 
the  face,  gave  the  signal  to  his  troops  to  retreat,  wTich  they  did  in 
good  order.  So  great  was  the  loss  of  the  Japanese,  that  it  was 
not  until  some  hours  after  the  last  Chinese  soldier  had  departed, 
that  they  ventured  to  enter  the  forts. 

“ General  Tso  displayed  marked  military  skill  in  his  defensive 
tactics,  and  by  ordering  half-charges  of  pow^der  to  be  used  in  the 
big  guns,  and  filling  the  shell  and  torpedoes  wdth  sand,  deluded 
the  innocent  commander  of  the  Japanese  fleet  into  the  belief 
that  the  defenses  and  sea  forts  of  Port  Arthur  were  innocuous. 
As  a result  the  Japanese  fleet  boldly  ventured  close  to  the  forts 
and  within  the  line  of  the  torpedo  defenses,  and  before  they  dis- 
covered their  mistake  three  men-of-w^ar,  seven  transports,  and 
twenty-one  torpedo  boats  were  sunk  by  the  Chinese  fire  and  sub- 
marine mines.  The  result  of  General  Tso’s  actions  prove,  as  we 
have  always  maintained,  that  it  is  inadvisable  for  China  to  employ 
other  than  native  commanders  in  the  present  war.  In  hand-to- 
hand  combats  the  savage  and  flesh-eating  Fanquoi  is  physically 
superior  to  our  men,  but  no  man  other  than  one  conversant  with 
the  military  wisdom  of  our  enlightened  race  could  have  planned 


CHINESE  SERENITY. 


609 


and  brought  to  a successful  conclusion  the  train  of  events  which 
ended  in  the  offering  of  Port  Arthur  as  a bait  to  our  diminutive 
opponents.” 

From  a military  point  of  view,  the  capture  of  Port  Arthur  by 
the  Japanese  was  an  event  of  the  first  importance,  while  its  moral 
effect  and  its  consequent  influence  upon  the  diplomatic  situation 
was  very  great.  It  transferred  from  one  side  to  the  other  all  the 
Advantages  of  a fully  equipped  arsenal  and  dockyard,  occupying 
a commanding  strategical  position,  and  therefore  modified  all  the 
conditions,  naval  as  well  as  military,  of  the  campaign.  It  made 
the  defense  more  hopeless  than  ever,  and  extended  the  chain  of 
Chinese  disaster. 


CHANG  YEN  HOON. 

Envoy  sent  by  China  to  Japan  to  negotiate  terms  of  peace  before  the  despatch  of 
Li  Hung  Chang. — §ee  pages  623  and  655. 


610 


i 


FROM  PORT  ARTHUR  TO  WEI-HAI-WEI. 


China  Makes  Another  Attempt  towards  Peace— The  Envoy  Rejected  Because  of  lack  of 
Credentials  and  Rank— President  Cleveland  Offers  to  Help  Create  Peace— Chinese  and 
Manchoos  at  War- Japanese  Victories  Immediately  after  the  Taking  of  Port  Arthur- 
More  Corean  Politics— The  Third  Japanese  Army— Preparing  for  a Descent  on  the  Chinese 
Mainland— Wei  hai-wei  and  Its  Capture. 

Even  before  Port  Arthur  had  fallen,  * China  was  making  an- 
other attempt  to  secure  peace  through  the  intervention  of  foreign 
nations.  As  this  seemed  slow  in  coming,  however,  it  was  decided 
that  an  informal  effort  to  stop  hostilities  would  be  made,  one  in- 
deed of  such  a sort  that  it  might  be  disavowed  if  criticism  seemed 
to  demand.  Consequently,  Mr.  Gustav  Detring,  the  Chinese 
‘ Commissioner  of  Customs  under  Sir  Robert  Hart,  was  sent  to 
Japan  to  feel  the  way  in  preliminary  negotiations.  In  its  per- 
plexity and  distress,  the  Chinese  government  took  the  step  which 
only  extremity  could  have  driven  it  to  take.  It  swallowed  the 
pill  which  was  of  all  things  most  bitter.  The  emperor,  on  the 
advice  of  his  council  and  at  the  instigation  of  Prince  Kung  and 
Li  Hung  Chang,  appointed  a foreigner  as  envoy  to  Japan.  The 
office  was  not  one  which  timid  Chinamen  would  envy,  because 
none  of  them  were  ambitious  to  hand  down  their  names  to  pos- 
terity in  connection  with  the  humiliation  of  their  country.  The 
wisest  man  in  office  was  Prince  Kung,  but  he  was  not  the  dicta- 
tor which  he  was  supposed  to  be.  Me  was  thwarted  by  other  in- 
fluences, among  them  the  Grand  Council,  of  which  he  was  not 
but  ought  to  have  been  a member. 

In  this  confusion,  the  grand  imperial  effort  towards  centraliza- 
tion of  authority  had  partially  at  least  failed,  and  the  failure  had 
the  effect  of  rehabilitating  for  the  moment  the  Viceroy  Li  Hung 
Chang,  who  once  more  stood  out  as  the  only  possible  practical 
man.  This  aged  statesman  had  many  faults,  wliich  those  who 
were  nearest  to  him  saw  most  clearly,  but  if  we  compare  even  his 
faults  with  the  wisdom  of  his  compeers,  he  was  still  the  one-eyed 
man  among  the  blind,  the  only  man  at  the  time  in  the  empire 
30  (611) 


612 


MR.  DETRING  AS  AN  ENVOY. 


who  was  capable  of  anything,  and  whose  removal  from  the  scene 
would  have  been  regarded  with  grave  apprehension  by  all  who 
were  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  order  against  chaos. 

Mr.  Detring,  with  his  suite,  left  Tien  tsin  November  22  by  rail 
to  Tuug-ku,  embarked  there  on  a steamer,  under  the  German 
flag,  called  the  Li-yu,  and  steamed  down  the  Gulf  of  Pechili  past 
Chefoo  and  Wei-hai-wei.  Not  until  the  vessel  reached  Japan  did 
they  know  of  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur.  The  vessel  proceeded  to 
Kobe,  where  no  one  was  permitted  to  land  at  first.  The  envoy  at 
once  sought  communication  with  Count  Ito,  and  applied  to  the 
local  authorities  to  inform  His  Excellency  thereof.  The  result 
was  not  an  invitation  to  IMr.  Detring  to  visit  Hiroshima,  but  the 
dispatch  of  the  Secretary-General  of  the  cabinet,  Mr.  Ito  Moiji,  to 
confer  with  him  at  Kobe.  From  this  point  there  is  a difference 
of  statement  as  to  what  occurred.  The  Chinese  declare  that  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  the  secretary,  Mr.  Detring  had  been  recalled 
by  his  government,  and  having  taken  leave  of  the  governor  he 
left  at  daylight  on  the  29th  without  waiting  to  see  Mr.  Ito,  who 
had  arrived  the  previous  night.  The  Japanese,  on  the  contraiy, 
assert  that  they  refused  to  entertain  any  proposals  from  Mr. 
Detring,  as  he  was  not  properly  accredited  and  had  no  authority 
whatever  to  make  peace  negotiations.  However  that  may  be,  it 
is  certain  that  he  returned  to  China  without  having  an  audience 
with  any  Japanese  officials,  and  that  the  peace  negotiations  were 
never  even  begun. 

The  next  surprise  w'as  that  whereas  the  United  States  had  de- 
clined to  entertain  England’s  proposal  for  a coalition  of  powers 
to  restore  peace  to  the  orient,  President  Cleveland  subsequently 
tendered  to  Japan  his  good  offices  as  mediator.  He  hoped  that 
by  his  aid  peace  might  be  restored,  and  restored  in  such  a manner 
as  to  secure  to  Japan  the  just  fruits  of  her  victories.  A reply 
declining  his  proposal,  couched  in  duly  grateful  terms,  was  con- 
veyed to  the  president  by  Japan,  and  he  having  learned  in  the 
interval  that  the  European  powers  would  not  agree  to  intervene 
conjointly,  ceased  his  own  activity.  It  was  still  hoped  however 
that  Minister  Denby  at  Peking  and  Minister  Dun  at  Tokio  would 
be  able  to  use  their  good  offices  in  advancing  peace.  Japan  was 
holding  out  the  insistence  that  China  must  speak  for  herself  if 


PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND  INTERVENES. 


613 


she  wanted  peace.  Japan  however  did  go  so  far  as  to  saj  that  if 
China  had  any  propositions  of  peace  to  make,  they  might  be 
transmitted  in  the  beginning  through  the  United  States  ministers 
in  Japan  and  China.  It  was  still  evident  however,  that  China 
would  hold  oif  as  long  as  possible,  in  the  hope  that  something 
would  turn  up  to  relieve  her  of  the  necessity  of  suing  for  peace. 

The  Manchoo  princes  feared  and  mistrusted  the  Chinese,  who 
seemed  to  be  indifferent  to  the  issue  of  the  war.  and  intent  only 
on  obtaining  individual  advantage.  It  was  reiterated  again  and 
again,  that  the  Chinese  secret  -societies  desired  Japanese  success 
in  order  that  the  Manchoo  dynasty  be  overthrown  and  the 
Chinese  restored  to  power.  Captain  Von  Hannecken,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  Tsung-li  Yamen,  submitted  a comprehensive  scheme 
of  military  reorganization.  This  was  approved  by  the  emperor 
and  the  Manchoo  statesmen,  but  was  frustrated  by  the  strategem 
of  certain  wealthy  taotais,  on  the  alleged  ground  of  economy. 
The  question  was  then  referred  from  Peking  to  Tien-tsin.  Thus 
the  central  and  provincial  governments  reduced  each  other  to 
impotence.  Genuine  reform  in  China  appeared  to  be  hopeless, 
owing  to  the  invincible  ignorance  of  the  rulers.  There  was  much 
popular  discontent  at  the  imbecility  of  the  government. 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  other  forces  of  Chinese  and  Japanese, 
whose  movements,  comparatively  unimportant,  have  been  neg- 
lected for  the  advance  on  Port  Arthur.  A considerable  portion 
of  the  Chinese  fleet  was  still  in  the  harbor  at  Wei-hai-wei,  some- 
times cruising  out  for  a little  while,  but  usually  safe  at  anchor. 
Several  of  the  Chinese  vessels  had  slipped  out  of  Port  Arthur 
harbor  when  Japanese  backs  were  turned,  and  steamed  across  to 
supposed  safety  at  Wei-hai-wei.  On  November  22  the  Chen- 
Yuen,  the  largest  and  most  formidable  battle  ship  remaining  to 
the  Chinese,  ran  ashore  while  entering  Wei-hai-wei  harbor,  and 
trying  to  avoid  the  torpedoes  placed  in  the  channel.  She  was 
somewhat  damaged  by  a torpedo,  and  was  finally  beached  and 
rendered  useless  for  the  time.  Commodore  Liu  Taitsan,  who  was 
in  command  of  the  vessel,  anticipated  official  condemnation  by 
committing  suicide. 

The  fall  of  Port  Arthur  was  followed  immediately  by  a succes- 
sion of  victories  for  the  Japanese  arms  in  Manchooria,  the  first 


614 


OPERATIONS  IN  MANCHOORIA. 


Japanese  army  continuing  its  success.  The  advance  of  this  army 
towards  Mukden  terrorized  the  people  of  Manchooria,  and  the 
abandonment  of  the  sacred  city  by  its  inhabitants  began.  The 
country  around  was  in  a state  of  desolation.  The  wounded  mostly 
remained  in  villages  between  Niuchwang  and  Mukden,  the  state 
of  the  country  preventing  the  Chinese  medical  staff  and  foreign 
volunteers  from  proceeding  thither.  Mukden  was  evacuated  in 
the  beginning  of  November  by  the  foreign  residents,  who  re- 
mained at  Niuchwang.  The  Roman  Catholic  fathers  remained  at 
tlieir  station  in  Manchooria,  but  the  Protestant  missionaries  re- 
turned to  safer  regions. 

At  Jeh-ho  the  Mongols  rose  in  rebellion,  in  revenge  for  the 
assassination  of  six  Mongolian  princes.  Troops  had  to  be  called 
to  put  down  the  insurrection,  as  had  so  often  occurred  before 
during  the  war. 

On  the  day  of  the  taking  of  Port  Arthur,  a large  body  of 
Chinese  troops  under  General  Sung  attacked  Talien-wan  and 
Kinchow,  where  Japanese  had  been  left  to  guard  baggage  trains 
and  provisions.  The  conflicts  were  sharp,  and  a number  was 
killed  on  both  sides,  but  the  Chinese  were  finally  forced  to  retire. 
The  da}^  after  Port  Arthur’s  fall,  the  greater  portion  of  Count 
Oyama’s  army  turned  and  marched  northward  through  the  Laio. 
Tung  promontory,  in  the  direction  of  Niuchwang.  Ten  thousand 
troops  were  left  behind  to  guard  Japanese  interests  at  Port  Arthur. 

November  25,  sharp  fighting  took  place  near  the  Mo-thien-ling 
pass,  between  a portion  of  General  Sung’s  army  and  the  Japanese 
under  Count  Yamagata.  After  the  Chinese  troops  had  retired 
from  Chiu-lien,  they  concentrated  north  of  Mo-thien-ling,  and  the 
engagement  was  an  attempt  to  turn  the  Japanese  right  flank  at 
Tsokow.  The  conflict  opened  with  a sharp  fusillade,  and  the 
Chinese  fought  with  considerable  stubbornness  for  a time,  losing 
heavily  before  they  finall}^  retired.  The  attack  was  the  most  de- 
termined effort  that  the  Chinese  had  made  since  Ping- Yang.  The 
alarm  which  existed  among  the  residents  of  Manchooria,  causing 
their  exodus  to  Niuchwang,  was  caused  quite  as  much  by  Chinese 
soldiery  retreating  or  disbanded,  as  b}"  the  Japanese  army’s  ad 
vance.  Many  deserters  had  joined  the  bands  of  robbers  and 
brigands  to  raid  the  country  in  every  direction. 


CHINESE  AGAIN  DEFEATED. 


615 


The  first  army,  under  Field  Marshal  Yamagata,  finding  the 
country  in  the  directitui  of  Mukden  wasted  and  deserted,  vvdiile 
guerrilla  troops  harassed  them  continually,  now  abandoned  the 
march  to  Mukden  and  joined  the  second  army,  which  had  turned 
north,  near  Niuchvvang.  Field  Marshal  Oyaina  had  sent  his 
transports  and  a portion  of  his  fieet  around  the  Liao-Tung  penin- 
sula, to  move  towards  Niuchwang,  paralled  with  his  army.  Gen- 
eral Techimi’s  division  met  the  enemy  December  10,  and  after  a 
pitdied  battle  defeated  them  with  heavy  loss.  It  being  reported 
that  a large  force  of  Chinese  under  General  I was  encamped  near 
Kinkua-hu,  General  Techimi  was  ordered  to  advance  upon  that 
place.  His  scouts  reported  the  Chinese  to  be  in  considerable 
force,  and  to  consist  of  cavalry  as  well  as  infantry.  General 
Techimi  separated  his  division  into  two  columns,  and  delivered  a 
simultaneous  attack  early  in  the  morning.  The  Chinese  offered 
a stout  resistance,  and  severe  fighting  ensued.  The  superior 
shooting  and  discipline  of  the  Japanese  soon  told.  The  enemy 
were  gradually  driven  back,  and  finally  they  broke  and  fled  in  dis- 
order, the  Japanese  pursuing  them  for  several  miles.  The  majority 
of  the  Chinese  escaped  in  the  direction  of  Tso-hun-kou.  The 
Japanese  lost  about  forty  killed  and  wounded,  and  their  opponents  ' 
one  hundred. 

Field  Marshal  Yamagata,  who  had  been  in  command  of  the  first 
army  since  its  organization,  at  last  broke  down  in  health  under 
the  strain  of  his  responsibility  and  labor,  and  was  compelled  to 
return  home  in  the  hope  of  restoring  his  health.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Lieutenant-General  Nodzu,  his  friend  and  adviser  with 
the  troops.  ’ The  news  of  Yamagata’s  illness  caused  much  distress 
in  Japan,  and  he  was  welcomed  with  the  highest  honors,  both  from 
the  government  and  the  people. 

In  China  the  position  of  the  government  seemed  to  be  pre- 
carious. Dissatisfaction  was  rife  in  Peking  and  Tien-tsin  over 
the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  every  one  in  turn  was  accused  of 
responsibility  in  the  matter.  The  Manchoo  and  Chinese  elements 
were  bitterly  opposed,  and  an  anti-war  which  advocated  peace  at 
any  price  was  increasing  rapidly.  The  court  of  inquiry  which  sat 
at  Peking  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  connected  with  the 
loss  of  Kinchow  and  Talien-wan,  held  that  Kinchow  was  strong 


616 


IN  CHINA  AND  COREA. 


and  well-garrisoned  and  ought  never  to  have  been  surrendered. 
The  coimnandant  was  therefore  sentenced  to  degradation  from 
militaiy  ranks  for  allowing  the  Japanese  to  take  the  place.  The 
foreign  residents  in  Peking,  Tien-tsin,  and  Chefoo  were  by  this 
time  getting  nervous  over  their  own  prospects  for  safety,  owing  to 
the  disorder  and  rioting  that  prevailed,  enhanced  by  the  tlireat- 
ened  invnsiun  of  the  Japanese  arm3^  Marines  were  sent  to 
Peking  from  the  war  ships  of  all  western  nations  in  Japanese 
waters,  and  attached  to  the  legation  for  the  protection  of  their 
countrymen  in  China.  Anti  foreign  feeling  in  the  capital  was  on 
the  increase,  and  the  blue  jackets  were  welcomed  most  heartily 
when  the}^  landed. 

Earl}"  in  December  Corea  suffered  another  political  crisis,  owing 
to  the  duplicity  of  the  government.  All  the  Corean  ministers 
professed  gratitude  to  Japan,  for  giving  them  the  opportunity  of 
undertaking  the  administrative  and  social  regeneration  of  their 
country.  They  promised  Count  Inouye,  the  Japanese  resident, 
faithfully  to  follow  his  advice  and  to  carry  out  with  the  least  pos- 
sible delay  the  program  of  reforms  recommended  by  him.  Count 
Inouye  however  discovered,  that  while  making  these  professions, 
the  ministers  were  plotting  to  obstruct  his  policy  of  reform,  and 
had  even  gone  so  far  as  to  send  messengers  to  various  parts  of  the 
country  to  incite  the  people  to  rise  against  the  Japanese.  He 
therefore  informed  the  Corean  government  that  Japan  would  give 
no  further  assistance  to  the  king  in  suppressing  the  Tonghak 
rebellion.  The  minister  of  the  interior  at  once  resigned,  and  the 
king  promised  to  make  inquiry  and  punish  those  guilty  of 
treachery.  In  a private  audience.  Count  Inouye  sharply  remon- 
strated with  His  Majesty,  explained  that  reforms  were  necessary 
to  save  the  country  from  barbarism,  complained  of  the  encourage- 
ment given  to  the  plotters  and  repeated  his  threat  to  recall  the 
Japanese  troops  sent  out  against  the  Tonghaks.  The  king  prom- 
ised that  matters  would  be  put  right.  The  following  day  the 
ministers  called  in  a body  upon  Count  Inouye.  They  admitted  that 
they  had  behaved  in  a deceitful  manner,  begged  that  he  would 
pardon  their  duplicity,  and  assured  him  that  they  would  in  future 
give  faithful  consideration  to  his  suggestions  and  his  schemes  of 
internal  reform. 


CAPTURE  OF  FOOCHOW. 


617 


There  is  a little  confusion  in  the  names  of  towns  around  the 
Gulf  of  Liao-Tung,  owing  to  the  duplication  of  names.  Kinchow 
is  a village  to  the  north  of  Talien-wan  Bay  and  was  one  of  the 
first  points  of  attack  by  the  Japanese  when  tliey  landed  on  the 
promontory.  At  the  extreme  northern  point  of  the  gulf  is  a city 
Oi  the  same  name,  and  several  reports  that  were  made  as  to  the 
capture  of  Kinchow  were  discredited  because  of  this  confusion. 
The  first  Kinchow  was  indeed  occupied  by  Japanese  troops  from 
tlie  time  of  its  capture.  The  other  one,  however,  was  not  threat- 
ened at  all.  Unless  mention  is  made  here  to  the  contrary,  refer- 
ences to  troop  movements  around  Kinchow  refer  to  the  village  at. 
tlie  head  of  the  promontory. 

The  bulk  of  the  second  Japanese  army  moved  to  Kinchow,  on 
its  way  northward  after  the  capture  of  Port  Arthur,  and  the  Chi- 
nese force  which  attacked  the  Japanese  garrison  at  Kinchow  on 
November  22,  fell  back  to  Foochow,  a little  to  the  northward  of 
Port  Arthur,  on  the  road  to  Niuchwang.  About  the  1st  of  De- 
cember General  Nogi’s  brigade  left  Kinchow,  with  orders  from 
Marshal  Oyama  to  attack  Foochow.  The  garrison  of  the  city  was 
reported  to  number  five  thousand,  and  the  position  was  favorable 
for  defense.  The  brigade  moved  forward  very  rapidly,  as  there 
was  no  organized  opposition  to  its  advance.  On  the  4th,  General 
Nogi  heard  that  the  Chinese  were  retreating,  and  on  the  following 
day  the  Japanese  entered  Foochow  without  firing  a shot.  The 
Chinese  had  evacuated  the  city  and  had  retreated  northward  to- 
wards Niuchwang. 

The  first  Japanese  army  continued  clearing  the  country  north 
of  the  Yalu.  Large  bodies  of  Chinese  were  in  the  triangle  formed 
by  lines  drawn  between  Chiu-lien,  Niuchwang,  and  Mukden.  The 
mountains  around  about  Feng-hwang,  which  constituted  a strong 
strategic  position,  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  since 
October,  and  now  General  Tatsumi  attacked  the  highest  pass, 
Lien-shan-kuan,  from  the  east.  On  December  12  a strong  Jap- 
anese scouting  party  from  Feng-hwang  sighted  a large  force  of 
Chinese  advancing  from  the  west.  The  Japanese,  who  consisted 
entirely  of  cavalry,  sent  word  back  to  Feng-hwang,  and  keeping 
the  Chinese  in  sight  fell  back  upon  the  main  body.  The  Chinese 
pushed  on  as  far  as  Yih-man-shan,  where  they  encamped  for  the 


618 


CHINESE  FIGHT  BRAVELY. 


night.  The  Japanese  force  set  out  to  attack  the  Chinese  position, 
and  at  dawn  the  next  morning  the  fight  began.  The  Chinese 
were  fully  four  thousand  strong,  and  while  the  fight  was  in  prog- 
ress two  more  regiments  joined  them.  The  Japanese  fell  back  to 
a stronger  position,  and  adopted  defensive  tactics.  The  Chinese 
forces,  emboldened  by  their  temporary  success,  made  repeated  ef- 
forts to  break  through  the  Japanese  lines,  but  each  attack  was 
repulsed.  Seeing  that  the  Chinese  were  in  such  force.  General 
Nodzu  ordered  one  battalion  of  the  fifth  division  to  reinforce  the 
garrison  of  Feng-hwang.  This  reinforced  garrison  then  started 
on  Thursday  night,  December  13,  to  strengthen  the  Japanese  ad- 
vance posts  at  Yih-man-shan.  Colonel  Tomayasu  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  Japanese  force,  which  numbered  one  thousand  four 
hundred  men  with  six  field  guns. 

At  daybreak  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  Chinese  left  flank. 
The  enemy  was  well  posted,  and  fought  better  than  any  troops 
heretofore  encountered  by  the  Japanese  in  Manchooria.  The 
struggle  was  a severe  one,  but  the  Chinese  left  wing  gave  way 
before  the  Japanese  charge,  and  threw  the  center  into  confusion. 
A hot  and  continuous  fire  prevented  the  Chinese  from  recovering 
their  formation,  and  a second  charge  drove  them  into  a disorderly 
retreat.  The  contents  of  the  camp  and  thirty  prisoners  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Japanese.  The  Chinese  lost  some  two  hundred 
and  fifty  killed  and  wounded  and  the  Japanese  about  one  hundred. 

It  is  difficult  to  convey  a clear  idea  of  the  various  operations  in 
Manchooria,  for  no  map  accessible  to  general  readers  is  sufficiently 
accurate  to  afford  trustworthy  indications,  and  the  field  of  fight- 
ing extended  over  a considerable  area  among  places  too  small  in 
many  instances  to  be  recorded  on  a map.  There  were  in  fact,  at 
this  time,  December,  three  Japanese  and  three  Chinese  armies 
operating  in  Manchooria.  The  Japanese  forces  consisted  of  the 
second  army  under  Oj^ama,  in  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula,  and  the 
right  and  left  wings  of  Yamagata’s  force,  who  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  Nodzu.  The  first  army,  Yamagata’s,  after  passing  the 
Yalu  and  capturing  Chiu -lien,  separated  into  two  parts,  the  right 
wing  nominally  twelve  thousand  five  hundred  strong,  moving 
northward  along  the  Mukden  road  under  the  command  of  Nodzu, 
and  the  left  wing  of  equal  strength,  under  the  command  of 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  ARMIES. 


619 


Katsura,  moving  westward  down  the  Yalu,  its  object  being  ulti- 
mately to  establish  communication  with  Oyama's  forces,  twenty- 
two  thousand  strong,  when  the  capture  of  Port  Arthur  should 
have  freed  the  latter  to  advance  northeastward  up  the  peninsula. 

The  Chinese  armies  were  also  three.  One  of  these  armies  was 
massed  at  the  north,  defending  the  approaches  to  Mukden.  It  ag- 
gregated about  twenty-five  thousand  men  so  far  as  could  be  ascer- 
tained, but  its  fragmentary  fashion  of  fighting  rendered  a total 
estimate  difficult.  The  second  army  was  grouped  in  the  south- 
west, guarding  the  coast  roads  to  China  proper,  via  Niuchwang. 
This  army,  according  to  the  accounts,  aggregated  about  thirty 
thousand.  Its  headquarters  were  at  Kai  phing,  where  a junction 
would  naturally  be  effected  between  Oyama’s  forces  and  the  left 
wing  of  Yamagata’s  army.  The  easiest  method  of  obtaining  a 
clear  idea  of  the  situation,  is  to  follow  in  outline,  the  operations 
of  the  various  armies. 

The  southeastern  Chinese  army  was  composed  of  the  Amoor 
frontier  forces,  under  General  I.  It  was  moved  down  under  di- 
rect orders  from  the  throne,  the  strategical  idea  being  to  strike 
swiftly  and  secretly  at  Marshal  Yamagata’s  weak  point,  namely, 
his  long  line  of  communications  between  the  Yalu  River  and  his 
outposts,  fifty  miles  north  of  Feng-hwang.  Thus  General  I’s 
operations  ultimately  resolved  themselves  into  an  attempt  to  re- 
cover Feng-hwang.  He  marched  against  it  from  three  directions, 
the  main  northerly  road,  and  two  easterly  roads.  The  Japanese 
did  not  wait  to  receive  his  attack.  On  December  10,  Major-Gen- 
eral Techimi,  who  commanded  the  van  of  the  Japanese  right 
wing,  launched  his  battalion  at  I’s  van  of  three  thousand  men  on 
the  main  road,  and  by  consecutive  onsets  cut  the  enemy  in  two, 
driving  a part  of  his  force  into  the  mountains  eastward,  and  a 
part  along  the  main  road  northward.  Two  days  later  a reconnois- 
sance  sent  eastward  from  Feng-hwang  found  the  main  body  of  I’s 
forces  on  the  Aiyang-pien  road,  and  the  following  morning  a bat- 
talion moved  out  to  attack  him.  But  it  having  been  seen  that  he 
mustered  fully  six  thousand,  and  that  advancing  along  two  roads 
his  front  extended  over  a distance  of  more  than  three  miles,  the 
Japanese  plan  was  modified  so  as  to  deliver  the  chief  assault 
against  his  left  wing,  orders  being  also  forwarded  to  Techimi,  then 


620 


A VIGOROUS  CAMPAIGN. 


operating  north  of  Feng-hwang  to  move  east  and  south  with  the 
object  of  taking  I’s  right  wing  in  the  rear.  December  14  saw  the 
attack  on  the  Tartar  general’s  left  wing.  It  was  completely  rolled 
back  and  broken,  the  Japanese  pursuing  its  remnants  far  into  the 
mountains.  The  Chinese  lost  one  hundred  and  fifty  killed  and 
sixteen  prisoners,  and  abandoned  four  Krupp  guns,  a number  of 
horses,  and  a quantity  of  war  material.  The  Japanese  had  twelve 
killed  and  sixty -three  wounded.  I’s  right  wing  made  no  attempt 
to  hold  its  ground  after  the  defeat  of  the  left.  It  retired  in  a 
northeasterly  direction  and  its  retreat  was  subsequently  changed 
into  a route  by  collision  with  a Japanese  pursuing  column  sent  out 
from  Techimi’s  position. 

The  northerly  army  of  China  consisted  of  that  portion  of  Gen- 
eral Sung’s  troops  that  retreated  along  the  main  road  towards  Muk- 
den after  the  fall  of  Chiu-lien  and  Feng-hwang,  together  with  the 
Mukden  garrison.  They  held  the  pass  of  Mo-thien-ling  against 
several  attacks  of  the  Japanese,  and  remained  there  in  force  after 
severe  winter  set  in.  They  had  several  collisions  with  Techimi’s 
outposts,  but  none  of  importance  to  the  general  conduct  of  the  war. 

The  western  Chinese  army  consisted  partly  of  troops  original!}' 
engaged  in  the  defense  of  Chiu-lien  and  Feng-hwang,  partly  of 
the  Niuchwang  garrison,  and  partly  of  a Mongolian  force  that 
had  come  down  to  join  them  from  the  northwest.  This  was  the 
largest  force  and  aggregated  nearly  sixty  thousand.  After  the 
battles  around  the  lower  Yalu,  these  troops  had  been  driven  inland 
by  the  Japanese,  taking  Hai-tcheng  as  their  objective  point,  but 
halting  on  the  way  at  Siu-Yen.  They  were  driven  out  of  here 
by  the  Japanese,  and  moved  westward  to  Simu-tcheng,  a town 
eighteen  miles  southeast  of  Hai-tcheng.  On  December  11,  the 
Japanese  troops  under  Osako,  moving  northward  from  Siu-Yan, 
reached  the  advance  posts  of  the  enemy  and  made  an  attack.  The 
Chinese  force  consisting  of  three  thousand  infantry  and  four 
hundred  calvary,  with  eight  guns,  was  driven  back  after  a brief 
resistance,  and  the  next  day  another  body  four  thousand  five 
hundred  strong,  with  six  guns,  was  dislodged  from  a position 
three  or  four  miles  further  on.  The  Japanese,  following  up 
their  advantage,  took  possession  of  the  Simu-tcheng  the  same 
afternoon.  This  division  and  the  co-operating  division  which  had 


JAPANESE  AGAIN  SUCCESSFUL. 


621 


taken  another  road,  entered  the  place  almost  simultaneously  after 
two  days  of  unbroken  success.  They  advanced  together  on  the 
following  day,  and  at  11:00  A.  M.  Hai-tcheng  was  in  their  pos- 
session. Its  garrison  was  found  to  consist  of  only  one  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  who  after  a show  of  resistance  retired  north- 
eastward in  the  direction  of  Liao-Yang.  The  occupation  of  Hai 
tcheng  placed  the  Japanese  on  the  high  road  from  Niuchwang  to 
Mukden,  some  twenty  miles  from  Niuchwang  and  eighty  from 
Mukden.  This  was  a position  of  considerable  strategical  import- 
ance. For  the  moment  however,  Japnese  troops  turned  south- 
ward a few  miles  in  the  direction  of  Kao-Khan,  a fortified  town 
not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Liao  River.  This  movement  was 
connected  with  the  march  of  the  second  army  up  the  Laio-Tung 
peninsula,  to  which  reference  must  now  be  made. 

After  the  capture  of  Port  Arthur  and  the  completion  of  arrange- 
ments relating  to  the  occupation  of  that  place.  Marshal  Oyama 
returned  to  Kinchow  and  made  preparations  to  advance  north- 
ward against  Foochow,  an  important  walled  town  of  twent}^-five 
thousand  inhabitants  fifty-three  miles  to  the  northward.  General 
Sung,  with  some  six  thousand  men  held  Foochow,  and  a vigorous 
resistance  was  anticipated.  But  on  December  5,  the  Japanese  van 
entered  the  town  unopposed.  The  advance  was  then  resumed  to 
Kai-phing,  a city  of  still  greater  importance  sixty-three  miles 
distant.  And  as  this  army  moved  northward,  the  left  wing  of  the 
first  army  moved  southward  from  Hai-tcheng,  as  has  just  been 
said,  threatening  Kai-phing  from  the  other  side  and  cutting  off  the 
garrison’s  direct  line  of  retreat.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
wherever  Japanese  troops  took  possession  of  a city  or  district,  an 
officer  was  immediately  appointed  to  be  military  governor,  the 
inhabitants  were  kindly  treated,  and  every  effort  was  made  to 
preserve  peace  and  free  the  natives  from  annoyance  or  oppression* 

On  the  17th  and  18th  of  December  the  scouts  of  General 
Katsura’s  division  brought  word  to  him  of  important  movements 
of  the  enemy,  who  appeared  to  be  advancing  in  strong  force.  All 
this  proved  to  be  nothing  more  formidable  than  the  flight  of  Gen- 
eral Sung’s  army  northward.  On  the  night  of  the  18th  the 
Chinese  army  was  ascertained  to  be  passing  within  a few  miles  of 
the  Japanese  camp,  and  Katsura  therefore  moved  against  them 


622 


EXCITEMENT  IN  PEKING. 


with  his  full  strength.  The  Chinese  were  overtaken  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning.  Osako's  brigade  was  the  first  to  be  engaged. 
The  enemy  made  a stand  at  the  village  of  Kungwasai  and  severe 
fighting  ensued.  While  this  was  proceeding  Oshima’s  brigade 
coming  from  Hai-tcheng  entered  the  field  and  joined  hands  with 
Osako.  The  combined  force  consisted  of  four  complete  regiments^ 
five  batteries  of  artillery,  besides  other  troops.  The  Japanese  ar- 
tillery, which  was  well  placed,  played  havoc  with  the  Chinese, 
who  stubbornly  stood  their  ground.  The  Japanese  infantry 
charged  splendidly  and  cut  their  way  through  the  Chinese  army, 
but  the  enemy  rallied  and  fired' steadily.  A desperate  hand-to- 
hand  struggle  took  place.  After  five  hours’  fighting,  the  Chi- 
nese began  to  falter  and  soon  they  were  in  full  and  disorderly 
flight,  some  to  the  westward  and  others  north.  The  Chinese  lost 
probably  five  hundred  killed  and  wounded  and  the  Japanese  loss, 
too,  was  very  severe.  This  was  probably  the  most  obstinate  en- 
gagement yet  fought  by  the  armies  in  Manchooria.  The  Chinese 
had  strongly  entrenched  themselves  at  the  little  village  of  Kung- 
wasai, near  Hai-tcheng,  and  they  defended  their  position  most 
vigorously.  The  ground  was  thick  with  snow,  and  the  battle  was 
a desperate  one.  Charge  after  charge  made  by  the  Japanese  was 
faced  and  the  assaulting  troops  driven  back.  But  with  a fourth 
charge  the  battle  ended,  the  Japanese  rushing  into  the  Chinese 
works  and  carrying  everything  before  them. 

The  constant  succession  of  defeats  of  the  Chinese  forces,  made  * 
imperial  circles  in  Peking  a nest  of  nervous  uncertainty.  Fac- 
tional fights  existed  among  the  officials,  and  no  one  knew  when 
his  position  or  his  head  was  safe.  The  empress  dowager  re- 
mained firm  in  her  confidence  in  Li  Hung  Chang,  and  this  fact 
served  to  retain  him  the  title  of  viceroy.  All  of  his  decorative 
honors  had  however  by  this  time  been  stripped  from  him,  and  only 
the  queen’s  favor  and  the  fact  that  it  was  not  wise  to  make  of 
him  an  open  enemy  saved  him  from  losing  his  last  title.  Early  in 
December  Prince  Kung  was  appointed  president  of  the  Grand 
Council.  He  lost  no  time  in  moving  towards  severe  punishment 
the  military  and  naval  officers  who  for  being  defeated  were  ad- 
judged traitors.  An  imperial  decree  imperatively  ordered  the 
arrest  of  Taotai  Kung  the  civil  commandant  and  the  four  generals 


CHINESE  t^OLITICS. 


623 


who  commanded  at  Port  Arthur  in  order  that  they  should  be  sent 
to  Peking  to  be  tried  and  punished  for  the  loss  of  the  fortress. 
Admiral  Ting  was  also  arrested  for  failing  to  defend  the  dockyard. 
Generals  Yeh  and  Wei  of  Ping-Yang  fame  were  handed  over  to 
the  same  board  of  punishmeJit.  The  foreign  officers  serving  in 
the  Chinese  fleet  sent  to  Prince  Kung  a unanimous  protest  against 
the  infliction  of  punishment  upon  Admiral  Ting,  declaring  that 
the  charges  made  against  him  were  unjust  and  that  they  would 
resign  if  he  was  punished.  In  response  to  this  protest  therefore  an 
edict  was  issued  continuing  the  admiral  in  command  of  the  fleet. 

The  late  viceroy  of  Nanking,  Liu-kun-yi,  was  now  appointed  to 
the  chief  command  of  all  the  Chinese  forces  in  the  field,  thus 
superseding  Li  Hung  Chang  and  Prince  Kung  so  far  as  military 
command  was  concerned.  He  had  made  an  impression  at  the 
palace  by  his  energy  and  by  his  plans  for  resisting  invaders.  Im- 
mediately upon  his  appointment  Liu  petitioned  to  be  relieved 
from  the  office,  pleading  indisposition,  but  his  request  was  refused 
at  the  palace.  His  desire  was  taken  as  an  indication  that  he  felt 
himself  incapable  of  successfully  carrying  out  the  arduous  task 
imposed  upon  him.  In  the  face  of  the  emperor’s  imperative 
orders  Liu  could  not  avoid  accepting  the  command,  and  he  there- 
fore began  making  appointments  to  his  staff  and  preparing  for  his 
immediate  departure  to  the  front. 

At  last  on  December  21,  it  was  given  out  to  the  world  that 
peace  negotiations  with  Japan  were  to  be  begun  iii  earnest,  in  the 
hope  that  the  crowning  humiliation  of  a Japanese  occupation  of 
Peking  might  be  averted.  The  emperor  selected  Chang  Yen 
Hoon,  vice-president  of  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  as  his  peace  envoy 
and,  it  was  said,  invested  him  with  the  fullest  powers  to  treat.  It 
was  announced  that  he  would  proceed  immediately  to  Japan  with 
an  adequate  suite  and  ample  credentials.  He  was  a man  of  great 
ability,  and  great  confidence  was  expressed  in  the  success  of  his 
mission.  Mr.  Dun,  United  States  minister  at  Tokio,  learned  that 
the  Japanese  government  would  receive  the  Chinese  envoy  with 
every  consideration  due  to  his  rank,  and  with  an  honest  desire  to 
help  him  to  bring  his  mission  to  a successful  conclusion.  But 
from  the  very  beginning  there  was  strong  evidence  to  indicate 
that  China  was  not  acting  in  the  best  of  faith,  for  no  authoritative 


624 


MR.  FOSTER’S  MISSION. 


statement  was  made  by  the  government  at  Peking  of  the  appoint- 
ment  of  such  a plenipotentiary.  This  suspicion  was  only  too  well 
corroborated  a few  weeks  later. 

The  Chinese  government,  after  deciding  to  send  an  envoy  to 
Japan,  addressed  a formal  request  to  President  Cleveland  for  the 
assistance  of  a recognized  statesman  in  connection  with  the  forth- 
coming peace  negotiations  in  Tokio.  The  president  lost  no  time 
in  replying.  It  was  officially  announced  in  Washington  Decem- 
ber 27,  that  the  Hon.  John  W.  Foster,  Secretary  of  State  in  the 
cabinet  of  President  Harrison,  after  the  death  of  secretary  Blaine, 
had  been  appointed  legal  adviser  to  the  Chinese  peace  plenipo' 
tentiary  who  was  about  to  be  sent  to  the  government  of  Japan. 
Before  entering  President  Harrison’s  cabinet  Mr.  Foster  had 
represented  the  United  States  as  minister  at  Madrid  and  he  acted 
as  agent  of  the*  United  States  in  the  court  of  arbitration  of  the 
Bering  Sea  question  at  Paris.  He  was  one  of  the  foremost 
among  international  lawyers  in  the  United  States,  with  large  ex- 
perience in  Chinese  affairs.  His  selection  by  President  Cleveland 
was  not  an  official  one,  but  was  merely  in  response  to  a request 
from  China  for  friendly  assistance.  Mr.  Foster  had  no  official 
- standing  from  the  United  States,  but  acted  simply  as  an  adviser 
to  the  Chinese  envoy. 

A curious  incident  comes  well  substantiated  regarding  Mr. 
Foster’s  preparations  for  his  trip.  Shortly  before  he  sailed  for 
China,  it  is  said,  a party  of  Wall  street  men  went  to  see  liim  oi^ 
the  subject  of  the  Chinese  indemnity.  This  indemnity  was 
destined  to  have  an  important  bearing  upon  American  politics. 
Should  the  indemnity  be  paid  in  gold,  our  own  treasury  reserve 
would  be  drawn  upon  rather  seriously.  Should  it  be  paid  in 
silver  the  demand  for  the  white  metal  would  undoubtedly  create 
an  enormous  demand  for  the  product  of  western  mines  to  the 
great  advantage  of  the  silver  producing  states.  The  Wall  street 
men  visited  Mr.  Foster  in  a body  and  urged  him  to  favor  a gold 
settlement.  The  diplomat  became  very  much  incensed  at  this. 
He  declared  that  the  representations  of  the  bankers  were  a gross 
violation  of  diplomatic  ethics,  and  that  he  would  act  as  he  thought 
best  in  the  interests  of  China.  From  that  time  forward  the  pro- 
spective treaty  was  anticipated  with  great  interest  by  American 
bankers. 


JAPANESE  PARLIAMENT  IN  SESSION. 


625 


The  eighth  session  of  the  Japanese  parliament  was  opened  at 
Tokio,  December  24.  In  the  absence  of  the  emperor  at  Hiroshima 
his  speech  was  read  by  one  of  the  ministers.  It  took  occasion  to 
congratulate  the  countr}^  for  the  success  of  the  Japanese  arms 
and  declared  the  need  of  further  persistence  towards  the  success- 
ful conclusion  of  the  war.  Political  sentiment,  so  far  as  party 
spirit  was  concerned,  did  not  run  high  in  Japan,  for  nearly  all 
parlies  were  united  in  support  of  the  war.  The  session  of  parlia- 
ment therefore  awakened  no  marked  interest. 

The  collossal  nature  of  the  task  that  devolved  upon  Japan 
when  she  undertook  to  reform  the  Corean  administration  was 
becoming  daily  more  apparent.  The  first  difficulty  presenting 
itself  was  the  fact  that  all  the  high  offices  of  state  were  occupied 
by  proteges  of  the  queen,  members  of  the  Ming  family.  The 
queen  was  a woman  of  considerable  and  large  ambition.  She 
exercised  great  influence  over  the  king  and  employed  it  to  secure 
preferment  and  appointment  for  her  own  relatives.  But  the 
queen  and  her  friends  were  indefatigable  supporters  of  China. 
The  Chinese  resident  always  worked  in  their  interests;  they  firmly 
believed  that  Chinese  supremacy  would  be  re-established  sooner 
or  later ; and  they  were  wedded  to  Chinese  systems  as  affording 
the  widest  scope  for  self-aggrandizement.  Thus  they  stood  in  the 
very  forefront  of  the  opponents  of  reform.  That  was  recognized 
from  the  outset,  and  the  device  was  adopted  of  entrusting  the 
chief  powers  to  the  Tai-wen  Kun,  an  inveterate  enemy  of  the 
Ming  family.  But  the  old  prince  whose  political  record  was 
written  in  blood  cared  not  one  jot  for  reform.  His  one  idea  was 
the  Tai-wen  Kun.  Morover,  he  too  believed  in  the  restoration  of 
Chinese  influence  and  wishing  to  enlist  it  in  his  own  behalf  he 
opened  secret  correspondence  with  the  Chinese  generals,  promis- 
ing them  that  the  appearance  of  their  troops  before  Seoul  should 
be  the  signal  for  a widespread  insurrection  of  the  Tonghaks  to 
attack  the  Japanese  simultaneously.  These  letters  were  discovered 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  Count  Inouye.  He  invited  the  Tai- 
wen  Kun  to  the  Japanese  legation  and  quietly  showed  him  the 
incriminating  documents.  Of  course  there  was  no  imperative 
reason  why  any  Corean  subject  should  prefer  Japan  to  China. 
The  Tai-wen  Kun  had  a right  to  choose  between  the  two,  but  he 


626 


THE  TAKING  OF  NIUCHWANG. 


had  no  right  to  hold  the  regency  under  pretex  of  furthering  re- 
forms which  he  was  secretly  working  to  defeat.  It  was  not 
difficult  to  induce  him  to  resign  the  regency.  He  saw  that  tlie 
game  was  lost  and  consented  to  efface  himself  from  the  political 
arena.  At  the  demand  of  the  Japanese  minister,  the  Corean  king 
formed  a new  cabinet  more  satisfactory  to  Japanese  influence  and 
the  crisis  was  passed.  The  revolts  of  the  Tonghaks,  however, 
seemed  to  be  almost  continuous  and  every  day  brought  news  of  a 
riot  engendered  by  them. 

The  Japanese  armies  which  we  left  in  Manchooria  near  Kai- 
phing,  were  posted  on  a curve  extending  from  that  city  near  the 
sea,  to  Hai-tcheng,  which  was  strongly  fortified,  and  posts  also 
extended  from  there  to  the  Mo-thien-ling  hills.  They  thus  occu- 
pied a strong  position  for  defensive  and  offensive  purposes.  Very 
severe  weather  had  set  in  early  in  January  and  hundreds  of 
Japanese  soldiers  were  suffering  from  frostbite.  The  Chinese 
forces  had  withdrawn  to  Kao-khan  near  Niuchwang,  although 
the  force  occupying  Liao- Yang  had  advanced  some  distance  to 
wards  Hai-tcheng,  which  the  Japanese  were  occupying. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  January  10,  a brigade  under  General 
Nogi  marched  against  a Chinese  force  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of 
Kai-phing.  The  attack  was  made  at  dawn,  but  the  deep  snow 
rendered  military  movements,  especially  the  bringing  up  of  guns, 
a matter  of  great  difficulty.  The  Chinese  had  twelve  fieldpieces 
and  two  gatlings  which  were  well  handled.  Their  force  numbered 
about  three  thousand.  The  fight  lasted  four  hours,  and  consisted 
mainly  of  an  exchange  of  shot  and  shell  until  the  Japanese  were 
in  position  on  the  Chinese  flank,  when  an  infantry  charge  was 
ordered  and  the  Chinese  fell  back  before  the  heavy  fire.  The 
final  attack  upon  the  center  was  splendidly  made  and  by  9:00 
o’clock  the  Chinese  were  well  beaten.  There  was  some  stiff' 
fighting  at  the  last,  but  by  10:00  o’clock  the  Japanese  were  in 
full  possession  of  the  town.  Two  hundred  Chinese  were  found 
dead  in  the  positions  which  they  had  held,  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  were  taken  prisoners.  The  Chinese  force  was  commanded  by 
General  Seh,  who  expected  to  be  strongly  reinforced  before  the  Jap- 
anese attack  could  be  made.  On  learning  this.  General  Nogi  sent 
out  scouting  parties  towards  Yo-chow.  They  reported  that  a 


ANOTHER  MANCIIOORIAN  ARMY  DEFEATED. 


627 


n army  estimated  to  number  ten  thousand  men  had  been 
march?^ng  upon  Kai-phing  but  having  heard  of  the  defeat  of 
General  Seh  this  large  force  had  immediately  retired  towards  Ying- 
tsu,  the  port  of  Niuchwang. 

Either  confidence  or  desperation  of  the  Chinese  was  exemplified 
in  the  vicinity  of  Niuchwang  a few  days  later  when  two  Chinese 
corps  marched  against  the  Japanese  advanced  lines,  and  opened 
an  attack.  One  of  these  corps  advanced  from  Liao-Yang,  whilst 
the  other  marched  from  the  direction  of  Niuchwang.  They  were 
estimated  at  from  twelve  to  fourteen  thousand  men  and  they  had 
with  them  several  fieldpieces  and  gatling  guns.  They  came  in 
sight  of  the  Japanese  lines  before  noon  and  continued  their  ad- 
vance until  within  less  than  two  miles.  Then  they  halted  and  a 
consultation  was  held  amongst  their  staff.  They  made  no  further 
advance,  much  to  Japanese  disappointment,  but  simply  began  a 
heavy  fire  from  their  artillery.  At  2:00  o’clock  in  the  afternoon, 
General  Katsura  ordered  the  Japanese  to  reply,  and  a concentrated 
fire  was  opened  upon  the  Chinese  ranks.  The  total  Japanese 
force  concentrated  to  receive  the  Chinese  attack  consisted  of  four 
battalions  of  infantry  and  one  battalion  of  artillery  with  twelve 
guns.  The  artillery  fire  continued  for  an  hour,  when  seeing  that 
the  Chinese  were  being  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  bursting 
shells.  General  Katsura  ordered  a charge  upon  the  enemy’s  right 
wing.  It  proved  to  be  entirely  successful.  Five  guns  which  pro- 
tected the  enemy’s  right  were  captured  at  once,  and  the  whole 
force  immediately  retreated.  Another  charge  upon  the  center 
scattered  the  Chinese.  The  majority  fled  to  the  north,  whilst  a 
portion  retreated  in  the  direction  of  Niuchwang.  The  Chinese 
losses  were  roughly  estimated  at  nine  hundred,  and  the  Japanese 
scarcely  one-tenth  of  that  number. 

The  first  army,  finding  the  country  in  the  direction  of  Mukden 
wasted  and  deserted  while  guerilla  troops  harassed  them  continu- 
ally, now  virtually  abandoned  the  march  to  Mukden  and  formed 
a junction  with  the  second  army  drawing  together  at  the  acute 
angle  to  which  they  had  been  so  long  converging.  Oyama  and 
Nodzu  met  and  from  that  time  worked  with  their  forces  conjointly. 
The  Chinese  were  becoming  bolder  in  the  vicinity  of  Hai-tcheng 
which  made  the  necessity  greater  for  a union  of  forces.  At  the 
31 


628 


CHINESE  POLITICS. 


same  time  Mukden  itself  was  in  a state  riotous  disorder,  the 
Manchoo  and  Chinese  troops  continually  at  conflict  with  one  an- 
other and  therefore  scarcely  needing  the  attention  of  the  Japan- 
ese to  attack  either  side.  Military  operations  in  Manchooria 
were  now  exceedingly  difficult  owing  to  the  depth  of  snow  and 
the  bitter  cold  weather.  Both  armies  were  suffering  from  the 
rigors  of  the  season,  and  neither  regretted  the  opportunity  for  a 
cessation  of  active  hostilities.  General  Nogi  moved  forward  his 
headquarters  to  Huntsai.  Cavalry  skirmishes  between  scouting 
parties  between  Niuchwang  and  Kai-phing,  and  between  Niu- 
chwang  and  Hai-tcheng  were  of  daily  occurrence  and  with  them 
we  will  consider  the  season’s  campaign  of  the  armies  in  Manchoo- 
ria closed. 

The  raising  of  Li  Hung  Chang’s  enemy,  Liu-kun-yi,  to  the 
chief  military  command  in  China  stirred  up  more  and  more 
trouble  for  military  and  naval  officers  as  the  time  went  by.  Half 
of  the  generals  of  the  army  and  the  admirals  and  commanders  of 
the  navy  were  arrested,  charged  with  various  degrees  of  guilt,  and 
many  of  them  were  sentenced  to  death.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
however,  not  many  of  these  sentences  were  carried  out,  although 
General  Wei  was  beheaded  in  Peking,  Januar}^  16.  The  influence 
of  Li  Hung  Chang  could  not,  however,  be  destroyed,  even  though 
he  had  been  relieved  of  all  his  functions  except  that  of  governor- 
general  of  his  province.  His  connections  with  prominent  officials 
in  China  had  been  too  intimate  and  his  strength  too  great  that  all 
could  be  taken  away  from  him  even  by  imperial  edict.  The  old 
viceroy,  the  Bismarck  of  Asia  quietly  bided  his  time  and  waited 
the  results  that  he  felt  sure  would  come.  The  Chinese  envoy 
and  his  suite  of  fifty-six  lingered  at  Shanghai  day  after  day  delay- 
ing their  start  to  Japan  with  the  avowed  explanation  that  further 
instructions  were  expected,  but  with  the  understanding  frankly 
held  by  every  one  except  themselves  that  they  were  really  de- 
tained in  the  hope  that  something  would  turn  up,  that  some 
special  providence  would  interfere  to  relieve  them  of  the  neces- 
sity of  presenting  China’s  suit  for  peace  to  her  ancient  enemy. 

And  now  the  third  Japanese  army  was  ready  for  its  descent 
upon  the  Chinese  coasts  and  another  invasion  of  the  Celestial 
Empire  was  impending. 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  CAPTURE  WEI-HAI-WEI  AND 

ITS  SUCCESS. 


Plans  for  the  Third  Japanese  Army— Description  of  Wei-hal-wei  and  its  Defenses— Ar- 
rival of  the  Japanese  Troops— Landing  of  the  Forces  at  Yung-tcheng  Bay— Bombardment  of 
Tengchow— Capture  of  Ning-Hai— Wei-hai-wei  Forts  Taken— Severity  of  the  Weather— Action 
of  the  Fieets— The  Torpedo  Boats— Continuing  the  Bombardment— A White  Flag  From  the 
Chiuese—Surrender— Admiral  Ting’s  Suicide— After  the  Surrender. 

The  command  of  the  sea  definitely  gained  by  the  Japanese  at  the 
battle  of  the  Yala,  now  enabled  another  expeditionary  force  to  be 
landed  on  the  shores  of  China,  this  time  on  the  Shantung  penin- 
sula, which  juts  out  between  the  Gulf  of  Pechili  and  the  Yellow 
Sea  on  the  south,  as  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula  does  between  the 
Gulf  of  Laio-Tiing  and  Corea  Bay  on  the  north.  Since  that 
eventful  action,  the  Chinese  fleet  had  remained  in  port,  and  the 
Japanese  had  been  free  to  use  the  water-ways  of  the  east,  as  if  no 
enemy’s  ships  existed.  To  undertake  a new  enterprise  was 
merely  a question  of  men  and  means.  The  transports  employed 
at  Port  Arthur  were  available,  and  a third  army  twenty-five 
thousand  strong  was  mobilized  at  Hiroshima  in  December. 
These  troops  were  embarked  for  an  expeditionary  force  to  threaten 
Wei-hai-wei.  There  were  fifty  Japanese  transports  in  the  squad- 
ron, convoyed  by  a few  war  ships,  and  the  fleet  sailed  away  from 
Japan  just  before  the  middle  of  January. 

Wei-hai-wei  is  about  twenty -five  miles  west  of  the  extreme 
northeastern  point  of  the  Shantung  promontory,  and  fifty  miles 
east  of  Chefoo,  which  was  the  nearest  treaty  port.  Wei-hai-wei 
consists  of  an  island  some  two  miles  long,  and  the  adjacent  main- 
land, running  in  a semi  circle  around  the  bay.  Between  the 
island  and  the  shore  is  a large  and  safe  harbor,  with  an  entrance 
at  either  end.  At  both  entrances,  two  rows  of  submarine  torpedo 
mines  furnished  protection  against  invading  squadrons,  and  on 
the  island  stood  the  naval  and  gunnery  school  of  China,  and  the 
houses  of  the  foreign  instructors.  The  island  was  defended  by 
three  forts,  one  at  the  east  end,  one  at  the  west,  and  the  third  on 
a little  island  connected  with  it.  On  the  hills  which  rise  from 

(629) 


630 


DEFENSES  OF  WEI-HAI-WEI. 


the  island  also  six  small  batteries  with  quick  firing  guns.  In  one 
of  the  forts  were  four  heavy  Krupp  guns,  in  another  three,  while 
in  the  third  were  two  Armstrong  disappearing  guns  of  twenty-five 
tons,  on  revolving  planes.  On  the  mainland  was  a small  village, 
while  three  forts  commanded  the  eastern  entrance  to  the  harbor, 
and  three  the  western,  armed  in  the  same  way  as  the  forts  on  the 
island.  Seven  men-of-war  remaining  to  the  Chinese  fleet  were  at 
anchor  in  the  harbor,  and  would  be  useful  in  defense  of  the  place, 
though  not  enough  for  battle  at  sea  against  a fleet.  The  fortifi- 
cations were  built  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Von  Hannecken, 
and  several  foreigners  in  the  Chinese  service  had  remained  there 


throughout  the  war  as  artillerists  and  in  other  capacities.  The 
Chinese  Admiral  Ting  was  also  there,  against  whom  the  Chinese 
censors  had  been  speaking  so  bitterly.  There  were  strongly 
equipped  forts,  a beautiful  harbor,  a good  naval  school,  and  all 
was  ready  to  be  captured  by  the  Japanese.' 

The  Japanese  transports  touched  at  Talien-wan  Bay  on  the 
way  to  the  Shantung  promontory,  and  took  on  board  some 
of  the  officers  who  had  been  with  the  army  around  Port 
Arthur.  Except  for  these  however,  the  troops  moving  on  Wei- 
hai-wei  were  all  new  in  the  field.  On  the  18th  of  January  a small 
reconnoitering  party  of  Japanese  naval  officers  landed  from 


THE  YUNG-TCHENG  LANDING  PLACE. 


631 


a boat  in  Yung-tcheng  Bay,  having  left  tlieir  ship  out  of  siglit 
around  the  eastern  headland.  They  arrived  in  the  night,  cut  tlie 
telegraph  lines  connecting  Shantung  promontory  lighthouse  with 
Wei-hai-wei,  and  afterward,  being  of  course  in  disguise  and  famil- 
iar with  the  Chinese  language,  made  inquiries  of  the  peasantry. 
They  discovered  that  the  commander  of  Wei-hai-wei,  having 
heard  of  warships  off  the  promontory,  had  sent  some  five  hundred 
troops  to  defend  Yung-tcheng.  The  Japanese  then  decided  to 
land  at  dawn  on  the  20th.  Yung-tcheng  Bay  is  about  four  miles 
southwest  of  the  northeast  promontory  lighthouse,  and  faces 
nearly  due  south.  On  the  east  is  a bold  headland  connected  by 
low  hills  with  a chain  of  abrupt  heights  running  west.  The  west 
headland,  enclosing  the  bay,  is  not  so  high  and  ends  in  a spit  of 
sand  and  rocks,  beyond  which  are  two  smaller  shallow  bays,  and 
Yung-tcheng  town  about  seven  miles  away  due  west.  Nestling 
close  under  the  west  slope  of  the  strip  is  a small  village.  Yung- 
tcheng  Bay  is  about  a mile  wide,  and  hemispherical.  The  anchor- 
age is  good  for  large  vessels  to  within  one  hundred  j^ards  of  the 
beach,  and  the  large  fleet  assembled  there  for  hostile  purposes 
was  well  protected. 

The  Japanese  flotilla  was  led  by  five  war  ships  which  were  two 
or  three  hours  ahead  of  the  rest — twenty  transports  carrying  one 
division  of  infantry,  with  an  escort  of  four  war  ships.  Other 
war  ships  were  on  patrol  duty,  with  torpedo  boats  blockading 
Wei-hai-wei  completely.  The  transports  which  came  on  the 
22nd  contained  another  brigade  of  infantry,  a strong  force  of 
artillery,  some  cavalry,  and  the  large  and  important  commissariat 
and  transport  sections. 

The  Chinese  troops  first  took  up  a position  on  the  sand  spit 
and  opened  fire  on  the  ships  with  four  fieldpieces,  without  effect. 
Meantime  some  two  hundred  Japanese  marines  were  being  landed 
on  the  beach  under  the  eastern  bluff.  As  the  boats  drew  near 
the  shore  a few  shots  came  in  their  direction,  but  the  Chinese 
marksmanship  was  utterly  useless.  The  Japanese  succeeded  in 
getting  ashore  without  any  mishaps  whatever  by  7:00  A.  M., 
while  daylight  was  still  faint.  The  ground  was  covered  with 
snow  a few  inches  deep.  A shell  from  one  of  the  war  ships  set 
fire  to  a small  cottage  where  the  Chinese  were,  and  they  were 


632 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


forced  to  retire  to  the  village  behind  the  knoll.  Here  planting 
their  guns,  four  Krupp  fieldpieces,  on  rising  ground,  with  infantry 
in  the  broken  ground  about  the  village,  they  tried  their  best  to 
make  a stand ; but  the  guns  of  the  war  ship  were  making  the 
position  untenable,  and  a bayonet  charge  of  marines  put  an  end  to 
their  resistance.  They  fled  to  Yung-tcheng,  leaving  their  cannon. 
The  losses  on  either  side  were  slight.  By  eight  o’clock  the  trans- 
ports had  arrived,  and  the  landing  of  troops  began,  finishing  before 
dusk.  The  disembarkation  of  the  rear  guard,  which  came  on  the 
second  fleet  of  transports,  was  also  carried  on  expeditiously  on 
the  23rd. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  20th  a battalion  of  the  newly 
landed  soldiers  pushed  on  without  delay  or  rest  to  Yung-tcheng. 
The  Chinese  force  of  about  five  hundred  made  slight  resistance  ; 
there  was  a little  firing,  but  no  casualty  on  either  side,  and  the 
place  was  taken.  A detachment  of  Japanese  follow'ed  westward 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  A quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  and 
stores  fell  into  the  victor’s  hands  at  Yung-tcheng. 

The  first  thing  done  by  the  Japanese  on  landing  was  to  make  a 
small  floating  jetty  of  sampans  and  planks,  from  the  sandy  beach 
to  water  deep  enough  for  launches.  Rough  sheds  were  also 
erected  rapidly,  so  as  to  make  the  place  a convenient  depot  as  a 
subsidiary  base  of  operations.  Here  the  troops  were  sheltered  as 
they  landed,  moving  over  to  Yung-tcheng  as  rapidly  as  possible, 
so  that  within  a few  days  they  were  almost  all  quartered  in  the 
town  and  surrounding  villages.  The  inhabitants  went  about 
their  business  as  usual,  evincing  only  a little  timid  curiosity 
towards  the  invaders. 

Japanese  strategy  was  to  be  credited,  to  considerable  extent, 
with  the  easy  landing  granted  to  their  troops  in  Yung-tcheng  Bay. 
War  ships  had  been  cruising  back  and  forth  along  the  north  shore 
of  the  promontory,  keeping  tlie  commanders  of  various  posts 
nervously  expectant  of  an  attack.  Finally  on  Saturday,  January 
19,  war  vessels  drew  near  to  Tengchow,  some  thirty  miles  north- 
west of  Chefoo,  and  began  a bombardment  which  lasted  through- 
out the  day.  The  Chinese  worked  their  guns  well,  but  were  not 
equal  to  the  Japanese  gunners  either  in  rapidity  or  precision  of 
fire.  Many  of  the  Chinese  guns  were  dismounted  by  the  Japanese 


TERRORIZING  THE  SHANTUNG  COASTS. 


63S 


fire,  and  others  were  rendered  useless  through  absence  of  suffi- 
cient ammunition.  By  nightfall  all  the  forts  were  silenced  and 
the  city  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  invaders.  Two  thousand 
Japanese  landed  and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  from  fieldpieces 
u[)on  the  land  side,  while  the  ships  were  bombarding  the  water 
front.  This  demonstration  was  only  for  the  purpose  of  creating  a 
diversion,  and  attracting  Chinese  attention  to  Tengchow,  while 
averting  it  from  Yung-tcheng. 

On  January  23,  a Japanese  force  landed  at  Ning-Hai,  midway 
between  Wei-hai-wei  and  Chefoo,  and  the  former  city  was  there- 
fore surrounded.  The  landing  was  covered  by  the  guns  of  a 
dozen  war  ships,  but  there  was  no  opposition.  The  troops  at 
once  marched  upon  the  city  of  Ning-Hai,  situated  near  the  point 
of  landing,  and  the  place  fell  into  their  hands  after  a very  feeble 
resistance.  The  occupation  of  Ning-Hai  isolated  Wei-hai-wei 
from  Chefoo.  The  Chinese  arsenal  was  almost  exactly  half  way 
between  the  two  Japanese  landing  places,  and  the  coast  road 
being  in  occupation  of  the  Japanese,  news  from  the  threatened 
garrison  had  to  be  carried  over  mountain  paths  with  considerable 
difficulty. 

The  strong  Japanese  fleet  of  war  ships,  transports,  and  torpedo 
boats  was  now  assured  of  safety  from  any  possible  attack  in 
Yung-tcheng  Bay,  and  the  war  ships  patrolled  back  and  forth 
between  the  two  landing  places  in  constant  threat  of  Wei-hai- 
wei,  and  forbidding  the  exit  of  the  Chinese  vessels  which  were 
penned  in  that  harbor.  The  expeditionary  force  had  landed 
all  the  necessary  heavy  guns  and  ammunition,  beside  forage, 
food,  and  other  necessaries.  The  British  and  German  flagships 
were  in  Yung-tcheng  Bay,  besides  several  American  war  vessels. 
The  two  land  forces  now  moved  upon  Wei-hai  wei,  one  from  the 
east  and  one  from  the  west. 

The  forts  on  the  mainland  at  Wei-hai-wei  were  captured  by 
the  Japanese  on  January  30.  The  taking  of  the  Chinese  strong- 
hold was  due  to  skillful  combined  movements  on  the  part  of  the 
Japanese  land  and  naval  forces,  the  main  attack,  however,  being 
made  by  the  troops  on  shore.  The  resistance,  considering  the 
strength  of  the  place,  was  feeble.  Some  of  the  forts,  however, 
were  stubbornly  defended,  and  the  loss  was  heavy  on  both  sides. 


634 


ASSAULT  ON  THE  MAINLAND  FORTS. 


The  Japanese  troops  of  the  sixth  division  were  under  arms  at 
two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  advance  was  at  once  ordered. 
As  soon  as  it  was  daylight  the  assault  on  the  enemy’s  defensive 
lines  began,  and  by  nine  o’clock  the  outlying  batteries  and  in- 
trenchments  were  almost  all  in  the  hands  of  the  Japanese. 

Meanwhile  the  second  division  was  delivering  a direct  assault 
from  the  southwest  on  the  Pai-chih-yaiso  line  of  forts,  a position 
of  great  strength,  with  precipitous  sides  about  one  hundred  feet 
in  height.  The  attack  was  made  under  cover  of  a furious  bom- 
bardment from  the  Japanese  men-of-war.  The  main  point  of 
Chinese  resistance  was  here.  After  the  fighting  on  this  side  had 
been  going  on  for  some  hours,  the  sixth  division,  having  driven 
in  the  enemy  before  it,  made  a detour,  and  advancing  behind 
Mount  Ku  which  concealed  the  movement,  made  a strong  attack 
from  that  side  on  the  Pai-chih-}^aiso  forts.  By  half  past  twelve 
these  forts  were  in  possession  of  the  Japanese.  By  preconcerted 
arrangement  the  signal  was  at  once  given  to  the  Japanese  fleet? 
which  proceeded  without  delay  to  take  possession  of  the  eastern 
entrance  of  the  harbor. 

The  Japanese  fleet  had  been  keeping  well  off  the  shore,  throw- 
ing a few  shots  occasionally  into  the  batteries  upon  Leu-kung-tau 
island,  but  the  main  attack  was  upon  the  eastern  forts.  The 
ironclads  dropped  their  long  distance  shots  into  the  Chinese  posi- 
tion with  fair  accuracy,  but  eight  of  the  smaller  Japanese  vessels 
steamed  along  the  shore  within  easy  range  and  worked  their  guns 
steadily  and  well.  One  well  placed  shell  caused  a terrific  explo* 
sion  in  Fort  Number  One,  pointing  to  the  eastward,  and  that  fort 
took  no  further  part  in  the  fighting.  A few  minutes  later  Japan- 
ese troops  rushed  in  and  their  flag  went  up.  At  half  past  twelve 
another  deafening  roar  proclaimed  that  an  explosion  had  taken 
place  in  Fort  Number  Two.  Whether  this  was  due  to  Japanese 
fire,  or  whether  the  Chinese  deliberately  blew  it  up,  was  not 
known,  but  the  fort  was  destroyed.  The  Chinese  firing  flagged 
after  this.  At  last  only  one  gun  in  Fort  Number  Three  could  be 
worked,  the  Chinese  fled,  and  the  Japanese  swarmed  in.  This 
action  evidently  discouraged  the  men  in  Fort  Number  Four  for  the 
garrison  abandoned  the  place  and  joined  their  retreating  country- 
men, while  the  fort  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  intact. 


FORTS  ARE  CAPTURED. 


635 


The  Chinese  fleet  had  been  busy  throughout  the  fight,  but  kept 
well  under  shelter  of  the  island.  Their  shell  fire  was  mainly  di- 
rected upon  the  masses  of  Japanese  infantry,  advancing  against 
the  land  forts,  and  the  batteries  upon  the  island  were  similarl}^ 
employed.  With  the  capture  of  Number  Four  fort  the  Japanese 
were  in  a position  to  turn  the  guns  upon  their  enemies,  a fact  of 
which  they  were  not  slow  to  take  advantage.  They  opened  fire 
upon  the  Chinese  fleet  and  upon  the  land  batteries,  doing  more 
damage  in  a short  time  than  their  fleet  had  been  able  to  accom- 
plish during  the  day.  This  was  too  much  for  the  Chinamen,  and^ 
abandoning  their  former  tactics,  the  battleship  Ting* Yuen  steamed 
out  from  her  island  shelter,  and  coming  in  close  to  Fort  Number 
Four,  hammered  away  vigorously  for  a full  half  hour.  By  that 
time  every  gun  in  the  fort  had  been  silenced,  and  the  Japanese 
were  fairly  shelled  out  of  it. 

The  resumption  of  the  fight  on  Thursday,  January  31,  by  the 
Japanese  fleet  was  rendered  impossible  by  a severe  northerly  gale 
accompanied  by  a blinding  snowstorm.  The  decks  of  the  ships,  and 
also  the  guns  were  covered  with  ice.  Seeing  that  the  position 
was  becoming  dangerous  for  his  ships.  Admiral  Ito  ran  to  Yung- 
tcheng  Bay  for  shelter  and  safe  anchorage,  leaving  a small  squad- 
ron to  keep  watch  at  the  entrance  to  Wei-hai-wei  harbor.  On 
shore  the  Japanese  made  great  efforts  to  strengthen  their  position, 
and  for  the  next  few  days  there  was  desultory  firing,  but  no  con- 
tinuous bombardment. 

The  hardest  day’s  fighting  for  the  Japanese  fleet  was  Sunday, 
February  3.  The  tempestuous  weather  which  prevailed  during 
Friday  and  Saturday  kept  the  main  squadron  in  shelter,  and  while 
the  other  ships  were  watching  the  two  entrances  to  the  harbor, 
their  work  gave  greater  opportunities  for  seamanship  than  for 
gunnery.  They  engaged  the  island  forts  occasionally  and  ex- 
changed shots  with  the  Chinese  war  ships,  but  the  land  batteries 
did  most  of  the  firing.  Sunday,  however,  was  the  navy’s  day  al- 
though the  land  batteries  were  not  idle.  Almost  with  daybreak  the 
fleet  opened  fire  upon  the  forts  of  Leu-kung-tau  island  which  re- 
plied vigorously.  The  bombardment  soon  became  terrific.  The 
flagship  and  several  other  large  vessels  were  in  possession  outside 
the  bay,  and  concentrated  their  fire  upon  the  eastern  island  bat- 


636 


THE  FLEET  AT  WEI-HAI-WEL 


tories.  The  second  division  rained  shell  upon  Fort  Zhih.  The 
bombardment  had  scarcely  begun  when  the  Chinese  fleet  joined  in 
very  gallantly.  The  Ting- Yuen  used  her  thirty-seven  ton  guns 
without  effect,  but  succeeded  in  drawing  some  of  the  Japanese  fire 
to  herself.  The  Lai- Yuen,  the  smaller  ship,  stood  towards  the 
Japanese  and  fought  well,  suffering  considerable  damage  and 
many  casualties.  Two  of  the  Chinese  gunboats  also  took  an  ac- 
tive part  in  the  defense  and  were  not  badly  damaged.  These  four  | 
vessels  fought  with  great  determination  until  darkness  set  in  whenj 
the  firing  ceased  on  both  sides.  The  bombardment  had  caused 
great  damage  to  the  Chinese  works,  particularly  at  Zhih,  where 
many  men  had  been  killed  and  wounded.  Several  guns  were  dis- 
mounted and  towards  the  close  of  the  fight  the  fire  from  the  Chi- 
nese batteries  slackened  in  a marked  manner. 

The  sea  was  still  rough  on  Sunday  night,  but  the  Japanese  ships 
did  not  seek  shelter.  It  was  confidently  expected  that  some  of 
the  Chinese  ships  would  endeavor  to  escape  during  the  night,  and 
the  harbor  exits  were  therefore  blocked  by  the  Japanese  fleet. 
Admiral  Ting  however  made  no  move,  and  when  morning  broke 
his  squadron  was  seen  in  its  old  positon,  under  the  shelter  of  the 
island.  It  was  learned  from  a prisoner  taken  on  shore  that  Ad- 
miral Ting  had  issued  a general  order  to  his  captains  that  even  if 
the  defenses  on  the  mainland  should  fall  into  the  enemy’s  hands, 
the  war  ships  must  remain  inside  the  harbor  and  help  the  island 
forts  to  destroy  the  Japanese  fleet.  Every  officer  was  ordered  to 
remain  at  his  post  until  the  last,  under  pain  of  dishonor  and 
death. 

Monday  morning  the  bombardment  was  resumed.  The  Jap- 
anese fleet  engaged  both  forts  and  ships,  and  the  land  batteries 
bombarded  the  Chinese  squadron.  The  fire  from  Fort  Zhih  con- 
tinued weak,  and  the  Chinese  battleships  were  so  repeatedly  and 
so  seriously  hit  that  their  guns  were  handled  with  difficulty  and 
with  less  spii  it.  Finally,  towards  the  close  of  the  fight,  the  Ting- 
Yuen  was  disabled.  It  gradually  settled  down,  and  at  length 
foundered  amid  loud  shouts  of  triumph  from  the  Japanese  on  land 
and  sea.  The  Chen-Yuen,  too,  was  badly  damaged. 

When  the  remaining  vessels  of  tlie  Chinese  fleet  were  captured, 
they  were  in  serviceable  condition,  but  badly  damaged.  The  top 


WORK  OF  THE  TORPEDO  BOATS. 


637 


pedo  boats  of  the  fleet  made  a rush  through  the  western  entrance, 
of  the  harbor,  to  escape  capture.  The  Japanese  flying  squadron 
immediately  gave  chase,  and  for  hours  maintained  a most  exciting 
pursuit.  Some  of  the  torpedo  boats  were  sunk  almost  before 
they  cleared  the  harbor,  but  others  managed  to  get  past  the  Jap- 
anese squadron.  They  were  not  however  in  a condition  to  make 
their  best  speed,  and  one  by  one  they  were  overtaken  and  either 
sunk,  driven  ashore  or  captured.  The  Japanese  fleet,  on  the 
other  hand  did  not  escape  unscathed.  The  torpedo  boat  which 
sank  the  Ting- Yuen  was  destroyed  by  a hail  of  shot,  eight  of  her 
crew  being  drowned.  Another  Japanese  torpedo  boat  had  her  en- 
gineer and  all  her  stokers  killed  by  a shell  bursting  in  the  engine- 
room,  and  indeed  it  was  a much  damaged  flotilla  that  returned  to 
Admiral  Ito.  Only  one  boat  escaped  entirely  uninjured.  So  se- 
vere was  the  cold  that  on  one  of  the  torpedo  boats  during  the 
stealthy  approach  to  the  bay,  a lieutenant  and  his  two  lookout- 
men  were  frozen  to  death  at  their  posts. 

Monday  on  shore  was  as  busy  as  on  sea  and  the  fighting  contin- 
ued without  cessation  throughout  the  day.  The  guns  in  the  east- 
ern and  western  forts  that  could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
Chinese  fleet  and  the  forts  on  the  island  were  worked  all  day  by 
Japanese  gunners  and  the  Chinese  artillery  men  fought  their 
guns  well  in  reply.  On  the  land  side  the  infantry  of  the  sixth 
division  moved  against  some  minor  lines  to  the  west  still  held  by 
the  Chinese.  The  latter  did  not  wait  for  the  Japanese  onslaught, 
but  fled  away  westward  leaving  arms  and  stores  behind  them. 
By  noon  there  was  not  a single  fortress  or  battery  on  the  main- 
land around  Wei-hai-wei  that  the  Japanese  had  not  captured. 

Marshal  Oyama  meantime  had  ordered  the  fourth  division  to 
attack  the  town  of  Wei-hai-wei  itself.  The  place  however  sur- 
rendered without  a shot  being  fired.  The  Chinese  garrison  had 
fled  in  the  early  morning,  and  the  citizens  opened  the  gates  to  the 
Japanese  forces.  No  injury  was  sustained  by  the  town  or  inhabi- 
tants. As  fast  as  was  practicable,  fresh  guns  were  mounted  in 
place  of  the  disabled  ones  in  the  captured  forts,  and  every  hour 
added  to  the  weight  of  metal  thrown  against  the  Chinese  fleet 
and  island  forts.  But  night  set  in,  and  the  Chinese  fleet  fought 
with  as  much  determination  as  ever^  Search-lights  were  kept 


638 


AN  EXCITING  NIGHT. 


playing  by  both  belligerents  throughout  the  night.  An  occasional 
shot  was  fired  by  one  or  the  other,  but  the  fierce  cannonade  of 
Sunday  was  not  resumed  until  dawn.  Then  the  large  Chinese 
war  ships,  sheltering  themselves  as  much  as  possible  under  the 
island,  shelled  the  various  forts  in  turn.  The  smaller  Chinese 
vessels  were  scattered  about  the  bay,  taking  little  part  in  the 
fighting,  and  escaping  the  attention  of  the  Japanese  gunners. 
The  Chinese  had  burnt  or  sunk  every  junk  and  boat  in  the  har- 
bor in  order  to  prevent  their  being  used  by  any  large  body  of 
Japanese  to  make  an  effectual  landing  upon  the  island.  The 
roar  of  the  big  guns  during  Monday  was  incessant.  Shells  were 
dropped  repeatedly  into  the  island  forts,  and  the  Chinese  battle- 
ships were  hit  again  and  again,  but  there  was  no  sign  of  the 
fleet  giving  in  or  of  their  ammunition  giving  out.  At  night  the 
firing  ceased,  and  again  the  search-lights  illuminated  land  and 
sea. 

On  the  night  of  Monday,  February  4,  the  Japanese  after  many 
hours’  exertions  succeeded  in  clearing  the  entrance  to  the  harbor 
of  Wei-hai-wei  of  all  the  torpedoes  and  submarine  mines  that  had 
been  laid.  And  under  cover  of  the  darkness  torpedo  boats  stole 
in  and  launched  their  projectiles  at  one  of  the  great  Chinese  iron- 
clads. The  torpedoes  took  effect,  and  the  vessel  sank. 

Day  after  day  the  shore  forts  at  Wei  hai-wei,  aided  by  the  Jap- 
anese fleet,  continued  their  bombardment  of  the  Chinese  war 
ships  and  the  forts  on  the  island,  getting  a reply  which  gradually 
diminished  in  strength.  The  fleet  could  not  escape  from  the  har- 
bor, owing  to  the  presence  of  the  Japanese  flotilla  just  outside,  so 
they  fought  on  bravely,  doing  much  damage  indeed  to  the  Japan- 
ese, but  accomplishing  no  final  results.  The  timber  obstructions 
at  the  eastern  entrance  to  the  bay  were  destroyed  by  the  Japan- 
ese to  admit  their  torpedo  boats  to  that  side,  as  they  had  already 
been  admitted  to  the  other  entrance.  With  the  Chinese  torpedo 
fleet  escaped  and  destroyed,  there  was  no  adequate  defense  against 
this  threat.  Finally  it  seemed  that  there  was  no  use  in  further 
resistance. 

On  February  12,  a Chinese  gunboat  flying  a white  flag  came  to 
the  Japanese  fleet  witli  a message  from  Admiral  Ting.  He  pro- 
posed to  the  Japanese  commander-in-chief  to  surrender  all  his 


A CHINESE  WHITE  FLAG. 


689 


ships  remaining  afloat  and  all  arms  and  ammunition,  and  to  give 
possession  of  the  foxts  still  holding  out,  upon  the  sole  condition 
that  Admiral  Ito  would  guarantee  the  lives  of  the  Chinese  sailors 
and  soldiers,  and  of  the  European  officers  serving  under  the  Chi- 
nese flag  in  the  fleet  and  in  the  island  forts.  Admiral  Ito,  in 
reply  to  the  offer,  acceded  to  the  terms  and  demanded  that  the 
naval  station  should  be  thrown  open.  On  the  morning  of  the 
13th  however,  the  Chinese  messenger  returned  and  informed  the 
Japanese  Admiral  that  Admiral  Ting  had  committed  suicide  on 
the  previous  evening,  and  that  his  responsibility  was  transferred 
to  Admiral  McClure.  The  news  was  even  more  startling  than 
that  of  a single  suicide,  for  Admiral  Ting’s  commodore,  the  gen- 
eral in  command  of  the  island  forts, 
and  Captains  Liu  and  Chang  had 
all  taken  their  own  lives  through 
grief  and  shame  at  having  to  sur- 
render. Admiral  Ting  before 
committing  suicide  wrote  a politely 
worded  letter  addressed  to  the 
Japanese  commander-in-chief  ex- 
plaining his  reasons  for  taking  his 
life  and  enclosing  letters  which  he 
requested  might  be  forwarded  to 
their  destination. 

The  only  officer  of  high  rank  left 
on  the  Chinese  war  ships  was  Ad- 
miral McClure,  the  Scotchman  who  had  been  recently  appointed  to 
act  as  second  in  command  to  Admiral  Ting.  Admiral  McClure 
sent  word  by  the  staff  officer  that  having  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand by  the  death  of  Admiral  Ting,  he  was  prepared  to  carry 
out  the  surrender  and  to  consult  Admiral  Ito’s  convenience  in 
the  matter.  He  suggested  that  Admiral  Ito  should  give  his 
guarantee  to  the  British  Admiral  or  to  some  other  neutral 
naval  officer,  that  as  soon  as  the  Chinese  war  ships  and  island 
forts  had  been  handed  over,  the  soldiers  and  sailors  and  the  Chi- 
nese, and  foreign  officers  should  be  set  free.  Admiral  Ito  replied 
that  no  guarantee  was  necessary  beyond  the  Japanese  word  and  he 
peremptorily  declined  to  furnish  one.  This  decision  was  accepted 


ADMIRAL  MCCLURE. 


640 


TERMS  OF  THE  SURRENDER. 


without  further  demur,  the  Chinese  flags  were  everywhere  low- 
ered and  the  transfer  of  ships  and  forts  was  at  once  proceeded 
with. 

The  soldiers  who  had  held  the  island  first  gave  up  their  arms, 
and  then  were  put  on  board  Chinese  and  Japanese  boats  and 
taken  on  shore.  Escorted  by  Japanese  troops,  the}^  were  marched 
through  the  Japanese  lines,  out  into  the  open  country  and  there 
set  free.  They  were  treated  with  every  respect  and  seemed  sur- 
prised that  their  lives  were  spared.  On  the  morning  of  February 
15,  the  officers  and  sailors  of  the  Chinese  ships  were  disposed  of 


JAPANESE  SOLDIERS  ESCORTING  CHINESE  PRISONERS. 

in  similar  fashion.  The  foreign  officers,  about  a dozen  all  together 
waited  for  a neutral  ship  to  take  them  away. 

During  the  progress  of  Chinese  reverses  at  Wei-hai-wei,  the  ex- 
citement in  other  Chinese  cities  was  intense,  increasing  as  the  dis- 
tance from  Wei-hai-wei  decreased.  Chefoo,  the  nearest  treaty 
port  and  the  home  of  many  foreigners,  was  in  a tremor  of  fear, 
A bombardment  or  an  invasion  of  the  city  was  dreaded  from  the 
victorious  troops  to  the  eastward,  and  not  the  least  danger  was 
that  from  the  Chinese  troops  who  had  been  disarmed  and  turned 
loose  to  make  their  way  to  Chefoo  after  the  surrender.  The  em- 


IMPORTANCE  OF  WEI-HAI-WEL 


641 


peror  was  so  incensed  at  the  loss  of  Wei-hai-wei  that  he  took  the 
unusual  course  of  authorizing  the  governor  of  the  Shantung 
province  to  behead  all  fugitives  without  previously  reporting  to 
the  throne. 

Wei-hai-wei  will  be  remembered  in  the  history  of  this  war  as 
the  only  spot  at  which  the  progress  of  the  Japanese  was  inter- 
rupted by  serious  and  prolonged  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
"'enemy.  Admiral  Ting’s  bravery  could  scarcely  be  questioned, 
though  his  strategy  might  be.  His  action  in  surrendering  prop- 
erty was  gravely  censured,  the  general  opinion  being  that  if  he 
could  no  longer  hold  out  he  should  have  found  means  to  destroy 
the  valuable  stores  in  his  control,  instead  of  giving  them  up  to 
the  conqueror.  As  a material  result  of  the  surrender  other  than 
the  strategic  and  moral  effect,  the  Japanese  acquired  four  large 
ships  left  in  serviceable  condition,  several  gunboats  and  torpedo 
crafts,  fort  artillery,  and  great  stores  of  ammunition,  food  and 
coal. 

The  work  of  taking  over  the  arsenal,  island  forts,  and  war  ships 
was  completed  by  the  Japanese  without  the  least  confusion.  The 
ships  which  needed  repairs,  including  the  ironclad  Chen-Yuen, 
were  temporarily  repaired  at  Wei-hai-wei,  and  then  sailed  for 
Japan  with  Japanese  crews,  to  go  into  dockyards  for  refitting. 
Marshal  Oyama  and  his  staff  occupied  the  Chinese  government 
building.  All  of  the  foreigners  who  took  part  in  the  defense  of 
Wei-hai-wei,  except  the  American  Howie,  were  paroled  and  sent 
to  Chefoo  in  the  steamship  Kang  Chi.  This  vessel  also  carried 
the  bodies  of  Admiral  Ting  and  his  fellow  officers  who  committed 
suicide.  The  Japanese  fleet  paid  a touching  tribute  to  the  memory 
of  their  brave  opponents.  As  the  Kang  Chi  steamed  out  of  the 
harbor  all  the  vessels  had  their  flags  at  half  mast,  and  from  Count 
Ito’s  flag  ship  minute  guns  were  fired  for  some  time  after  the  vessel 
sailed.  The  European  war  ships  at  Wei-hai-wei  also  lowered  their 
flags,  as  a testimony  to  the  bravery  exhibited  b}"  the  late  admiral. 

Several  junks  arrived  at  Chefoo  bringing  soldiers  from  Wei- 
haWei.  The  men  all  expressed  astonishment  at  the  considera- 
tion which  the  Japanese  had  shown  for  them,  and  the  tribute 
which  their  enemies  paid  to  Admiral  Ting’s  body  had  created  a 
great  impression  on  them. 


642 


THE  JAPANESE  OCCUPATION. 


It  will  be  remembered  that  Howie  was  one  of  the  Americans 
arrested  early  in  the  war  by  the  Japanese  officials  at  Kobe.  He 
was  on  his  way  to  China,  under  contract  to  destroy  Japanese 
ships  b}"  means  of  a new  explosive  whose  secret  he  possessed.  He 
was  released  at  Kobe  at  the  intercession  of  the  American  minister 
to  Japan,  under  the  promise  that  he  would  not  assist  the  Chinese 
in  the  present  war.  He  was  detained  at  Wei-hai-wei  for  a trial 
by  court-martial,  and  it  was  believed  that  unless  his  government 
interfered  his  punishment  might  be  a severe  one. 

After  the  capture  of  Wei-hai-wei  all  efforts  were  directed  by 
the  Japanese  towards  strengthening  the  land  defenses  and  those 
on  the  island.  Fresh  guns  were  mounted  in  many  places.  The 
island  forts  were  still  manned  by  marines,  while  the  mainland 
forts  were  each  held  by  a battalion  of  infantry,  as  well  as  b}^ 
artillery  men.  The  amount  of  stores  seized  was  so  great  that  the 
troops  had  a superabundance  of  supplies.  The  roads  were  pa- 
trolled for  miles  around.  A civil  commissioner  was  appointed, 
and  Marshal  Oyama  issued  a proclamation  assuring  the  inhabit- 
ants of  kind  treatment  and  of  his  protection  so  long  as  they  fol- 
lowed peaceful  pursuits.  Inasmuch  as  no  atrocities  had  been 
committed  and  the  Japanese  did  little  looting,  the  confidence  of 
the  people  was  retained  and  they  continued  their  usual  vocations. 
The  Japanese  withdrew  from  the  advanced  positions  east  and 
west  of  Wei-hai-wei,  evacuating  the  town  of  Ning-Hai.  A large 
part  of  the  army  then  left  for  Talien-wan  Bay. 


THE  END  OF  HOSTILE  OPERATIONS. 


The  Armies  in  Manchooria  and  their  Actions  in  the  Cold  of  January— Skirmish  and 
Battle— Assault  on  Niuchwang  and  Capture  of  the  City— Desperate  Fighting  in  the  Streets— 
Taking  of  Ying-Kow— A Threat  Towards  Formosa— Attack  on  the  Pescadore  Islands— Cap- 
ture of  Hai-chow— The  Island  of  Thao-liua— Peking  thought  to  Be  in  Danger  From  the  Jap- 
anese. 

We  left  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  troops  in  Manchooria  cen- 
tered about  the  region  around  Niuchwang,  trjdng  to  pass  the 
cold  weather  with  the  least  suffering  possible.  There  was  no 
considerable  interruption  of  time  between  hostile  encounters, 
possibly  on  the  supposition  that  they  could  keep  warmer  by  fight- 
ing than  by  remaining  idle.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  Jan- 
uary the  Chinese  under  General  Chang  and  General  Twi  began 
aggressive  movements.  Some  twelve  thousand  strong  they 
attacked  Hai-tcheng,  but  were  repulsed  after  a short  struggle. 
Five  days  later,  on  the  morning  of  the  22nd,  the  Chinese  again 
attacked  the  Japanese  position,  but  were  repulsed  by  two  o’clock 
in  the  afternoon  with  heavy  loss.  This  was  rather  a long  distance 
battle,  with  a good  deal  of  artillery  practice  in  it.  The  Chinese 
worked  their  guns  fairly  well,  but  could  not  compete  with  the 
Japanese  gunners,  who  were  the  better  protected  and  suffered 
little.  When  the  Chinese  began  the  retreat,  the  Japanese  guns 
were  moved  forward  and  played  upon  the  retiring  enemy.  The 
Chinese  then  became  demoralized,  and  made  speedy  retreat 
towards  Niuchwang.  The  Japanese  loss  was  ver}^  slight. 

On  the  same  day  as  the  last  battle,  simultaneousl}^  with  the 
attack  on  Mai-tcheng,  General  Seh  with  ten  thousand  men  and  a 
strong  force  of  artillery  advanced  from  the  port  of  Niuchwang 
against  Kai-phing.  An  artiller}^  engagement  ensued  on  the  24th 
of  January,  which  ended  in  a precipitate  retreat  of  the  Chinese. 

General  Nogi  now  moved  forward  his  headquarters  to  Huntsai. 
The  Chinese  army  under  General  Seh  was  considerably  reinforced, 
chiefly  by  Tartar  troops  with  large  bodies  of  cavalry,  and  skir- 
mishes with  the  Japanese  scouts  were  of  dailv  occurrence.  The 
32  (643) 


644 


CHINESE  AGGRESSIONS  IN  MANCHOORIA. 


strength  of  the  enemy  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Niuchwang 
was  more  than  twenty  thousand  men.  On  the  30th  of  January 
it  was  found  that  the  Chinese  had  occupied  Liao-Yang  in  force, 
and  that  the  western  contingents  were  gradually  advancing 
southward.  General  Hoi-Pang-Tao  was  on  his  way  to  Ying-kow 
with  a large  force.  On  the  1st  of  February  the  Viceroy  Liu  ar- 
rived at  Niuchwang  and  assumed  the  supreme  command  of  the 
operations  in  Manchooria.  He  brought  with  him  an  army  said  to 
number  nearly  twenty  thousand,  so  that  his  whole  force  numbered 
probably  twice  that  many.  It  seemed  certain  that  the  viceroy 
intended  to  advance  against  Hai-tcheng  in  full  force.  The  Jap- 
anese armies  were  also  united,  or  in  close  touch  with  one  another, 
at  Kai-phing  and  Hai-tcheng,  ready  for  a decisive  battle.  Feb- 
ruary 16  a Chinese  army  of  fifteen  thousand  men  attacked  Hai- 
tcheng  from  Liao-Yang  and  the  Niuchwang  road.  The  fighting 
lasted  three  hours,  and  extended  over  a considerable  tract  of 
country.  The  attack  was  successfully  repulsed,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Chinese  being  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  Japanese 
loss  considerably  less  than  that  number. 

The  news  of  the  capture  of  Wei-hai-wei  reached  the  Japanese 
and  Chinese  forces  in  Manchooria,  and  the  Viceroy  Liu  was  evi- 
dently disheartened,  for  there  was  an  entire  absence  of  activity 
during  the  next  ten  da}^s.  The  incessant  drilling  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Niuchwang  was  stopped,  and  the  forces  were  steadily 
dwindling  through  desertion.  On  the  last  day  of  February,  after 
a period  of  comparative  inaction,  the  Japanese  troops  began  an 
advance  on  Niuchwang  and  its  port  Ying-kow.  On  that  day 
General  Nodzu  attacked  the  Chinese  positions  between  the  Liao- 
Yang  and  the  Niuchwang  roads.  The  Japanese  artillery  first 
opened  a heavy  fire  upon  the  Chinese.  This  lasted  over  an  hour, 
and  then  the  fifth  Japanese  brigade  threw  itself  upon  the  Chinese 
right  wing  with  such  impetuosity  that  the  enemy  scarcely  made 
a stand  in  that  part  of  the  field,  but  broke  and  fled  in  disorder. 
While  this  was  going  on,  the  main  Japanese  column  under  Gen- 
eral Nodzu  marched  against  the  Chinese  center,  which  rested  on 
the  village  of  Chang-ho-tai.  Position  after  position  was  carried 
by  the  Japanese  infantry,  and  the  enemy  was  finally  driven  in 


MOVING  FORWARD  ON  NUICHWANG. 


645 


disorderly  retreat  northwestward  towards  Kinchow  city,  at  the 
northern  extremity  of  the  Gulf  of  Liao-Tung. 

The  sixth  brigade  had  been  told  off  to  clear  the  Chinese  out  of 
tlie  villages  along  the  Laio  Yang  road.  This  it  accomplished 
without  loss,  and  then  by  pre-arrangement  it  joined  hands  with 
the  main  column,  the  combined  forces  thereafter  occupying 
Tung-yeng-tai  and  all  the  villages  and  heights  near  that  place,  in 
the  direction  of  Liao- Yang.  General  Nodzu’s  division  extended 
its  line  south  west  ward  from  Hai-tcheng,  so  that  the  army  ex- 


tended through  a very  wide  front.  The  Chinese  forces  engaged 
numbered  about  eighteen  thousand  men  with  twenty  guns.  Gen- 
eral Yih  was  in  command.  They  lost  one  hundred  and  fift}^  men 
killed,  and  about  two  hundred  wounded.  The  Japanese  losses 
amounted  to  about  half  as  many. 

Early  the  next  morning  the  Japanese  resumed  their  advance, 
this  time  without  opposition  of  any  sort.  The  Chinese  retired 
before  them,  and  when  night  fell  the  Japanese  limit  extended 
nearly  to  Maitzu.  Throughout  the  advance  upon  Niuchwang 


646 


THE  ATTACK  OX  XIUCHWAXG. 


there  was  no  opposition  offered  worthy  the  name,  and  the  annals 
of  the  march  bring  Jittle  fame  to  the  Japanese  defense. 

The  reconnoissances  eastward  and  northward  made  by  General 
Nodzu’s  scouts  on  Friday,  March  1st,  brought  the  information 
that  the  main  body  of  the  Chinese  forces  had  fled  by  the  north- 
ern road,  with  the  evident  intention  of  rallying  and  making 
another  stand  at  Liao-Yang,  the  only  place  of  importance  between 
Hai-tcheng  and  Mukden.  Lieutenant-General  Katsura’s  brigade 
was  ordered  to  pursue  the  enemy.  By  that  evening  the  troops 
had  covered  about  eight  miles  of  difficult  ground,  and  had  got 
^ witlnn  a mile  of  Kan-thouan-phu,  where  several  thousand 
Chinese  were  known  to  be  ready  to  give  battle.  The  Japanese 
advanced  against  the  town  at  da}ffireak,  only  to  find  that  the 
enemy  had  fled  during  the  night.  After  resting  his  troops 
Katsura  resumed  the  pursuit.  It  was  thought  that  the  Chinese 
would  make  a stand  at  Sha-ho-phu,  a small  town  situated  on  the 
river  Sha  and  commanding  the  high  road  to  Liao-Yang,  but  the 
place  was  occupied  by  the  Japanese  on  Sunday,  March  3,  with- 
out serious  opposition.  The  next  morning  Katsura  moved  on 
until  within  five  miles  of  Liao-Yang,  which  brought  him  within 
forty  miles  of  Mukden. 

AVhile  Katsura  was  driving  the  routed  Chinese  before  him 
along  the  Mukden  road,  General  Nodzu  with  all  tlie  remaining 
forces  at  his  disposal  was  moving  towards  Xiuchwang  Old  Town. 
The  troops  were  under  arms  at  dawn  on  Monday.  The  fifth 
division  moved  against  the  town  from  the  southeast,  while  the 
third  division  came  from  the  north.  The  movement  was  admir- 
ably timed,  despite  the  difficulties  of  the  ground.  In  three  hours 
the  men  of  both  divisions  were  in  position,  and  at  ten  o’clock  a 
heavy  shell  fire  was  opened  upon  the  Chinese  fortifications.  The 
Chinese  appeared  to  be  confused ; their  artillery  fire  was  bad, 
and  they  kept  massing  troops  at  points  which  were  never 
threatened.  Many  of  their  guns  were  dismounted,  and  after  a 
two  hours’  bombardment  the  Chinese  abandoned  the  walls  and 
retreated  into  the  town.  The  Japanese  infantry  then  poured  into 
the  place,  both  divisions  forcing  their  way  into  the  gates  and  over 
the  walls  almost  simultaneous!}". 

So  far  the  Japanese  had  suffered  very  little  loss.  The  leading 


DESPERATE  FIGHTING  IN  THE  CITY. 


647 


brigade  of  the  first  division  charged  several  Chinese  regiments 
still  standing  their  ground,  and  they  at  once  fled  precipitately 
towards  Ying-kow,  followed  by  the  Japanese  cavalry.  Mean- 
time, in  the  town  the  Japanese  infantry  were  warml}^  engaged. 
The  main  body  of  the  Chinese,  when  driven  from  the  batteries 
and  walls,  had  taken  refuge  in  the  narrow  streets  and  houses. 
Every  window  and  ever}^  housetop  was  occupied  by  sharp- 
shooters. The  fighting  was  of  a desperate  character.  The 
Chinese  seeing  all  hopes  of  escape  cut  off,  fought  until  they  were 
shot  or  cut  down.  The  headway  made  by  the  Japanese  was  pain- 
fully slow.  Each  street  had  to  be  effectually  cleared  before  an 
advance  could  be  made  to  the  next.  Each  house  had  to  be 
assaulted  and  taken. 

Throughout  the  day  the  fighting  continued,  but  slowly  the 
Japanese  cordon  was  brought  more  closel}^  around  the  center  of 
the  city,  and  by  eleven  o’clock  at  night  all  opposition  had  ceased. 
Many  of  the  Chinese,  after  nightfall  broke  through  the  Japanese 
lines,  and  made  their  escape  into  the  open  country,  but  a large 
number  accepted  quarter  and  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
Japanese.  The  Chinese  fought  with  desperate  valor.  Repeatedly 
they  charged  the  Japanese  troops  in  the  streets,  and  hand-to-hand 
fighting  was  frequent.  The  officers  too,  encouraged  the  men  b}^ 
their  own  example,  and  the  defense  of  the  streets  was  conducted 
with  some  military  skill.  Nearly  two  thousand  Chinese  killed 
and  wounded  were  found  in  the  houses  and  streets,  and  six 
hundred  prisoners  were  taken.  The  Japanese  losses  exceeded 
five  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded.  A large  quantity  of  stores 
and  provisions  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  beside  eighteen 
cannon,  and  a large  quantity  of  rifles  and  ammunition. 

After,  the  engagement  of  the  4th,  Lieutenant-General  Yamaji’s 
division  of  the  second  Japanese  army  advanced  upon  Peh-mia- 
totsLi,  where  it  liad  been  reported  that  the  main  body  of  General 
Sung’s  defeated  forces  had  halted.  The  enemy,  however,  did  not 
wait  for  the  Japanese  troops,  but  fell  back  upon  Ying-kow. 
General  Nogi,  following  close  along  the  coast  road,  came  up  with 
the  Chinese  and  attacked  them.  During  the  fighting  which 
ensued  the  Chinese  were  reinforced  from  Ying-kow,  but  they 
were  soon  driven  back  under  the  protection  of  the  town  batteries, 


648 


CAPTURE  OF  YING-KOW.’ 


leaving  many  dead  upon  the  field.  Most  of  the  Chinese  retreated 
in  a northeasterly  direction,  but  General  Sung  and  troops  im- 
mediately under  his  command  made  another  stand  at  Ying-kow. 
The  Japanese  artillery  was  well  handled,  and  the  infantry  fought 
with  great  spirit,  driving  the  Chinese  before  them.  By  the  time 
the  town  was  entered  General  Sung  and  his  troops  had  fled 
towards  Chen-sho-tai.  Meanwhile  the  Japanese  artillery  had 
concentrated  their  fire  upon  the  shore  forts,  which  protected  the 
estuary.  The  Chinese  brought  their  heavy  guns  to  bear  upon 
the  assailants,  and  held  their  own  for  some  time,  but  finally  the' 
Japanese  infantry  under  cover  of  the  fire  of  their  artillery,  car-1 
ried  the  forts  one  after  the  other,  and  by  nightfall  Ying-kow  was 
in  undisputed  possession  of  the  invaders. 

As  soon  as  the  fort  had  been  captured,  guards  were  placed  for 
the  protection  of  the  foreign  settlement,  and  the  streets  were 
strongly  patrolled.  Scouts  were  sent  out  along  the  Niuchwang 
road  to  meet  General  Nodzu’s  patrol.  On  the  morning  of  the 
6th,  General  Nodzu  sent  a brigade  towards  Ying-kow,  which  tlie 
second  army  was  to  attack  that  day.  Tung-kia-thun  was  found 
destitute  of  Chinese  troops,  and  the  Japanese  advanced  nearly  to 
Kao  khan  without  seeing  anything  of  the  enemy.  Here  they 
camped  for  the  night,  and  before  morning  the  outposts  of  the  two 
forces  had  met  and  had  exchanged  the  good  news  of  the  success 
of  each.  The  retreating  Chinese,  under  Generals  Sung  and  Ma, 
were  reported  to  have  halted  at  Chen-sho-tai. 

The  occupation  of  Niuchwang  and  its  port  by  the  Japanese 
marked  a distinct  phase  in  the  interesting  campaign  in  Man- 
chooria.  For  many  weeks  Niuchwang  and  Ying-kow  had  shel- 
tered the  “Chinese  army.  From  them  a succession  of  feeble  at- 
tacks upon  the  Chinese  positions  had  been  delivered.  General 
Sung’s  unwieldy  forces  were  now  broken  up ; the  J apanese  front  was 
advanced  to  the  river  Liao ; and  the  first  and  second  armies  had 
joined  hands.  The  third  important  fortified  harbor  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  Japanese.  The  defense  of  Niuchwang  was 
maintained  with  vigor,  the  Chinese  fighting  most  bitterly  to  the 
very  end,  but  uselessly.  Ths  coast  defenses  too  at  Ying-kow 
made  some  show  of  resistance,  but  being  attacked  in  the  rear 
had  quickly  fallen  in  accordance  with  all  established  precedents. 


SITOATION  IN  MANCHOORIA. 


649 


The  general  situation  in  Manchooria  was  now  entirely  changed. 
The  Japanese  encouraged  by  the  half-hearted  attacks  to  which 
they  had  been  subjected,  had  broken  up  the  forces  in  their  vicinity. 
The  difficulties  of  movement  in  large  bodies,  combined  with  the 
incapacity  of  commanders,  and  general  disorganization,  had  ef- 
fectuall}^  prevented  the  Chinese  from  gaining  any  advantage  from 
tlieir  superior  lunnbers.  Niucliwang,  a city  of  sixty  thousand 
people,  a town  with  an  immense  annual  trade,  had  fallen  into 
Japanese  hands,  and  its  capture  was  unquestionably  an  important 
stroke.  On  the  Japanese 
right  Katsura  had  pushed 
forward  until  he  was  near 
Liao-Yang,  and  after  the 
occupation  of  Niuchwang 
relieved  some  of  the  troops 
there,  another  brigade 
moved  northward  to  his 
support.  The  country 
centering  at  Niuchwang 
was  practically  in  undis- 
puted possession  of  the 
Japanese.  Thus,  after  a 
march  of  about  four  hun- 
dred miles,  the  troops  of 
the  first  army  which  landed 
at  Chemulpo  were  once 
again  on  the  sea-board,  and 
in  possession  of  an  impor- 
tant port. 

On  the  9th  of  March  the  first  division  of  the  first  Japanese 
army  attacked  Thien-chuang-thai,  on  the  western  side  of  the  river 
Liao,  to  which  place  General  Sung  fled  after  the  capture  of  Ying- 
kow.  A fierce  engagement  ensued,  lasting  three  hours  and  a 
half.  The  main  body  of  the  Chinese  force  numbered  seven  thou- 
sand men  with  thirty  guns,  and  the  Japanese  forces  were  but 
few  less  than  that  number.  General  Katsura  commanded  the 
Japanese  center,  and  General  Oku  the  right  wing.  The  left  wing 
was  composed  of  Yamaji’s  troops  from  Kai-phing.  The  Chinese 


CHINESE  SOLDIER  LADEN  WITH  PROVISIONS, 
SHOWING  WINTER  DRESS. 


650 


THE  JAPANESE  IN  NIUCHWANG. 


fled  towards  Kinchow,  leaving  fourteen  hundred  dead  on  the  field. 
For  strategic  reasons  the  village  was  burned,  and  the  Japanese 
returned  across  the  river. 

A proclamation  was  issued  the  Japanese  commander  at 
Yiug-kow  urging  the  inhabitants  to  continue  their  peaceful  pur- 
suits, promising  all  law-abiding  inhabitants  justice  and  protection, 
and  warning  them  of  the  consequences  should  they  commit  any 
belligerent  acts  or  create  any  disorders.  The  commanders  of  the 
foreign  war  ships  in  the  river  called  on  the  Japanese  general,  and 
asked  him  to  telegraph  to  their  respective  admirals  that  all  the 
foreigners  in  the  town  were  safe.  The  general  complied  with  this 
request,  as  well  as  with  that  of  the  consuls  who  asked  him  to  tele- 
graph in  the  same  way  to  their  governments.  All  Chinese  were 
strictly  prohibited  from  entering  the  European  quarter,  unless 
employed  by  or  having  business  with  the  foreign  residents.  Six 
hundred  troops  were  told  off  to  carry  this  order  into  effect  and  to 
patrol  the  streets.  English  and  American  officers  united  to  ex- 
press their  thanks  to  the  commanding  general,  for  the  elaborate 
precautions  taken  to  insure  the  safety  of  foreigners. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  war 
a Japanese  descent  upon  Formosa  was  one  of  the  operations  ex- 
pected and  frequently  reported.  To  provide  against  this  threat- 
ened danger,  a large  body  of  the  famous  troops  from  the  south  of 
China  known  as  the  Black  Flags,  were  sent  to  the  island  to  in- 
trench themselves  and  arrange  for  its  defense.  They  were 
scarcely  settled  in  comfort  when  they  began  a series  of  outrages 
on  the  native  population  that  made  them  feared  and  hated  by 
every  one,  and  justified  their  name.  Early  in  February  they  ex- 
tended their  outrages  from  the  native  population  to  the  British 
residents.  Disturbances  on  the  island  increased,  and  affairs  be- 
came so  bad  that  foreign  residents  became  alarmed  and  left  in 
haste.  The  British  consul  at  the  chief  treaty-port  of  the  island, 
sent  to  Hong  Kong  an  urgent  call  for  assistance,  which  w^as  fur- 
nished without  delay.  The  war  ship  Mercury  left  for  the  island  in 
haste,  and  its  presence  acted  strongly  to  quell  the  disturbances 
and  insure  safet}^  for  the  people.  A Japanese  squadron  too,  which 
was  seen  patroling  the  island  on  several  occasions,  acted  as  a 
damper  upon  the  spirits  of  the  rioters,  and  the  Chinese  authori- 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 


651 


ties  themselves  were  able  to  quell  the  disturbance.  Twenty-five 
of  the  ring  leaders  were  arrested  and  punished,  and  peace  was 
restored. 

After  this  time,  operations  in  the  south  were  abandoned  until 
early  in  the  spring,  when  a fleet  of  Japanese  transports  moved 
down  the  west  side  of  the  island  of  Formosa,  to  the  group  of 
small  islands  knows  as  the  Pescadores,  between  Formosa  and  the 
mainland.  The  Chinese  feared  that  an  attack  upon  Canton  was 
contemplated,  but  in  reality  there  was  at  no  time  any  consider- 
able danger  of  this.  The  Japanese  desired  to  be  exceedingly  care- 
ful of  the  interest  of  all  foreign  nations  in  the  treaty  ports,  and  so 
naturally  avoided  an  attack  on  any  city  where  they  might  be  en- 
dangered. The  real  point  of  attack  intended  by  this  course,  was  the 
town  of  Makung,  in  the  southwest  of  the  island  of  Pong-hu,  the  larg- 
est of  the  group.  Makung  had  a large  and  absolutely  safe  harbor, 
capable  of  affording  accommodations  for  vessels  of  large  draft, 
and  was  protected  by  its  citadel  and  a line  of  defensive  works. 
Admiral  Ito  was  in  command  of  the  squadron,  which  numbered 
nine  cruisers  and  two  gunboats.  Bombardment  was  begun  March 
23,  from  all  the  vessels  of  the  fleet,  the  fire  centering  on  the  east 
fort,  which  dominated  the  others.  A thousand  troops  from  five 
transports  landed  simultaneously  and  attacked  the  same  fort.  The 
Chinese  evacuated  the  place  during  the  night,  and  the  Japanese 
entered  at  6:00  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  24th,  and  turned  the 
guns  upon  the  other  forts.  One  of  the  western  forts  blew  up  be- 
fore it  was  evacuated.  One  thousand  Chinese  prisoners  were 
taken,  the  rest  of  the  garrison  escaping  in  junks.  Three  thou- 
sand Japanese  troops  now  garrisoned  Pong-hu,  securing  a south- 
ern base  of  operations  for  the  Japanese  fleet.  Within  a few  days 
the  Japanese  were  in  entire  possession  of  the  Pescadore  Islands. 

South  of  Yung-tcheng  Bay,  the  Chinese  coast  line  had  remained 
inviolate  up  to  this  period  of  the  war,  in  spite  of  frequent  rumors 
from  startled  Chinese  sources,  of  the  appearance  of  Japanese 
squadrons  and  their  threatened  attack.  The  Japanese  fleet  had 
been  profitably  used  to  foster  a continual  state  of  nervous  terror 
in  all  the  Chinese  coast  cities,  but  attention  was  now  turned  sud- 
denly in  a very  different  direction,  and  actively  developed  towards 
the  southward.  Simultaneously  with  the  attack  on  Pong-hu,  the 


652 


CAPTURE  OF  HAI-CHOW. 


Japanese  on  the  24th  of  March  made  a descent  upon  Hai-chow,  on 
the  sea-board  of  the  province  of  Chiang-su,  some  two  hundred 
miles  north  of  Shanghai.  It  was  early  in  the  morning  when  the 
Japanese  squadron  appeared  off  Hai-chow  and  at  once  opened  fire 
upon  the  small  forts  there.  Under  cover  of  the  bombardment  a 
force  of  several  thousand  Japanese  troops,  landed  and  attacked 
the  Chinese  positions.  After  a few  hours’  fighting,  the  stout  re- 
sistance of  the  Chinese  proved  unavailing,  and  they  abandoned 
their  works,  having  lost  some  three  hundred  killed.  The  island 
of  Yu  chow,  which  lies  oflP  Hai-chow  had  already  been  occupied  by 
the  invaders.  At  Hai-chow  the  Japanese  were  less  than  fifty  - 
miles  in  a direct  line  from  the  Grand  Canal  connecting  Nanking 
with  Peking,  which  at  this  point  approaches  nearest  to  the  coast. 
The  canal  had  been  the  chief  route  by  which  supplies  were  con- 
veyed to  Peking,  and  had  been  of  invaluable  service  for  the 
movement  of  troops  to  the  capital  and  to  the  front  by  way  of 
Tien  tsin.  The  threatened  dash  of  the  Japanese  upon  this  main 
artery  of  travel  startled  those  who  realized  it.  This  sudden  and 
unexpected  descent  upon  the  Chinese  coast  served  to  bring  home 
the  realities  of  war  to  a section  of  the  population  which  probably 
had  never  heard  of  the  Japanese  successes.  The  Viceroy  of 
Nanking  awakened  to  his  danger,  and  hastily  ordered  troops  to 
the  front  to  oppose  the  Japanese  advance  and  recapture  Hai-chow. 

A third  portion  of  the  Japanese  fleet,  with  war  ships  and  trans- 
ports, appeared  simultaneously  with  these  other  operations,  sailing 
past  Taku  into  the  neighborhood  of  Shan-hai-kwan.  Passing  the 
latter  city,  which  marks  the  end  of  the  Great  Wall  of  China 
where  it  comes  down  to  the  coast,  the  fleet  left  terror  behind, 
and  moved  upon  the  island  of  Thao-hua.  This  island  lies  but  a 
few  miles  off  the  mainland,  and  fifty-five  miles  northeast  of  Shan- 
hai-kwan,  at  a point  where  the  main  highway  from  Manchooria  to 
Peking  lies  close  to  the  coast  line.  It  was  therefore  about  half 
way  between  Niuchwang  and  Taku,  the  port  of  Peking,  and  an 
excellent  base  for  offensive  operations  against  the  capital. 

The  armies  in  Manchooria  were  practically  idle  during  the 
latter  part  of  March.  The  Chinese  had  nearly  all  withdrawn  to 
Kinchow,  in  the  north,  while  the  Japanese  contented  themselves 
with  restoring  order  in  Niuchwang  and  Ying-kow,  and  in  com- 


653 


SEIZURE  OF  THAO-HUA  ISLAND. 

pleting  the  military  arrangements  consequent  on  the  junction  of 
the  armies.  Snowstorms  prevented  an  intended  advanced  to- 
wards Kin  chow. 

The  first  of  April  therefore  found  the  Japanese  ready  to  act  on 
the  offensive  at  several  points,  spread  over  a distance  of  one 
thousand  two  hundred  miles,  and  extending  from  the  Pescadore 
Islands  in  the  south  to  Niuchwang  in  the  north.  On  the  Liao 
River  the  combined  forces  numbered  nearly  forty  thousand  men, 
with  a further  strength  of  some  ten  thousand  men  on  the  Laioj 


GAP  IN  THE  GREAT  WALL  AT  SHAN-HAI-KWAN. 

i 

Tung  peninsula  at  Kinchow,  Talien-wan  and  Port  Arthur.  Tlie 
whole  of  these  troops  could  be  transported  to  Shan-hai  kwan  in' 
twenty-four  hours,  as  soon  as  the  port  of  Ying-kow  was  free  from 
ice.  There  were  no  troops  to  be  spared  from  the  garrisons  at 
Port  Arthur  or  Wei-hai-wei,  but  further  levies  would  undoubtedly 
be  brought  from  Hiroshima  to  these  places  to  await  transport. 
The  distance  to  Shan-hai-kwan  from  all  these  ports  were  short  so 
that  the  troops  could  be  closely  packed  for  the  short  voyage.  In 
a few  days  therefore,  at  least  seventy-five  thousand  men  could  be 


654 


JAPANESE  POSSIBILITIES. 


concentrated  at  Shan-hai-kwan  and  the  transports  would  be 
available  for  maintaining  a supply  service.  At  the  same  time  the 
possession  of  the  island  of  Chao-hua  would  facilitate  the  cutting 
of  the  line  of  Chinese  communications  between  Manchooria  and 
Peking.  With  Hai-chow  held  by  the  Japanese  and  threatening 
the  line  of  communication  from  south  to  north  by  the  Grand 
Canal  and  Japanese  forces  threatening  Formosa  and  the  south, 
the  possibility  of  the  repulse  of  an  advance  in  force  on  Peking 
seemed  very  slight.  It  was  the  approach  of  these  dangers  and 
the  final  certainty  that  nothing  else  could  be  done  to  avert  them 
that  brought  the  Chinese  at  last  to  humiliate  themselves  and  sue 
for  peace  at  the  hands  of  the  Japanese. 


THE  NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  PEACE. 


John  W.  Foster  in  Japan— Failure  of  a Peace  Embassy— Diplomatic  Discussions— Foolish 
Pride— Li  Hung  Chang  Again  in  Favor— His  Journey— The  Viceroy  Knew  China— The  Envoy 
in  Japan— Attempted  Murder— The  Mikado’s  Appeal— What  the  Assault  Indicated— Declara- 
tion of  the  Armistice— Provisions  of  the  Armistice— Continuing  Negotiations— Signing  the 
Treaty— Its  Terms— No  Alliance  of  China  and  Japan— The  Mikado  Proclaims— Peacefulness 
Enjoined— What  of  the  Future  ?— Ultimate  Effect  of  the  War. 

While  the  war  operations  during  the  first  three  months  of  1895 
were  in  progress,  peace  negotiations  too  were  actively  under  way. 
The  annals  of  the  hostilities  which  have  occupied  the  last  few 
chapters  might  have  been  interrupted  by  paragraphs  telling  of 
the  progress  and  defeat  of  different  efforts  to  secure  peace ; but  it 
seemed  more  intelligible  to  the  prospective  reader  to  place  him  in 
full  possession  of  the  particulars  of  the  military  affairs  as  they 
developed,  without  interruption.  Not  until  the  end  had  nearly 
come  did  the  peace  negotiations  for  one  moment  interrupt  hostili- 
ties, and  there  was  consequently  no  need  to  interrupt  the  consecu- 
tive record.  It  now  remains  a final  task  to  outline  the  various 
peace  negotiations  after  those  that  have  already  been  described, 
and  follow  oriental  diplomacy  to  its  conclusion. 

We  left  the  Chinese  peace  envoys  lingering  at  Shanghai  in 
January,  after  several  weeks  of  idleness  resulting  from  continual 
postponement  of  their  departure.  At  last  the  imperial  govern- 
ment abandoned  its  hope  that  sometliing  would  intervene  to  de- 
stroy the  necessity  of  a suit  for  peace,  and  the  embassy  was 
ordered  to  start.  The  Chinese  peace  envoys  arrived  at  Kobe 
January  80,  nnd  were  received  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Foreign 
Department.  When  the  envoys  came  ashore,  a mob  greeted  them 
with  hostile  demonstrations  and  they  had  to  be  protected  by  a 
large  tbice  of  po  ice.  After  consulting  with  Mr.  Foster,  their 
American  adviser  who  had  reached  Kobe  several  days  before,  the 
envoys  left  in  a special  steamer  for  Ujina.  The  general  tenor  of 
Japanese  opinion  was  that  the  negotiation  would  prove  fruitless, 
as  China  was  scarcely  ready  to  accede  to  the  Japanese  demand. 

(655) 


656 


JOHN  W.  FOSTER  IN  JAPAN. 


It  was  acknowledged  however,  that  the  present  embassy  showed 
a much  more  sincere  desire  for  peace  on  the  part  of  China  than 
did  the  Detring  mission  which  resulted  in  such  a fiasco. 

Ex-Secretary  Foster  was  treated  with  especial  courtesy  during 
his  stay  at  Tokio  and  Kobe.  Mr.  Foster  exchanged  many  tele- 
grams with  the  Chinese  government  in  reference  to  the  power  and 
authority  of  Chang  and  Shao,  the  Chinese  peace  commissioners, 
regarding  which  the  Japanese  were  all  along  very  doubtful.  The 
diplomatic  contest  promised  to  be  stubborn.  China  did  not  seem 
to  realize  that  Japan  would  demand  a cession  of  territory,  and  it 
was  anticipated  that  the  humiliation  of  losing  any  of  her  con- 
tinental domain  would  be  more  than  she  was  willing  to  endure. 
Mr.  Foster  was  frankly  given  to  understand  that  unless  ample 
powers  were  guaranteed  by  their  credentials  the  envoys  would 
not  even  be  admitted  to  a hearing. 

Count  Ito  and  Viscount  Mutsu  who  were  a}:>pointed  to  treat 
with  the  Chinese  peace  envoys,  received  the  credentials  which 
were  presented  them  as  coming  from  the  emperor  of  China,  and 
found  them  to  read  as  follows : “ By  decree  we  appoint  you  our 
plenipotentiaries,  to  meet  and  negotiate  the  matter  with  the 
plenipotentiaries  appointed  by  Japan.  You  will,  however,  tele- 
graph to  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  our 
commands,  by  which  }^ou  will  abide.  The  members  of  your 
mission  are  placed  under  your  control.  You  will  conduct  the 
mission  in  a faithful  and  diligent  manner,  and  fulfill  the  trust 
reposed  in  you.  Respect  this.” 

It  was  immediate!}'  officially  announced  that  the  plenary  powers 
with  which  the  mikado’s  government  demanded  that  the  Chinese 
envoys  should  be  invested,  were  found  to  be  utterly  defective. 
The  envoys  were  therefore  refused  further  negotiations,  and  were 
requested  to  leave  Japan  without  delay.  It  was  believed  hy 
many  that  the  Chinese  envoys  were  quite  ignorant  of  the  trick 
that  had  been  played  upon  them  by  their  government.  They 
supposed  that  they  had  been  given  full  powers  to  treat  for  peace, 
but  they  found  that  not  only  had  they  no  power  either  to  con- 
clude or  sign  a treaty,  but  that  their  credentials  did  not  even  con- 
tain an  intimation  of  the  purpose  of  the  mission  which  they  had 
to  Japan.  The  ministers,  however,  told  them  that  Japan  was 


FAILURE  OF  A PEACE  EMBASSY. 


657 


willing  to  reopen  negotiations  with  a properly  empowered  em- 
bassy. The  envoys  therefore  left  Hiroshima  after  two  days  in 
the  Japanese  city,  and  returned  home  via  Nagasaki. 

The  rebuff  sustained  by  the  Chinese  envoys  created  some  as- 
tonishment among  the  highest  officials  in  Peking,  but  not  much 
apparent  concern.  Just  at  this  time,  early  in  February,  they  were 
having  glowing  reports  from  General  Sung  in  Manchooria.  He 
claimed  to  have  already  beaten  the  Japanese  on  many  occasions, 
and  promised  if  well  supplied  with  men  and  stores  to  drive  every 
invader  from  Chinese  soil.  Japan’s  excuse  for  refusing  to  treat 
with  the  envoys,  scarcely  satisfied  some  export  diplomats.  It  was 
insisted  that  it  would  have  been  very  unusual  for  any  government 
to  endow  its  agents  with  final  powers  as  long  as  it  was  able  to 
communicate  with  them  daily  and  hourly  if  necessary  by  cable. 
The  Chinese  government  once  gave  final  powers  to  one  of  its  am- 
bassadors who  went  over  to  Russia  to  negotiate  a boundary  treaty, 
and  his  head  would  have  been  amputated  when  he  returned  to 
Peking,  had  it  not  been  for  the  intercession  of  the  Russian  am- 
bassador, who  suggested  that  his  government  would  resent  such 
punishment  inflicted  upon  a person  so  recently  honored  by  the 
Czar.  He  offered  at  the  same  time  to  consider  the  treaty  sus- 
pended, until  the  Chinese  authorities  might  have  an  opportunity 
to  examine  it  and  suggest  any  changes  they  might  like  to  have 
made.  After  this  experience  it  was  not  likely  that  the  emperor 
of  China  would  confer  final  powers  upon  any  ambassador.  It  was 
asserted  that  since  modern  forms  of  communication  had  been  in- 
troduced, it  has  not  been  the  custom  to  give  final  powers  to  agents 
who  visit  civilized  nations.  Therefore  it  was  assumed  that  the 
objection  raised  in  Japan  to  the  credentials  of  the  Chinese  envoys 
was  a diplomatic  ruse  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  time  for  the 
Japanese  generals  to  reach  Peking.  This  was  disproven  by  the 
cessation  of  efforts,  which  Japan  might  have  made  to  reach  Pe- 
king, but  it  may  have  been  true  that  Japan  wished  to  bring  China 
into  still  further  distress,  so  that  her  demands  would  be  more 
surely  granted. 

The  very  important  action  was  now  taken  by  the  Chinese  em- 
peror of  restoring  to  Li  Hung  Chang  all  his  honors  which  had 
been  taken  away,  because  of  the  succession  of  defeats  in  the  early 


658 


DIPLOMATIC  DISCUSSIONS. 


weeks  of  the  war,  and  appointing  him  imperial  commissioner  to 
negotiate  for  peace  with  Japan.  China  then  requested  that  the 
Japanese  peace  commissioners  might  meet  Li  Hung  Chang  at 
Port  Arthur  to  conduct  the  negotiations  at  that  place.  A prompt 
reply  was  received  from  Hiroshima,  in  which  the  Japanese  gov- 
ernment absolutely  declined  to  treat  anywhere  but  upon  Japanese 
soil.  The  Grand  Council  of  the  Chinese  empire  met  on  Sunday, 
February  24,  and  deliberated  for  several  hours  upon  the  question, 
“ Shall  the  war  with  Japan  be  prolonged  or  shall  we  treat  for 
peace  ? ” It  was  resolved  that  before  the  council  took  a final  de- 
cision, the  same  question  should  be  put  to  all  the  provincial  au- 
thorities, from  the  first  to  the  third  rank  inclusive.  Their  opinion 
was  urgently  demanded  by  telegraph.  The  replies  received  were 
nearly  all  to  the  effect,  that  although  the  war  was  unjustly  pro- 
voked by  Japan,  it  was  very  desirable  that  peace  should  be  con- 
cluded. Some  of  the  replies,  however,  declared  that  the  terms 
of  peace  should  not  be  too  exacting.  China  had  learned  some- 
thing by  her  failures  of  two  peace  missions,  Detring’s  and  the  last 
embassy. 

One  of  the  ancient  Chinese  methods  of  waging  battle  was  to 
play  “ Soft,  voluptuous  airs  to  melt  the  heart  of  the  enemy.” 
How  far  China  had  advanced  in  practical  wisdom  might  be  gath- 
ered from  her  latest  diplomatic  manoeuver  which  seemed  to  indi- 
cate that  the  Chinese  diplomacy  of  the  present  followed  the  mili- 
tary usages  of  antiquity.  Ever  since  the. eventual  triumph  of  the 
Japanese  became  a moral  certainty,  China  had  been  given  vague 
intimations  of  a desire  to  secure  peace.  These  intimations  unac- 
companied by  any  definite  terms  were  steadfastly  ignored  by 
Japan,  until  the  Chinese  government  gave  notice  that  it  had  sent 
a peace  commission  to  the  mikado.  When  the  useless  credentials 
of  these  commissioners  were  examined  in  Japan,  they  were  turned 
back  without  consideration,  and  the  Chinese  pretended  surprise 
at  the  treatment,  asserting  that  Japan  was  simply  seeking  to 
further  humiliate  the  empire.  To  unbiased  observers  it  seemed 
quite  as  reasonable  to  believe  that  the  Chinese  were  playing  to 
gain  time,  meanwhile  assailing  the  enemy  with  the  “ soft,  volup- 
tuous music  of  peace.”  This  policy  of  antiquated  diplomacy  was 
terminated  abruptly. 


LI  HUNG  CHANG  AGAIN  IN  FAVOR. 


659 


Li  Hung  Chang’s  star  was  again  in  the  ascendant.  Even  as  he 
journeyed  towards  Peking  his  calumniators  continued  their  attacks. 
In  Shanghai  it  was  positively  asserted  that  he  was  now  given  a 
chance  to  accomplish  what  he  had  long  awaited,  the  overthrow  of 
the  Manchoorian  dynasty  in  China.  It  was  also  declared  that 
Kung,  tlie  disgraced  Ex-Taotai  of  Port  Arthur,  had  made  a con- 
fession showing  the  traitorous  designs  of  Li.  It  was  said  that 
Li  had  been  leagued  with  the  officials  of  the  palace  at  Peking  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  dynasty,  ever  since  he  was  deprived  of  his 
yellow  jacket,  his  peacock  feather,  and  his  various  offices.  All 
this  now  had  no  weight.  The  privy  council  heartily  supported 
Li’  s mission  to  Japan.  Prince  Kung  silenced  all  opposition  to  it 
by  presenting  papers  showing  that  the  previous  failure  was  due 
to  a backward  policy,  for  which  the  council  were  themselves  to 
blame,  and  exonerating  the  viceroy.  The  emperor  completely 
vindicated  Li  Hung  Chang,  confessing  that  he  had  tried  others 
and  found  him  alone  trustworthy.  He  therefore  granted  him  the 
fullest  powers  to  deal  with  the  Japanese.  The  central  govern- 
ment publicly  assumed  the  entire  responsibility  for  the  condition 
of  the  national  defense,  explaining  it  as  the  result  of  blindness 
to  the  progress  of  other  nations.  This  placed  future  reforms  in 
the  hands  of  Li. 

The  American  minister  at  Peking  assumed  a personal  interest 
in  the  matter  at  this  point,  and  telegraphed  to  Japan  the  text  of 
Li  Hung  Chang’s  proposed  credentials.  At  last,  after  a tedious 
exchange  of  messages,  the  credentials  were  accepted  by  Japan 
and  arrangements  were  made  for  the  journey  of  the  envoy.  Li 
Hung  Chang  was  received  in  audience  by  the  emperor  and  the 
dowager  empress  five  times  within  as  many  days,  and  in  his  con- 
versations with  them  spoke  frankly  of  the  condition  of  the  em- 
pire. His  powers  to  negotiate  were  made  complete,  his  commis- 
sion bore  the  emperor’s  signature,  and  on  the  fifth  day  of  March 
he  left  Peking  for  Japan. 

There  were  signs  at  last  that  the  Chinese  were  beginning  to 
recognize  the  imperative  necessity  of  concluding  peace  with 
Japan.  With  their  strongholds  in  Japanese  hands  and  their  fleet 
practically  annihilated,  the  sooner  they  made  submission  the  more 
easy  would  be  the  terms  which  they  could  obtain.  It  was  there- 
33 


660 


JOURNEY  OF  LI  HUNG  CHANG. 


fore  gratifying  to  all  friends  of  the  empire  to  learn  that  the  vie 
eroy  had  been  appointed  as  envoy  to  proceed  to  Japan  to  discuss 
terms  of  peace.  Holding  a position  second  only  to  that  of  the 
emperor  himself,  it  was  impossible  that  the  Japanese  should  refuse 
to  treat  with  him  on  account  of  his  inferior  station,  or  his  insuffi- 
cient credentials.  His  mission  was  the  first  genuine  attempt  that 
China  had  made  to  open  negotiations.  It  was  a proof  that  Chi- 
nese pride  and  obstinac}^  had  at  length  been  overcome,  and  that 
there  was  a real  willingness  to  take  steps  calculated  to  bring  the 
disastrous  war  to  a close. 

But  for  the  messenger  himself!  Surely  history,  which  delights 
in  setting  at  naught  the  hopes  and  filling  the  fears  of  men,  never 
saw  a sadder  faring  forth  than  the  journej’  of  Li  Hung  Chang  to 
Japan.  He  was  old  now,  paralytic,  his  side  and  arm  half  useless, 
his  eyesight  dim,  his  family  long  since  gone,  and  all  the  fabric  of 
empire  to  which  his  life  had  been  given  in  ruins  about  him.  He 
saved  it  once  before  in  straits  as  great.  He  of  Honan,  Honan 
men  about  him,  all  come  down  from  the  central  hills  of  China, 
sturd}"  and  tall  above  the  men  of  the  plains  whom  they  swept  aside, 
Gordon  and  Ward  aiding,  leading  and  winning  the  early  battles, 
but  the  work  in  the  end  done,  and  the  rich  harvest  reaped  by  those 
sons  of  Honan  whom  Li  Hung  Chang  found  poor  among  their 
fields  of  tea  and  millet,  and  raised  to  half  the  posts  of  honor  in 
China.  That  was  thirty  years  ago.  The  great  work  spread  and 
grew.  The  old  boundaries  of  the  empire  were  regained.  The 
Russian  advance  in  Asia  retired  for  the  first  time  in  two  centur- 
ies. On  the  A’moor  it  was  halted.  France  retired  discomfited. 
England  treated  Chinese  frontiers  with  a new  respect.  In  Bur- 
jinah,  in  Siam,  in  Nepaul,  Chinese  aid  was  sought.  The  big  em- 
pire was  never  so  big,  never  looked  so  strong,  never  had  more 
deference  or  outer  respect  since  the  days  of  the  great  Tai-Tsung, 
when  China  ruled  from  the  Pacific  to  the  boundary  of  the  Roman 
empire,  and  the  Roman  empire  extended  to  the  Atlantic — two 
realms  between  the  two  oceans. 

Through  it  all  one  man  knew  how  hollow  it  was,  Li  Hung 
Chang.  He  pleaded  for  railroads  and  telegraphs.  He  bought 
war  ships  and  ironclads.  He  urged  that  the  old  policy  be  re- 
versed and  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  empire  duly  or- 


THE  VICEROY  KNEW  CHINA. 


661 


gaaked.  For  years  he  had  seen  the  cloud  gathering,  and  in  the 
great  quagmire  of  Chinese  corruption  and  conservatism  sought  to 
make  ready  for  it.  It  had  been  in  vain.  Army,  fleet,  and  court 
had  collapsed.  Corea  and  Manchooria  were  conquered.  If 
Peking  was  not  occupied  it  was  because  Japan  wished  to  leave 
some  semblance  of  central  authority  with  which  to  treat.  Any 
war-fine  could  be  levied  bj’-  the  victors ; any  vassalage  exacted  of 
the  vanquished.  Port  Arthur  could  be  made  a Gibraltar.  The 
policy  of  Peking  could  be  controlled  by  Japan.  Japan  would 
dominate  the  Asiatic  seacoast.  The  Japanese  ambassador  at 
Peking  would  be  supreme  whenever  his  government  chose  to 
speak. 

All  this  was  in  the  mind  of  the  paralytic  old  man  as  he  jour- 
neyed by  land  and  sea.  For  forty  years  he  had  greatly  ruled,  a 
great  empire  was  the  greater  for  his  work,  and  it  had  all  come  to 
this.  Were  the  French  tri-color  to  be  near  Berlin,  and  Bismarck 
wearily  seeking  peace  at  Paris,  the  tragedy  were  no  less  than  that 
with  Li  Hung  Chang  as  its  central  figure  in  the  east. 

Li  Hung  Chang  spent  a few  days  at  Tien-tsin,  and  then  passed 
on  down  the  river  to  Taku,  whence  he  sailed  with  his  suite  on 
March  15  for  Shimonoseki.  The  viceroy  sailed  in  royal  state, 
with  a suite  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  persons  in  two  vessels. 
On  the  morning  of  the  19th  they  reached  their  destination  in 
Japan.  Shimoneseki  is  on  the  extreme  southwestern  coast  of 
Japan  and  it  was  here  that  in  the  early  ’60s  the  foreign  powers 
forced  Japan  to  assent  to  certain  indemnities  demanded  of  the 
empire.  Upon  arriving,  the  envoy  was  immediately  visited  by 
the  representatives  of  the  Japanese  foreign  office,  and  later  Li 
Hung  Chang  accompanied  by  his  American  adviser,  John  W. 
Foster,  visited  the  Japanese  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  This 
was  the  first  time  in  his  life  that  the  venerable  statesman  of  China 
had  ever  set  his  foot  on  other  than  Chinese  soil. 

The  viceroy  and  his  party  were  escorted  to  the  foreign  office 
by  Mr.  Inouye,  who  cordially  greeted  the  statesman,  and  placed 
* his  services  at  his  disposal.  The  party  was  received  on  landing 
by  a guard  of  honor,  and  was  taken  to  the  foreign  office  in  car- 
riages under  escort.  The  following  day  was  spent  by  the  peace 
envoys  in  examining  each  other’s  credentials  and  powers.  Both 


662 


THE  ENVOY  IN  JAPAN. 


sides  devoted  much  time  and  thought  to  this  matter  and  were 
assisted  by  experts  in  matters  of  diplomacy  and  etiquette. 

The  Chinese  letter  of  credential  proved  to  be  precisely  what 
might  have  been  expected  from  Chinese  character.  The  phrase- 
ology had  been  repeatedly  discussed  through  the  ministers  of  the 
United  States  in  Tokio  and  Peking  and  a form  satisfactory  to 
Japan  agreed  upon.  Whether  intentionally  or  not  the  Chinese 
had  given  more  than  one  indication  of  waywardness  in  preparing 
the  document.  They  were  very  particular  in  honoring  their  em- 
peror with  his  proper  title  but  they  did  not  insert  that  of  the  em- 
peror of  Japan.  Moreover  they  used  an  expression  signifying 
that  it  was  in  consequence  of  Japan’s  desire  for  peace  that  an 
ambassador  was  sent.  This  was  not  allowed  to  pass  uncorrected. 
As  finally  amended  the  paper  was  virtually  in  accordance  with 
Japan’s  dictation. 

In  the  end  all  the  documents  were  found  to  be  in  due  form, 
and  polite  notes  to  this  effect  were  exchanged.  Subsequently  Li 
Hung  Chang  and  his  suite  went  ashore. 

The  viceroy  was  received  with  a military  salute,  and  all  the 
honors  due  to  his  exalted  rank.  He  proceeded  to  the  chief  hotel, 
where  accommodation  had  been  prepared  for  him  and  part  of  his 
suite.  Further  communications  passed  on  the  morning  of  March 
21,  and  at  half  past  two  in  the  afternoon  the  first  business  con- 
ference in  connection  with  the  peace  negotiations  began,  Li  Hung 
Chang,  Count  Ito,  Viscount  Mutsu,  and  their  secretaries,  together 
with  the  sworn  interpreters  being  present.  The  deliberations 
which  were  conducted  in  secret,  lasted  for  an  hour  and  a half. 
There  was  much  diplomatic  fencing,  Li  Hung  Chang  being  evi- 
dently anxious  to  ascertain  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  the 
terms  upon  which  an  armistice  might  be  granted.  Nothing  oc- 
curred to  suggest  the  possibility  of  a break  down  of  the  negotia- 
tions, and  some  gratifying  progress  was  made  towards  a general 
understanding. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  during  all  this  time  there  was  no 
cessation  in  the  war  operations  which  were  going  on  in  Man- 
chooria  and  on  the  Chinese  coast.  Fresh  troops  were  being  hur- 
ried forward  from  Japan  for  active  service,  and  the  war  spirit 
gave  no  sign  of  subsidence.  In  Yokohama  the  success  of  the 


ATTEMPTED  MURDER  OF  LI  HUNG  CHANG. 


663 


peace  negotiations  was  regarded  as  doubtful.  The  military  ele- 
ment, which  was  all  in  favor  of  the  continuance  of  the  war  until 
the  victory  of  the  Japanese  was  made  complete  by  the  capture  of 
Peking,  had  at  that  time  a predominant  voice  in  Japanese  pol- 
itics, and  this  feeling  was  reflected  in  parliament.  Notice  was 
given  in  the  house  of  representatives  of  a resolution  declaring 
that  the  time  for  peace  negotiations  had  not  arrived. 

While  negotiations  were  thus  progressing,  they  were  interrupted 
by  an  incident  that  amazed  and  shocked  the  civilized  world.  As 
Li  Hung  Chang  was  returning  to  his  lodgings  on  March  24,  after 
having  attended  a conference  with  the  Japanese  peace  plenipoten- 
tiaries, he  was  attacked  by  a young  Japanese  who  sought  to  mur- 
der him.  The  young  man’s  name  was  Koyama  Rokunosuki,  and 
he  was  but  twenty-one  years  of  age.  The  bullet  struck  the 
Chinese  envoy  in  the  cheek,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  result 
would  not  be  serious.  The  news  of  the  attempt  at  assassination 
created  much  excitement  in  Japan,  in  China,  and  in  the  western 
world.  The  ministers  of  state  and  other  officials  visited  Li  Hung 
Chang  without  delay,  to  express  their  deep  sorrow  at  the  occur- 
rence. Every  precaution  was  taken  by  the  police  and  military  to 
prevent  any  trouble.  The  mikado  was  deeply  grieved  at  the 
affair,  and  sent  his  two  chief  court  physicians.  Surgeons  Sato  and 
Ishiguro,  to  attend  the  Chinese  envoy.  The  bullet  entered  the 
cheek  half  an  inch  under  the  left  eye,  and  penetrated  to  a depth 
of  nearly  an  inch  and  a half.  The  Chinese  plenipotentiary 
strongl}^  objected  to  undergoing  an  operation  for  its  removal. 
The  empress  of  Japan,  to  show  her  own  regret,  sent  two  nurses 
to  assume  the  care  of  the  old  man,  and  from  every  side  letters 
and  telegrams  of  regret  and  sympathy  arrived  in  great  quanti- 
ties. 

Beside  the  physicians,  the  mikado  sent  the  imperial  chamber-' 
lain  to  convey  his  condolences  to  the  viceroy,  and  to  the  public 
he  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

“ A state  of  war  exists  between  our  country  and  China,  but 
she  with  due  regard  of  international  forms  and  usages  sent  an 
ambassador  to  sue  for  peace.  We  therefore  appointed  plenipoten- 
tiaries, instructing  them  to  meet  and  negotiate  at  Shimonoseki. 
It  was  consequently  incumbent  upon  us,  in  pursuance  of  inter- 


664 


THE  MIKADO’S  APPEAL. 


national  etiquette,  to  extend  to  the  Chinese  ambassador  treat- 
ment consistent  with  the  national  honor,  providing  him  ample 
escort  and  protection.  Hence  we  issued  special  commands  to  our 
officials  to  exercise  the  utmost  vigilance  in  all  respects.  It  is 
therefore  a source  of  profound  grief  and  regret  to  us,  that  a 
ruffian  should  have  been  found  base  enough  to  inflict  personal 
injury  on  the  Chinese  ambassador.  Our  officials  will  sentence 
the  culprit  to  the  utmost  punishment  provided  by  the  law.  We 
hereby  command  our  officials  and  subjects  to  respect  our  wish, 
and  to  preserve  our  country’s  fair  fame  from  impairment  by 
strictly  guarding  against  a recurrence  of  such  deeds  of  violence 
.and  lawlessness.” 

The  would-be  assassin  belonged  to  the  class  known  as  the 
Soshis,  or  political  bravos,  who  are  always  ripe  for  any  acts  of 
riot  or  violence.  When  the  attack  was  made,  Li  Hung  Chang 
was  in  a palanquin  being  conveyed  to  his  hotel  from  conference 
with  the  Japanese  negotiators.  He  had  nearly  reached  the 
house,  when  a young  man  rushed  out  of  the  crowd,  and  seizing 
the  hand  of  one  of  the  carriers  in  order  to  stop  the  palanquin 
fired  his  pistol  almost  point  blank  at  the  Chinese  plenipotentiary. 
There  was  little  room  for  hesitation  as  to  his  motives.  He  was  a 
fanatic  who  thought  to  serve  his  country  by  murdering  the 
Chinese  statesman.  No  delusion,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say, 
could  be  more  gross  than  such  a one.  The  criminal  had  done  a 
grievous  injury  to  his  country  and  its  government.  Japan  had 
striven  long,  earnestly,  and  successfully,  to  earn  the  reputation 
of  a civilized  state.  Nobody  of  course  should  be  unjust  enough 
to  upbraid  her  with  the  conduct  of  an  irresponsible  and  appar-^ 
ently  an  isolated  malefactor.  Individuals  with  ferocious  passions 
and  ill-balanced  minds  are  to  be  found  in  all  countries,  and  such 
a crime  as  this,  deplorable  and  unusual  though  it  was,  might 
have  occurred  in  any  European  capital  or  our  own  capital  city 
under  similar  conditions.  Nevertheless,  there  were  those  who 
chose  to  take  it  as  an  index  of  national  feeling  condemning  the 
country  for  the  act  of  one.  The  manner  of  the  expressions  of. 
regret  that  came  so  universally  from  every  Japanese  voice  seemed 
to  offer  sufficient  disclaimer  against  the  existence  of  any  such  a 
cruel  sentiment.  Resolutions  were  presented  in  the  Japanese 


WHAT  THE  ASSAULT  INDICATED. 


665 


diet  expressing  deep  regret  at  the  attempt  upon  the  life  of  the 
Chinese  plenipotentiary,  and  the  native  newspapers  were  unani- 
mous and  sincere  in  the  same  expressions.  It  had  to  be  recog- 
nized, liowever,  that  an  element  existed  among  such  people  as  the 
Soshis,  inclined  to  violence  under  such  circumstances,  and  pre- 
cautions were  doubled.  No  government  is  adequate  to  control 
fanaticism  of  the  extremer  sort,  and  the  attempt  upon  the  life  of 
Li  Hung  Chang  was  a symptom  of  the  frenzy  w^hich  had  been 
engendered  in  a large  element  of  the  Japanese  people  by  the  war. 
It  was  now  learned  for  the  first  time  that  Mr.  Detring  was 
attacked  by  a Soshi  in  November,  but  was  defended  by  the  police. 
He  kept  silence  in  order  to  avoid  embittering  the  situation. 

The  immediate  effect  on  the  negotiations  of  the  attempted  as- 
sassination of  Li  Hung  Chang  was  that  the  emperor  of  Japan  on 
March  29,  declared  an  unconditional  armistice.  This  was 
avowedly  done  because  of  the  attack  on  the  Chinese  plenipoten- 
tiary and  was  so  declared  in  notifications  which  were  sent  to  all 
countries  and  to  all  Japanese  legations.  The  language  of  the 
notification  thus  sent  out  was  as  follows : “ On  the  opening  of 

the  negotiations  the  Japanese  plenipotentiary  proposed  armistice, 
which  Japan  was  willing  to  accept  on  certain  conditions.  While 
this  negotiation  was  going  on,  the  untoward  event  happened  on 
the  person  of  the  Chinese  plenipotentiary.  His  majesty,  the 
emperor,  in  view  of  this  unhappy  occurrence,  commanded  the 
Japanese  plenipotentiaries  to  consent  to  a temporary  armistice 
without  conditions.  This  was  communicated  to  the  Chinese 
plenipotentiary.” 

It  was  now  felt  that  the  power  of  the  Japanese  government  to 
execute  the  armistice  would  be  put  a critical  test.  The  military 
power  of  Japan,  in  the  judgment  of  many  intelligent  observers, 
had  almost  outstripped  the  civil  power  during  the  war.  This  had 
caused  serious  concern  as  it  was  feared  that  the  military  element 
backed  by  the  war  spirit  among  the  people  would  not  submit  to 
an  armistice  even  if  the  civil  authorities  ordered  one.  To  meet 
this  emergency  a change  of  army  commanders  was  made  early  in 
March.  There  had  been  three  army  corps  operating  in  different 
campaigns  and  each  under  a general  of  supreme  authority  over 
his  particular  campaign.-  Prince  Komatsu  was  created  com- 


666 


DECLARATION  OF  THE  ARMISTICE. 


mander-in-chief  over  all  armies  in  anticipation  of  an  armistice. 
The  purpose  of  this  step  was  to  concentrate  authority  in  one  man 
in  close  touch  with  the  imperial  household  who  could  thus 
execute  an  armistice  by  a simultaneous  cessation  of  hostilities  by 
the  tliree  armies.  It  now  remained  to  be  seen  whether  Prince 
Komatsu  could  execute  the  important  commission  given  to  him. 
The  splendid  discipline  shown  by  the  army  during  the  war  gave 
assurance  that  there  would  be  immediate  acquiescence  by  the 
military,  and  yet  Prince  Komatsu  had  to  contend  against  a war 
spirit  inflamed  by  many  victories.  It  had  been  said  that  an 
armistice  would  be  so  unpopular  among  the  people  and  soldiery 
that  it  would  insure  the  political  retirement  of  Japan’s  two  chief 
statesmen,  Count  Ito  and  Viscount  Matsu,  who  had  served  as 
peace  envoys. 

On  the  opening  of  the  negotations,  after  the  arrival  of  Li  Hung 
Chang  at  Shimonoseki,  the  Japanese  plenipotentiaries  at  first 
proposed  the  following  conditions  for  the  conclusion  of  an  armis- 
tice : — The  occupation  of  Shan-hai-kwan,  Taku,  and  Tien-tsin  by 
Japanese  troops;  Japanese  control  of  the  uncompleted  railroad 
from  Shan-hai-kwan  to  Tien-tsin  and  custody  of  the  various  forts 
and  fortifications,  together  with  the  arms  and  ammunition  ; the 
payment  by  China  of  the  war  contributions  required  for  such 
occupation. 

Li  Hung  Chang  sought  to  obtain  more  moderate  conditions, 
but  the  Japanese  plenipotentiaries  refused,  and  it  was  then  pro- 
posed to  continue  the  negotiations  without  a suspension  of 
hostilities.  This  was  the  stage  which  the  negotiations  had 
reached  at  the  third  conference,  when  the  attempt  was  made  on 
the  life  of  Viceroy  Li.  In  view  of  this  circumstance  the  emperor 
of  Japan  waiving  the  conditions  previously  made  ordered  the 
Japanese  plenipotentiaries  to  consent  to  an  armistice  until  the 
20  th  of  April.  The  armistice  was  to  apply  to  the  forces  in 
Manchooria  and  in  the  circuit  around  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  includ- 
ing the  two  great  promontories,  but  did  not  include  any  operations 
to  the  south  of  that  region.  Neither  government  was  to  be  pre- 
vented from  making  any  new  distribution  or  disposition  of  their 
troops  not  intended  to  augment  the  armies  in  the  field.  The 
movement  of  troops  and  the  transport  of  goods  contraband  of  war 


CONTINUING  NEGOTIATIONS. 


667 


by  sea  were,  however,  prohibited  and  if  attempted  would  be 
made  at  the  risk  of  capture.  The  armistice  was  to  terminate 
should  the  peace  negotiation  be  broken  in  the  meantime,  and 
a convention  embodying  these  terms  was  signed. 

The  news  of  the  armistice  was  received  excitedly  by  the  Japan- 
ese and  Chinese  living  in  the  United  States,  but  only  the  former 
found  it  possible  to  concede  the  truth.  A characteristic  crowd  of 
excited  Chinamen  gathered  in  front  of  a Chinese  temple  in  their 
own  quarter  of  New  York  City  discussing  a flaming  red  poster, 
the  translation  of  which  read : “ The  war  between  China  and 

Japan  has  ended  and  it  is  time  for  every  one  to  rejoice.  Our 
fathers  and  brothers  have  fought  the  old  enemy  and  those  who 
have  not  been  butchered  will  be  honored  at  home.  China  is  a 
greater  country  than  Japan,  and  if  the  war  had  been  allowed  to 
go  on  the  Japanese  would  have  been  whipped  out  of  their  boots 
and  China  would  have  annexed  Japan  as  a colony.  It  is  well  for 
Japan  that  her  people  have  been  called  off  by  the  emperor,  but 
the  time  will  not  be  long  before  the  war  will  be  opened  again,  for 
it  is  written  in  the  mystic  language  of  the  shrine  that  China  and 
■Japan  cannot  dwell  forever  on  the  same  earth.” 

During  the  time  of  Li  Hung  Chang’s  illness  resulting  from  his 
wound,  his  son,  Li  Ching  Fung,  acted  as  his  representative  in 
Japan  and  continued  the  negotiations.  On  April  7th  the  wound 
in  Li’s  face  had  completely  healed  and  the  bandages  were  re- 
moved. The  young  man  who  had  committed  the  assault  was 
sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  life  at  hard  labor,  while  the  chief 
of  police  and  the  prefect  of  Shimonoseki,  together  will  all  their 
staff,  were  dismissed  in  disgrace. 

After  three  days  of  obstinate  silence  the  assassin  dropped  his 
air  of  bravado  and  made  a full  confession  to  Judge  Toyama,  who 
conducted  a private  examination  at  the  Bakan  court.  The  prisoner 
declared  that  he  had  long  brooded  over  the  causes  leading  to  the  ‘ 
disturbance  of  peace  in  the  east,  and  had  reached  the  conclusion 
that  the  evil  practices  of  Li  Hung  Chang  were  accountable  for  all 
of  them,  beginning  with  the  mismanagement  of  affairs  in  Corea. 
He  believed  that  as  long  as  Li  lived  peace  could  not  be  restored 
and  resolved  at  one  time  to  go  to  China  and  kill  the  viceroy. 
This  purpose  was  defeated  by  his  inability  to  raise  the  necessary 


668 


SIGNING  OF  THE  TREATY. 


money,  but  when  he  learned  that  Li  was  coming  to  Japan  as 
peace  ambassador  he  felt  that  his  opportunity  had  arrived.  He 
bought  a revolver  in  Yokohama,  March  11,  and  the  next  day  started 
for  Tokio,  reaching  Bakan,  March  24.  At  4:15  o’clock  that  after- 
noon he  approached  the  sedan  chair  in  which  the  ambassador  was 
returning  from  the  conference  hall  to  his  lodgings  in  Shimonoseki 
and  discharged  his  weapon,  aiming  it  at  the  victim’s  breast.  Al- 
though he  endeavored  to  study  his  right  arm  by  clasping  it  with 
the  left, 'he  missed  his  aim  inflicting  only  a slight  wound. 

The  conditions  of  the  peace  which  was  to  be  concluded  by  treaty 
now  began  to  interest  the  civilized  world  almost  as  closely  as  the 
two  contending  nations.  The  conditions  which  were  demanded 
by  the  Japanese  were  guessed  at  by  every  one  who  thought  him- 
self competent  to  form  an  opinion,  and  the  varying  opinions  were 
sent  out  for  discussion  in  the  press  of  the  world.  At  one  time  it 
was  asserted  to  be  arranged  that  Japan  would  conclude  on  offen- 
sive and  defensive  alliance  with  China,  the  object  being  to  oppose 
European  interests  in  the  far  east.  This  prospect  occasioned 
considerable  excitement  among  European  diplomates.  It  was 
recognized  that  should  China’s  numbers  and  enormous  resources 
be  united  to  Japanese  progression,  activity,  and  administrative 
ability,  the  coalition  would  be  almost  impregnable  to  any  assault 
that  might  be  delivered  upon  it,  and  that  it  might  enjoy  excellent 
success  in  any  Asiatic  aggressions  which  it  cared  to  attempt. 

It  will  be  unprofitable  here  to  discuss  the  various  conditions  of 
peace  that  were  supposed  to  be  proposed  when  we  have  at  our 
command  the  settlement  that  was  actually  made. 

On  Monday,  April  15,  a peace  convention  was  signed  at 
Shimonoseki  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  China  and  Japan.  The 
independence  of  Corea  was  recognized.  It  was  conceded  that  ' 
Japan  should  retain  temporary  possession  of  Wei-hai-wei  and 
Niuchwang.  The  territory  of  Manchooria  included  in  the  Liao- 
Tung  peninsula,  and  the  island  of  Formosa  were  ceded  to  Japan. 

An  indemnity  was  provided  for,  to  be  paid  by  China  to  Japan, 
of  200,000,000  taels  in  silver,  which  is  equivalent  to  about  $150,-  ^ 
000,000  in  American  gold.  China  agreed  to  no  longer  impose 
upon  foreigners  the  odious  tax  known  as  Likin,  levied  upon  all 
goods  and  sales,  and  a uniform  standard  tael  was  required  to  be 


STIPULATIONS  OF  THE  TREATY. 


669 


adopted  by  China  for  lier  currency.  All  foreigners  were  to  be 
permitted  to  introduce  into  China  factories  and  machinery,  and 
to  lease  warehouses  in  the  interior.  The  terms  of  this  payment 
provided  that  it  should  be  made  in  silver  in  six  annual  install- 
ments. Japan  retained  extra-territorial  jurisdiction  in  China, 
that  is  the  right  to  try  her  own  subjects  arrested  in  China  on 
charges  of  crime,  and  on  the  other  hand  China  gave  up  the  right 
to  extra-territoriality  in  Japan. 

The  Chinese  customs  were  not  placed  under  Japanese  control  but 
it  was  provided  that  on  the  payment  of  the  first  two  installments 
of  the  indemnity,  Wei  hai-wei  might  be  evacuated,  provided 
China  pledge  her  customs  revenue  to  insure  the  payment  of  the 
balance  due.  This  it  was  officially  announced  was  optional,  and 
might  never  take  effect.  It  was  understood  that  China  conceded 
practically  everything  required  by  Japan,  except  making  Peking 
an  open  port,  and  this  was  strenuously  resisted.  At  tlie  solicita- 
tion of  tlie  Chinese  envoy  too,  the  indemnity  demanded  was  re- 
duced from  three  hundred  to  two  hundred  million  taels. 

Immediately  on  the  announcement  of  these  terms,  a European 
war-cloud  arose  in  the  extreme  east.  Russia  enlisted  the  sym- 
pathies and  aid  of  France  and  Germany,  strange  allies  indeed, 
and  made  a “ friendly  demand  ” that  Japan  release  China  from 
the  obligation  to  cede  any  captured  Manchoorian  territory  on  the 
mainland  to  the  victorious  nation.  Speaking  plainly,  the  Rus- 
sians refused  to  accept  Japan  as  a neighbor.  The  reasons  were 
evident.  For  many  years  Russia  has  desired  to  secure  a Corean  or 
Manchoorian  port,  either  on  the  east  or  the  west  of  the  peninsula, 
in  order  to  have  a harbor  all  the  year,  not  closed  by  ice  in  the 
winter.  Japan  was  compelled  to  acquiesce  in  the  demand,  much 
to  the  disgust  of  her  people,  and  the  treaty  was  ratified  early  in 
May  with  the  obnoxious  provisions  eliminated.  Japanese  troops 
were  withdrawn  from  the  Asiatic  mainland,  and  another  series  of 
threatened  hostilities  was  averted. 

So  frequently  were  reports  circulated,  that  Japan  and  China 
had  concluded  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  and  that  the 
commercial  advantages  secured  by  Japan  were  to  be  exclusive, 
that  the  government  felt  it  desirable  to  deny  those  statements  and 
issue  the  following  announcement  regarding  the  matter: 


670 


NO  ALLIANCE  OF  CHINA  AND  JAPAN. 


“ Misapprehensions  are  reported  to  be  current  in  Europe  in 
regard  to  the  terms  of  the  Japan-China  treaty.  It  has  been  repre- 
sented that  Japan  has  secured  a two  per  cent  ad  volorem  duty  on 
imports  instead  of  specific  duty  and  has  also  formed  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  China.  'The  commercial  concessions- 
obtained  by  Japan  beyond  those  already  secured  by  the  treaty 
powers  under  the  favored  nation  clause  comprise  the  right  to 
navigate  the  Yang-tse-Kiang  to  Chung  King,  and  also  the  Woon 
Sung  River  and  the  canals  leading  to  Soo  Chow  and  Hank  Chow 
and  the  right  to  import  machinery  and  certain  goods  duty  free 
and  to  establish  factories.  These  concessions  are  not  exclusive  to 
Japan.  They  naturally  extended  to  European  powers,  in  virtue 
of  the  favored  nation  clause.  In  securing  these  privileges  for  all 
Japan  expects  the  approval  of  all  the  powers.  The  reported 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  does  not  exist.” 

Li  Hung  Chang  and  his  suite  started  home  to  China  escorted  to 
their  vessels  by  a guard  of  honor,  and  Count  Ito  and  Viscount 
Matsu,  the  officers  who  negotiated  the  treaty  of  peace  were 
received  in  audience  by  the  emperor  on  their  return  to  Hiro- 
shima. He  expressed  himself  as  entirely  satisfied  with  the  princi- 
pal points  of  the  treaty  which  added  much  to  the  glory  of  the 
empire,  and  highly  pleased  at  the  signal  service  rendered  by  them. 
On  the  afternoon  of  April  22  the  following  proclamation  was 
issued  by  the  Japanese  mikado  : 

“ Through  peace,  national  prosperity  is  best  promoted.  Un- 
fortunately, the  rupture  of  relations  with  China  forced  upon  us  a 
war  w’hich,  after  a lapse  of  ten  months,  is  not  yet  ended.  During 
this  period  our  ministers,  in  concert  with  the  army,  navy  and  diet, 
have  done  all  in  their  power  to  further  our  aims  in  obedience  to 
our  instructions.  Our  ardent  desire,  with  the  assistance  of  our 
subjects,  in  loyalty  and  sincerity,  is  to  restore  peace  and  thereby 
attain  our  object — the  promotion  of  national  prosperity.  Now 
that  peace  is  negotiated  and  armistice  proclaimed,  a permanent 
cessation  of  hostilities  is  near  at  hand.  The  terms  of  peace  fixed 
by  our  minister  of  state  give  us  complete  satisfaction.  The  peace 
and  glory  thus  secured  renders  the  present  a fitting  time  to  en- 
lighten you  as  to  the  course  of  our  future  policy. 

“We  are  rejoiced  at  the  recent  victories  which  have  enhanced 


PEACEFULNESS  ENJOINED. 


671 


the  glory  of  our  empire.  At  the  same  time  we  are  aware  that  the 
end  of  the  road  which  must  be  traversed  by  the  empire  in  the 
march  of  civilization  is  still  far  distant  and  remains  yet  to  be  at- 
tained. We  therefore  hope,  in  common  with  our  loyal  subjects, 
that  we  shall  always  guard  against  self-contentedness,  but  in  a 
spirit  of  modesty  and  humility  strive  to  perfect  out  military  de- 
fense without  falling  into  extremes.  In  short,  it  is  our  wish  that 
the  government  and  the  people  alike  shall  work  to  a common  end 
and  that  our  subjects  of  all  classes  strive  each  in  his  sphere  for 
the  purpose  of  laying  the  foundation  of  permanent  prosperity. 

“ It  is  hereby  definitely  made  known  that  no  countenance  will 
be  given  by  us  to  such  as,  through  conceit  at  the  recent  victories, 
may  offer  insult  to  another  state  or  injure  “our  relations  with 
friendly  powers,  especially  as  regards  China.  After  the  exchange 
of  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  frendship  should  be  re- 
stored and  endeavors  made  to  increase  more  than  ever  before  the 
relations  of  good  neighborhood.  It  is  our  pleasure  that  our  sub- 
jects pay  due  respect  to  these  expressed  wishes.” 

Let  us  now  take  a hasty  glance  in  conclusion  at  the  condition 
in  which  the  three  countries  with  which  we  have  dealt  are  left  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  and  the  prospects  for  their  future.  The 
Japanese  government  is  in  the  hands  of  a progressive  and  able 
emperor,  supported  by  a cabinet  composed  of  the  foremost  states- 
men of  the  east,  and  reigning  under  constitutional  forms.  Nat- 
urally elated  by  the  wonderful  success  of  their  arms,  it  is  to  be 
fairly  expected  that  they  will  continue  in  the  progressiveness 
which  has  marked  the  island  empire’s  history  since  Perry  opened 
the  door  for  western  light  to  shine  in.  In  the  east  they  should 
become  by  virtue  of  the  abilities  the  dominant  power,  unless  by 
chance  the  Chinese  have  learned  a lesson  which  they  will  put  into 
effect.  With  the  constant  impression  of  western  civilization  upon 
them,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Japanese  will  acquire  a firm  moral 
and  intellectual  basis  for  the  manners  of  life  that  their  intelli- 
gence and  activity  have  adopted,  and  become  in  the  best  sense  a 
civilized  nation.  What  they  lack  now  to  reach  this  point,  are  the 
things  that  can  only  come  by  a succession  of  generations  of  civi- 
lization. Wonderful  record  as  the  last  forty  years  have  made  for 
the  island  empire,  they  have  not  given  to  that  realm  yet  a com- 


672 


WHAT  OF  THE  FUTURE? 


plete  and  rounded  civilization.  The  best  friends  of  Japan  hope 
and  believe  that  she  will  not  permit  her  splendid  successes  of  the 
war  to  make  her  over  lordly  and  conceited. 

China  is  the  enigma  of  the  east.  It  is  certain  that  the  influen- 
ces of  their  defeat  will  open  the  Chinese  empire  very  rapidly  to 
modern  civilization  and  investment.  But  whether  or  not  China 
retain  lier  conservatism  and  refuse  to  adopt  the  things  that  are  in- 
terspersed among  her  people  can  scarcely  be  predicted.  The  es- 
tablished system  has  received  a severe  shock  from  the  Japanese 
victory,  and  surel}^  a new  or  civilized  and  more  vigorous  one  will 
take  its  place.  It  is  an  actual  fact  that  so  far  as  can  be  said  by 
those  most  familiar  with  the  country,  the  knowledge  that  the  war 
has  even  been  in  progress  has  probably  not  yet  penetrated  to  the 
confines  of  the  empire,  so  poor  are  the  means  of  communication 
and  so  indifferent  are  the  people  of  one  region  to  the  things  that 
are  happening  to  those  of  another  province.  An  experienced 
traveler  in  China  relates  that  he  penetrated  from  Shanghai  south- 
westward  through  China  towards  India  immediately  after  the  de- 
struction of  the  summer  palace  of  the  emperor  by  French  and 
English  troops,  and  the  investiture  of  Peking  thirty-five  years 
ago.  The  expedition  was  considered  dangerous,  as  the  antago- 
nism of  the  whole  country,  smarting  under  humiliation  and  defeat 
was  to  be  feared.  On  arriving  at  Ichang,  eleven  hundred  miles 
from  the  coast,  the  war  news  had  just  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  government  officials;  three  hundred  miles  farther  west  there 
was  absolute  ignorance  that  any  war  had  occurred.  At  the  city  of 
Pingshan,  two  thousand  miles  west  of  the  coast,  the  party  heard 
of  a Mohammedan  insurrection  of  some  years’  standing,  ranging 
in  the  province  of  Yun-nan,  but  the  bare  fact  of  such  an  import- 
ant disturbance  had  not  yet  reached  the  coast.  Certain  it  is  how- 
ever, that  if  China  does  assimilate  the  lesson  that  she  has  had  a 
chance  to  learn,  a new  power  will  exist  in  the  east  that  will  need 
to  be  watched  by  western  nations. 

As  to  Corea  it  is  difficult  again  to  prophesy.  Should  Japan 
take  stringent  pains  to  provide  for  civilizing  that  hermit  king- 
dom, it  is  possible  that  the  work  may  be  done,  but  so  difficult  are 
' the  political  conditions  in  that  peninsula,  and  so  unsympathetic 
are  the  Corean  rulers  and  chief  men  with  all  western  ideas  of 


ULTIMATE  EFFECT  OF  THE  WAR. 


67(5 


progress,  that  the  task  will  be  a bitter  one.  If  Japan  maintains 
the  independence  of  Corea  in  its  purity,  that  must  mean  that  she 
will  keep  her  own  hands  out  of  Corean  affairs.  This  is  scarcely 
to  be  expected,  for  the  energetic  empire  has  imposed  upon  her- 
self the  task  of  reforming  Corea,  and  it  is  sure  that  she  will  make 
strenuous  efforts  to  do  it. 

As  one  result  of  the  war  between  China  and  Japan  must  be  to 
^increase  the  points  of  contact  between  the  eastern  and  western 
worlds,  the  fortune  of  parties  and  the  evolution  of  domestic  poli- 
tics in  those  countries  must,  in  future,  command  to  a greater  de- 
gree than  in  the  past,  the  attention  of  American  and  European 
observers.  Political  evolution  has  been  rapid  in  Japan.  Changes 
which  in  Anglo-Saxon  countries  have  been  the  slow  product  of 
centuries,  are,  in  this  portion  of  what  has  been  called  “ the  un- 
changing east,”  crowded  into  little  more  than  a single  generation. 
What  may  be  done  in  Corea  and  China  cannot  be  told.  But  the 
fairest  prophecy  would  be  that  the  horrors  of  war  will  be  util- 
ized, by  the  influence  of  time  and  a better  understanding,  to  im- 
prove and  modernize  the  Orient. 


THE  END. 


